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Reform is necessary not because the United Nations failed, but because it matters. President, today our United Nations finds itself in a triple crisis. It's a normative crisis. It's a financial crisis and an institutional crisis. First, the normative crisis. The fundamental rules that protect the integrity of sovereign states and prohibit the use of force except in self-defence, are threatened. The number of ongoing wars is alarmingly high. Most dramatically, the number of wars between states is the highest since the United Nations was established. Yet this was the key motive for establishing this organization in the first place to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. International law is not charity to the weak. It's a common investment in a system that reduces risk, friction and cost for everyone, including the great powers. Take freedom of navigation as an example. This long standing principle, enshrined in our Convention on the Law of the Sea, benefits every state.
The countries that most need capital frequently pay the highest price to obtain it. Developing countries have recently borrowed at rates two to four times higher on average than developed nations. The question, therefore, is not simply whether finance is available. It is who can access it, at what price, for how long, and under whose assessment of risk. Africa knows the cost of that assessment. Sovereign credit rating shapes perceptions of risk, the interest countries pay, and even the volume of finance available to them. UNDP estimates that subjectivities in credit ratings have cost African countries approximately $75 billion through excessive interest and foregone lending. Risk, ladies and gentlemen, must be measured, but it must also be measured fairly. We cannot build a fair global economy if the nations with the greatest development needs face the highest cost of development finance. A road that is commercially viable should not become unviable merely because it crosses an African border. A power project should not cost more simply because of the passport of the country it is building. Capital must price risk. It must not price prejudice. Reform of the international financial architecture must therefore begin with the cost and availability of capital. The UN charter envisaged multilateral development banks that lend more, lend longer, and mobilize private capital at scale. It further contemplated guarantees and risk-sharing instruments that reduce the cost of viable investments. And we need greater access to long-term and local currency finance so that countries are not forced to build long-term infrastructure with short-term expensive money. And by the way, this is not an argument against responsibility. Governments must also do their part to manage debt prudently, strengthen institutions, prepare pipelines of credible projects, deepen domestic capital markets, honor contracts, and confront corruption without equivocation. A fairer international system requires responsibility on both sides. Reform abroad cannot substitute for accountability at home. Distinguished delegates, Africa does not come to plead. We come with a proposal.
At this critical historical juncture for the United Nations, we look forward with great hope to the selection through the process of electing the new Secretary-General of the most capable and deserving individual to lead the organization with a bold, strategic vision, building upon the efforts of his predecessor and capable of providing practical solutions for the various regions whose peoples continue to suffer the consequences of crises, wars, instability and inequality. A vision that restores hope to future generations for a better future in which the conditions for a dignified life are available to all. Mr. president we meet during this 81st session under the theme Restoring Trust and Managing Transformation a United Nations that delivers for all. This prompts us to ask, how can we restore this trust? And before managing the desired transformation, how can we create the conditions and lay the foundations necessary for it? Our questions stem neither from doubt nor from pessimism, but from a firm conviction that restoring trust requires serious and responsible reflection on the reasons behind its decline. Tunisia's belief in multilateral action is not a product of current circumstances. Rather, it is the continuation of a journey that began before independence, when the national movement brought the cause of the Tunisian people before the United Nations and made the right to self-determination and the recovery of sovereignty, an integral part of the struggle for freedom. Following independence, Tunisia engaged fully within the United Nations to complete the foundations of its sovereignty and to build the modern state, and it succeeded in doing so. Restoring confidence in the organization and in multilateral action requires, in our view, two essential conditions a genuine commitment and a meaningful reform process. First, there must be a sincere determination and responsible commitment by all states to respect international law founded on agreement and the principle of sovereign equality among states, and to uphold the purposes and principles of the UN charter, particularly refraining from the use of force, the settlement of disputes by peaceful means and fulfilling international obligations in good faith. Second, the United Nations must embark on a comprehensive and profound reform process that responds to the transformations that have taken place in the world. This requires, in particular, reconsidering the mechanisms of decision making within the organization to ensure a more balanced and equitable geographical representation, and establishing more effective mechanisms for transparency and accountability, thus reinforcing the confidence of states and peoples in the organisation's ability to respond to the aspirations of all. Unless genuine progress is achieved on these two tracks, collective action will remain hostage to narrow geopolitical calculations, and the gap will continue to widen between the principles we agree upon and the realities we witness on the ground. We may choose either to continue meeting under the idealism of slogans, or to commit ourselves to what can truly achieve development, prosperity and peace for all. If we have the will, we have the capacity. Tunisia welcomes the efforts undertaken within the framework of the UN80 Initiative. We regard these efforts as a true opportunity on which we should build, rather than a final destination in the reform process. We support the three reform tracks proposed by the initiative, provided that they are pursued through an inclusive, consultative process that preserves the intergovernmental nature of the organization and does not undermine the negotiating mandates of member states. Tunisia also believes that addressing the liquidity crisis in the organization requires all states to meet their financial obligations in full. We stress that reform should not result in a reduction of support allocated to developing countries, or to humanitarian missions and development programmes supervised by the organization and specialized agencies. Tunisia, therefore, calls for a fair and balanced approach that safeguards both the effectiveness and credibility of the United Nations. Mr. president.
Mr. president, Mr. Secretary General, excellencies, distinguished delegates. On behalf of the government and the people of Liberia, I congratulate Your Excellency Khalilur Rahman on your election as president of the 81st session of the General Assembly, and I assure you of Liberia's full support. We also thank Her Excellency Annalena Baerbock for her leadership during the 80th session. As Secretary General Antonio Guterres prepares to conclude his tenure, Liberia salutes his principled leadership and tireless commitment to reform.
We have heard that this also requires United Nations Security Council able and willing to discharge the responsibility entrusted to it. As I said at the opening of this debate, in the eyes of the world, when the Security Council works, the United Nations works. Excellencies. Development, another pillar of the United Nations, featured prominently throughout the debate, but the message was clear time is running out and promises remain unfulfilled. We heard that only a few of the Sustainable Development Goals are on track. We heard that progress has stalled, and we heard the question that should trouble us all. Should we have done much more? The answer must be a resounding yes. The burden is not shared equally. Those speaking most urgently about development were often the countries facing the heaviest debt burdens, the narrowest fiscal space, the greatest climate vulnerability, and the least voice in the institutions that shape the global economy. Debt was spoken of more forcefully by those who bear it not by those with the greatest ability to resolve it. We have heard that we must honor the Sevilla Commitment to reform the international financial architecture, provide affordable and accessible finance, expand fiscal space, strengthen productive capacities, and invest in people. And we must deliver on the promise of Paris. Climate disasters are erasing hard earned development gains and deepening inequality. For small island developing states, low lying coastal countries, least developed countries and climate vulnerable nations, adaptation and resilience are not optional expenditures.
But the international system can widen or narrow our choices. Technology transfer, resilient supply chains and accessible finance expand choice. Technological dependence, external shocks and unsustainable debt limits it. This is why reform of the international financial architecture matters. We must implement the Sevilla Commitment and deliver on its promises on finance, debt and reform. Earlier this year, the Maldives joined other developing countries in launching the Borrowers’ Platform. It must become a lasting mechanism that gives developing countries not just a place in the financial system, but a voice in shaping it. But for SIDS, greater agency also depends on progress at home. We must build our institutions, improve stability, and attract responsible investment and meaningful partnerships. And these partnerships must build national capacity and support national ambitions. Partnerships must serve national needs, strengthen what we have and leave us more capable than before. Our shared challenges can become shared opportunities. This is the spirit of President Dr Muizzu’s Maldives First policy.
There can be no sustainable peace in a world of widening economic disparities, where some states spend more on servicing their debt than on the health of their citizens and education of their children. This does not absolve developing countries of their responsibility to undertake reform, combat corruption and build institutions. But those efforts require a fairer and more equitable international economic order, one that offers them genuine opportunities to advance. Mr. president, our shared responsibility is equally evident in the face of the profound transformations our world is undergoing.
Common rules do not hold us back. They provide the stability and predictability necessary for countries to advance their ambitions. The world is being transformed by technology, climate change, demographic pressures, illegal migration and geopolitical rivalry. Our responsibility is to govern them so that change expands human freedom and security instead of weakening them. The United Nations must begin with its own transformation. Croatia supports a UN that is more effective, accountable and financially sustainable and stronger across all three pillars peace and security, sustainable development and, of course, human rights. Reform must also produce a more representative and effective Security Council. When the council is blocked, the General Assembly can and must act, but it cannot replace the council's primary responsibility under the charter. This makes the selection of the next secretary general all the more relevant. I thank, therefore, Secretary General Guterres, for his work over the last decade. The United Nations needs leadership capable of bringing member states together, defending the charter and turning reform into measurable results. No country alone can successfully respond to the global transformations we witnessed today.
It will be restored when institutions act consistently, uphold international law, and produce results that people can see and experience. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the United Nations Charter is founded on sovereign equality, territorial integrity peaceful coexistence, human rights and dignity of every person. The most important word in this year's theme is all. Not some. Not a selected group of nations, not only those with the greatest economy and military might. The promise of the charter belongs equally to every human being and every Member state. Yet the United Nations has increasingly become associated with political gridlocks in the Security Council, prolonged negotiations without tangible outcomes and a weakening capacity to mobilize collective action in response to the threats to international peace and security. This should concern all of us, not because the United Nations is not important, but precisely because it is indispensable and appears absent from the global solutions for peace and stability in this dangerous and unpredictable time. The Security Council must become more representative, transparent, and effective. Africa remains unrepresented in the permanent category and not represented enough in the non-permanent category as well. This historical injustice against the 54 sovereign states cannot be postponed indefinitely. Somalia supports the common African position and a meaningful African representation in both categories of the Council. Given that many of the discussions directly concerned African states, they have the right to full representation on equal par with all other permanent Security Council members. Reform is not an attack on the United Nations. Reform is necessary to protect its legitimacy, renew confidence in its institutions and ensure that it remains capable of responding to the realities of our time. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Somalia currently proudly serves as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council and as a member of the African Union Peace and Security Council. We carry these responsibilities with great seriousness, humility and determination. In both institutions, Somalia works to uphold the principles of the United Nations Charter and Constitutive Act of the African Union, strengthening cooperation between the United Nations and the African Union, prevent conflict and support peaceful African led solution with global benefits. Respect for national sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity is not an abstract principle for Somalia only. It is a foundation for peace and stability in our country, our region and the wider international community. Therefore, Somalia firmly rejects unilateral actions that undermine its sovereignty, unity and internationally recognized borders. Disagreements between nations must be resolved through dialogue and in accordance with international law, and not through actions that create new tensions or threaten regional stability.
Mr. president, your theme for this session could hardly be more timely because today, trust is in short supply. Wars and conflicts are devastating communities and displacing millions. Geopolitical tensions are deepening. Climate change is destroying lives, livelihoods, and decades of development in a matter of hours. New technologies, including artificial intelligence, are offer extraordinary promise while presenting risks we have not yet fully understood. And at the very moment when collective action is most needed, confidence in multilateralism itself is being tested. Jamaica's position is clear. The shortcomings of multilateralism cannot be solved by abandoning multilateralism. For small states like ours, a rules based international order is not an abstract diplomatic preference. It is fundamental to our sovereignty, our security and our development. But neither can we safeguard multilateralism simply by defending it. We must reform it. We must make it more representative, more accountable, more efficient and more responsive to the needs and realities of the people it was created to serve. That is why Jamaica has chosen not merely to call for reform, but to help lead it. Our permanent representative was privileged to co-chair with New Zealand, the UN 80 initiative's informal ad hoc working Group on mandate implementation review. That work culminated in General Assembly Resolution 80/251, an important framework for improving how UN mandates are created, implemented and reviewed. Jamaica now continues that work alongside Norway. Our objective is straightforward a United Nations that spends less time sustaining process for its own sake and more time fulfilling its purpose. That is the multilateralism Jamaica believes in. Mr. president, the selection of the next Secretary General will be one of the most consequential decisions before Member states this year. Jamaica proudly joins our CARICOM family in supporting the candidacy of Her Excellency Carolyn Rodrigues-Birkett of the Cooperative Republic of Guyana. Her candidacy also speaks to something larger. Small states have long served the international system as bridge builders, consensus makers, and problem solvers. We learned very early that influence does not depend only on size or power. It can come from credibility, from dialogue, from principle and the capacity to bring people together.
We thank you also for starting the process of essential reform to put this vital organisation on a stronger and more sustainable footing, to deal with the challenges of the next 80 years. Your assignment has not been easy. As we prepare to appoint the next Secretary-General to lead the UN into the next phase we should be clear about what this moment requires. First and foremost, we call on the new Secretary-General to be a courageous guardian of the UN Charter and to assert the UN's vital role on peace and security. The United Nations was created to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war.
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No. 12
Burkina Faso09/28 · first at about 6 min7 mentions
The supreme sacrifice that our heroes have made is a seed of liberty, of justice and sovereignty that are oppressed peoples aspire to. It is the source that nourishes our determination on a daily basis to recover the integrity of our territories, to defend our dignity, and to ensure our sacred rights to live free in peace and security. To the people of the Confederation of the States of the Sahel, including its diaspora, I pay a tribute and renew my pride in them. Courage, resilience, commitment and mobilization as they are showing each and every day, supporting the efforts of the heads of state of the AES Confederation, remain the centre of gravity of our journey towards sovereignty and stability and development. To all of the peoples of Africa and the world who share our struggle and who recognise themselves in the ideals of peace, dignity and liberty that the Confederation represents, I reiterate my gratitude. Mr. President. The confederal dynamic that has been engaged in and taken up by our States, far from being an act in isolation, brings forward the rejection of fatality and chronic wardship that we faced, as well as the rejection of selective criticism when we see human tragedies. It's the sign of a shared willingness of our states to escape the vicious cycle of structural domination and exploitation that are profoundly rooted in the colonial and neo colonialist legacies. It carries the hope of a renaissance of the central Sahel that for too long has been devalued and disregarded. The new course embarked on since the 16th of September 2023 by adopting the charter of Liptako-Gourma, consolidated by the creation of the Confederation of Sahel States on the 6th of July 2024, ushered in a new era for the people of the AES. And each area of land recovered, each terrorist base destroyed, each battle won over the forces of evil, each school recovered, each village rebuilt, each reform initiated brings us closer to this new horizon, defended with determination by Comrade Captain Ibrahim Traore, Army General Assimi Goita and General Abdourahamane Tiani. Under their enlightened leadership against the winds and the tides, the Alliance of Sahel States is consolidating itself every day, taking charge of its own destiny, a destiny of dignity, prosperity and freedom and justice. And this is affirmed thanks to the mobilization of a people over a common space with a shared destiny. One people, one space, one destiny. This motto guides each and every one of our actions, and is embodied by the operationalization of the unified force of the Confederation, and is also embodied by the creation of the confederal Bank, investment Bank and development Bank, and is embodied by the consolidation of relations between all of the different institutions of the countries of the AES, as well as strengthening the historic, centuries long links between the communities and the vital forces of our space.
But the answer is not withdrawal. The answer is to reform, renew and reinvest. The UN80 initiative offers an opportunity to make the United Nations more efficient and more effective. The European Union also continues to call for a comprehensive reform of the United Nations Security Council to make it more effective, inclusive, democratic and accountable. The European Union will continue to contribute to strengthen the United Nations politically, financially and through concrete actions. Because the best argument for multilateralism is what it delivers: on peace and security, with the treaty of Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. On climate action, with the Paris Agreement. On poverty and health, with the global response to Covid-19. The truth is, when we act together, multilateralism delivers for people. And that is why this week, the European Union has launched together with Australia, Barbados, Brazil, Canada, India and Kenya, the P4M: Partners for Multilateralism, international law, peace and prosperity. Our initiative aims to be an open platform for partners from all parts of the world who are ready to defend common principles and work towards practical solutions. It is a network for dialogue, coalition building and practical cooperation. It will support the work of United Nations and other multilateral formats. It will help to build bridges across regions, and it will contribute to advancing the reform and modernization of the United Nations and the multilateral system, helping to turn shared commitments into concrete action. And I invite all the nations in the chamber to join this initiative and endorse the P4M declarations. Excellencies. There can be no double standards in terms of international law. The facts are clear. We are bearing witness to deliberate violations of international law. Upholding international law is not optional. It is our responsibility. That means protecting the institutions that give their very meaning to these principles, including the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court. We support these courts firmly and we will defend their independence, integrity and their ability to fully carry out their mandate. Threats and attacks on the International Criminal Court and its staff and authorities are unacceptable. Accountability cannot depend on political considerations.
Restoring trust in the United Nations will depend on its ability to deliver on the commitments already made, and to demonstrate that multilateralism can make a meaningful difference in the lives of people. Mr. President, the Secretary-General's UN80 Initiative to make the organisation more efficient and better equipped for the future is necessary and timely. Indeed, today, as we listen to President Trump, Honourable President shared with us some of the initiatives for reform that was taking place and will take place here at the UN. Reform should reduce duplication, strengthen accountability, retire mandates that no longer serve their purpose and direct scarce resources towards measurable results. At the same time, reform should preserve the organisation's ability to deliver across its three pillars of peace and security, development and human rights, and should not make it more difficult for small states to participate meaningfully in its work. Mr. President, as the UN begins its search for its next Secretary-General, I take this opportunity to convey our deepest appreciation to His Excellency António Guterres, whose term as the ninth Secretary-General of the UN concludes at the end of this year. Secretary-General Guterres will be well remembered for leading this organisation through a period of extraordinary global strain and for advancing important initiatives on UN reform, climate change, superintelligence and the risks posed by nuclear weapons. We also recognise some of the important initiatives advanced during his tenure, including the UN80 Initiative, efforts to achieve greater gender parity in senior UN leadership positions, and his efforts to bring superintelligence and the risks posed by nuclear weapons more firmly into the international agenda. Mr. President, as I close, I say Trinidad and Tobago's long standing commitment to multilateralism and a United Nations has been anchored in delivering results and adding value to the lives of citizens everywhere. As we chart our way forward, it is important for us all to remember that trust must be earned and built on the principles of mutual respect and cooperation.
But when commitments remain out of reach for those who need them most, confidence in the system weakens. Getting these fundamentals right is central to restoring trust, managing transformation, and building a United Nations that delivers for all. The global financial architecture must therefore evolve to reflect the economic realities of the 21st century, including financing demands created by climate change, technological transformation, and the imperative for sustainable development. Developing countries frequently face borrowing costs several times higher than those of wealthier nations because the system was not designed with the circumstances of the Global South in mind. Debt sustainability is a question of development and fairness. When nations spend more to service debt than invest in education, job creation, or provision of healthcare, trust in the system erodes. Botswana calls upon this assembly and the international financial institutions to pursue reform of global financial governance. This would give developing countries a meaningful voice and provide fair and predictable access to concessional finance. We call upon the United Nations and its financial partners to mobilize private capital through innovative and blended financing agreements that de-risk productive investment in developing economies. This is enlightened fairness and sound economics. Capital should help create opportunity where its impact can be felt. Mr. President, health is where the promise of international solidarity is tested most directly, and Botswana speaks from hard-earned experience.
It will be held this year. Ladies and gentlemen. A lasting peace cannot be decoupled from development. 40 years after the adoption of the declaration on the Right to Development, we know what we need to do to achieve that goal. There needs to be a wholesale reform of international financial architecture. There needs to be sustainable debt. There needs to be equitable taxation and better access to concessional financing. There also needs to be the implementation of the Seville Commitment as well as of the pact for the future.
Mr. president, we must implement the Multidimensional Vulnerability Index MVI into a modern, coherent and responsive system that moves decisively from concept to practice. Doing so would unlock fair access to concessional financing that reflect structural vulnerabilities faced by small, fragile, and highly exposed economies such as the small island states. Micronesia reaffirms its strong commitment to the progress of UN80 reform initiatives. In addressing the UN Country Team reconfiguration, we firmly believe that both the Multi-Country office and the Resident Coordinator system must remain securely in place.
It is precisely at such times that we must honestly confront our setbacks, however profound, not with blame, cynicism or blind hope, but with action, sober reflection, clear-eyed realism and pragmatism. That is how we chart these turbulent waters. And that is how we rebuild trust in this institution, the central focus of this 81st session. (BRIEF PAUSE) So how do we build back trust? Trust is not given. It is earned. And we earn trust, I believe, in three ways. First, by being unapologetically realistic about where we are falling behind; Second, by taking a foundational look at the reforms of the Organization to deliver better; and Third, by making our work more inclusive and engaging all relevant stakeholders for effective delivery. Let me elaborate. (BRIEF PAUSE) On my first point, we must be frank about where the challenges lie and what needs to be fixed, even when the necessary changes may prove painful. Consider peace and security. Under the UN Charter, the Security Council bears primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. Yet when the Council is unable to act, Member States turn to the General Assembly. We saw this as early as 1950 with the “Uniting for Peace” resolution, and we have seen it more recently through the Assembly’s Veto Initiative. These two principal organs of our Organization are complementary, not competing. The Charter provides for an appropriate balance between them. Both chambers must do their respective part. To be fair, the Security Council, when it acts, proves its strength and effectiveness. It helped liberate Kuwait, ended civil war in El Salvador, supported Namibia’s independence, led rebuilding of Cambodia, and stabilized conflict-affected countries through peacekeeping. Yet when the Council is unable to act on important matters, the effectiveness of our Organization as a whole is called into question. In 1945, humanity placed its trust in the Council in good faith, giving it the extraordinary responsibility of maintaining international peace. The Council accepted that responsibility and entered into a compact. It must now hold up its end of the bargain. This is what the people of the world expect. And in their eyes, when the Security Council works, the United Nations works. The promise of 1945 still binds us today. I call on the Security Council to step up, to lead as we need it to lead and to act when we need it to act. Linked to this is the question of Security Council reform. I will support the General Assembly-led Intergovernmental Negotiations in its work to make the Council more representative, transparent and reflective of the geopolitical realities of our time. Ensuring fair representation for underrepresented regions must remain a priority. Nowhere is this more important, right now, than in Africa. After eight decades, the largest region by number of Member States and a key focus of UN Peacekeeping, is underrepresented on the Security Council. Africa needs to be at the table, not on the menu. Africa cannot be asked to wait indefinitely for its rightful place on the Council. Ending Africa’s underrepresentation, now, is a question of fairness, justice and, ultimately, the credibility of this Organization. (BRIEF PAUSE) Turning to development, and particularly the Sustainable Development Goals, we are right to focus on the challenges.
Madam President, excellencies, our world is undergoing a profound disruption characterised by great-power contestation, the wars in Ukraine, the Middle East, Africa. We're witnessing the rise of trade barriers, supply chain disruptions, worsening climate change, and a new industrial revolution driven by digital technologies, biotechnology and renewable energy. This means we face both great peril and great promise. Yet we are in a more polarised and fractured world, and one that may be unable to protect the global commons at precisely the moment that we need that protection. Our inter-state relations are increasingly dictated by raw power, where the outcomes are determined on the basis of size, leverage and coercion. And this poses obviously, a clear and present danger for smaller states like Singapore. But the point I wanted to make is that even the more powerful states would ultimately pay a price, because hard power on its own cannot secure supply chains, protect populations from pandemics, or stabilise a warming planet. Even big powers need partners to secure their long term national interests. The bilateral and regional arrangements can complement global frameworks, but on their own, they cannot replace shared rules that apply universally. A system built on individual coercive bargains would inherently be more volatile and more unstable. And therefore, our thesis today is that multilateralism offers a different bargain, one that is, in every state's enlightened national interest. These shared rules and norms provide predictability. They constrain the capricious exercise of power, and they maximize autonomy even when power is unequally distributed. Actually the multilateral system today still works more often than the headlines would suggest. A few examples. The World Food Programme feeds over 100 million people a year. The common ICAO standards enable 100,000 flights to operate safely every day. With the ITU, our telecommunications networks and the internet continues to operate safely, smoothly on a planetary scale. The question is, therefore not whether we need multilateralism, but how to make it fit for purpose. And I suggest three priorities. First, we all have to consistently comply with international law and the norms of multilateralism. Second, we need to reform existing institutions where needed. And third, we need to collectively formulate new rules and create new institutions for new technologies.
As he prepares to turn this important page of his life, I wish him, on my own behalf and on behalf of the entire Burundian people, every success in his new endeavors, as well as good health and a future filled with serenity and prosperity. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the theme of this 81st Session: restoring trust, managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all, comes at a time when our world faces multiple crises: aggression against states, internal armed conflict fueled from outside, and expansionist conflicts that are breeding mistrust among states and rendering the international community unable to resolve these crises through peaceful means. In this context, a fundamental question arises: how can we restore trust in multilateralism and ensure that international institutions truly meet the expectations of all peoples? Our answer is clear: we must strengthen multilateralism, reform global governance, and place human dignity at the heart of our collective action.
In this spirit I'd like to thank Her Excellency Annalena Baerbock for her leadership of the General Assembly's 80th session and for helping to advance the work of the Member States on UN reform. And to you, Mr. President. Barbados extends its warm congratulations.
I also thank Her Excellency Ms. Annalena Baerbock for her stewardship of the 80th Session, and wish to thank the Secretary-General, His Excellency António Guterres, for his unwavering commitment to the United Nations." Mr. President, eighty-one years ago the United Nations was established in the aftermath of the Second World War to foster international cooperation and prevent future armed conflicts. As we convene here today, we must confront the reality of living in very uncertain times, shadowed by the persistent threat of global conflict. It is imperative that we work together to avoid warfare. We must reflect on the founding principles of the UN Charter and recommit ourselves to saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war, reaffirming faith in fundamental human rights and the dignity of human person, ensuring equal rights for all large nations and small, establishing conditions for justice and respect for international law, and promoting social progress alongside better standards of life. Uganda firmly believes that multilateralism and international cooperation remain the most vital mechanisms for addressing our shared challenges. Accordingly, we remain and reaffirm our commitment to the principles of the UN Charter as the cornerstone of global diplomacy, supporting the interconnected pillars of peace and security, human rights, humanitarian affairs, and sustainable development. We believe the United Nations must remain agile and adaptive to evolving global realities. Uganda is committed to working with the entire membership to build consensus on necessary systemic reforms, particularly within the UN Security Council. We call for a comprehensive reform to render the Council more equitable, transparent, democratic, and representative. In this regard, we demand Africa's rightful representation in both the permanent and non-permanent categories to correct historical imbalances in line with the common African position articulated in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. Regarding the ongoing UN80 Initiative, Uganda commends efforts to streamline the UN system to make it cost-effective, efficient, and well-coordinated.
For more than 45 years, Denmark has consistently delivered on that goal. We do so not as an act of altruism, but because it's in our shared interest. It creates jobs, opportunities and hope where people live, allowing them to build a future at home, increasing stability and mutual prosperity. We call on fellow member states to join us. At the current juncture, however, sustaining an order with the UN as its core means working for reform.
He championed vulnerable countries and supported the international effort that brought into being the Multidimensional Vulnerability Index. Whether confronted by climate change, challenging inequalities or calling for reform the international financial system, he was a fearless and principled advocate. He never relented in demanding a fairer world, and he constantly placed the concerns of small island developing states before the international community.
It strengthens our ability to exercise it. And, Mr. President the call to restore trust must also apply within our own nations. Fiji's democratic journey has not been easy. We have known political upheaval, constitutional change and periods of deep division. We cannot change that history, but we can learn from it. This year Fiji undertook a national review of its 2013 constitution and informed by consultation across the country and on the 1st of September, the Commission presented its report to my office as Head of State. That did not end the process. It began the next stage, and the report must now proceed through Parliament and the democratic processes transparently and in accordance with the rule of law. What Fiji seeks is not a constitution for a government or a party or one generation, but a settlement that every Fijian recognises as their own. Alongside it, our truth and reconciliation process continues. Renewal strengthens institutions and reconciliation heals divisions. Together they can carry Fiji from memory to understanding and from division to trust. Mr. president, if the United Nations is to restore trust, it must also be willing to reform itself.
Mr. president, there can be no world in which might make right. Sovereignty and territorial integrity, political independence and self-determination matter. These principles are not optional, and they cannot depend on the size of a country or the power of a government. There can be no impunity for violation of international law. The law must apply to all. For San Marino, this is not an abstract principle. For small state, international law is our protection. It is the ultimate equalizer. A rule based international order allows every state, large or small, to have an equal voice and equal legal standing. This is why San Marino strongly support the Secretary-General UN80 initiative. The United Nations must become more effective, more efficient and more responsive. And reform must include the Security Council. The Council must better reflect today's world. It must be more representative, transparent and accountable. San Marino is also a member of the Uniting for Consensus group and support its effort to promote a comprehensive and balanced reform of the Security Council based on a greater regional representation, equitable geographical distribution and wider access to elected seat. Reform must strengthen the voice of all Member States, including small states, and it must be achieved through broad consensus. We support efforts to restrain the use of the veto, including the French-Mexican initiative and the ACT Code of Conduct in a situation involving mass atrocity alongside the General Assembly Initiative. We also reaffirm our full support for the International Court of Justice. Its order and judgment are legally binding. Mr. president, the next Secretary General will carry a vital responsibility. The United Nations must remain relevant and credible. Above all, it must remain capable of protecting people and upholding the charter. San Marino stands ready to contribute. I now turn to one of the most painful crises of our time.
Mr. president, at the end of August, the Vanuatu government initiated proceedings against France before the International Court of Justice concerning sovereignty over Umaenupne and Umaeneg/Leka islands, or Matthew and Hunter, as they called in English, and the maritime boundaries between Vanuatu and New Caledonia. These islands are integral part of Vanuatu's territory, grounded in customary governance, long standing historical connections indigenous ownership and is seen as part of our duty as ancestral custodians to protect and preserve. We recognise France as a steadfast champion of the international rules based order and under the leadership of President Macron, a strong supporter of international judicial institutions. France has stood alongside Vanuatu in advancing global climate action, including through its support for initiatives before the International Court of Justice. We greatly value this partnership and France leadership on issues of international importance. It is in the same spirit of mutual respect and commitment to international law that we respectfully invite France to consent to the jurisdiction of the court. Mr. president, trust is important for the United Nation's credibility. It cannot be restored through declarations alone. Trust must be earned through action. People will trust the United Nations when they see it preventing conflict. They will trust it when international law is respected. They will trust it when humanitarian assistance reaches those who need it. They will trust it when development commitments become real projects. They will trust it when climate finance reaches vulnerable communities. They will trust it when small states are heard and they will trust it when the international system treats all nations with equal dignity. For Vanuatu, restoring trust also means restoring confidence in multilateralism itself. We must resist the temptation to conclude that because the international system is imperfect, it is therefore irrelevant. The UN80 reforms currently implemented are paramount to rebuild trust again at the United Nations, and therefore needs to be managed diligently. Vanuatu supports efforts to strengthen the United Nations. But reform must preserve what is most important the principle of sovereign equality. The United Nations cannot become an institution where the voices of the most powerful states dominate, where smaller states are expected merely to follow. Reform must strengthen General Assembly. It must make international institutions more accessible to developing countries. It must address the financing and capacity constraints facing small delegations. It must strengthen preventive diplomacy. It must improve the implementation of international decisions. It must ensure that the development pillar remains resourced and that the implementation on the ground is effective and efficient. And it must ensure that international law remains central to the international system. Vanuatu calls for UN Security Council that is more representative, transparent and accountable, with membership and working methods that reflect today's realities and give all regions a meaningful voice. But reform cannot be limited to institutional structures. The deeper reform we require is political and renewed commitment by member states to the principles we have already agreed to. That charter does not need to be reinvented. It needs to be respected. Mr. president, excellencies, for Vanuatu, the United Nations Charter remains our compass. It tells us that the nations are sovereign equals. It tells us that disputes must be settled peacefully. It tells us that the force must not be used against the territory or political independence of states. It tells us that the nations must cooperate. And it reminds us that the ultimate purpose of the international system is not power for its own sake. It is peace, justice, human dignity, development, and cooperation. And it is a better future for succeeding generations. These principles are particularly important to Vanuatu because we know what independence means. Our independence is not merely the absence of colonial rule. Independence means the right of a people to determine our future. It means sovereignty. It means dignity, it means equality, and it means having an equal place in the family of nations. That is why Vanuatu will continue to defend the multilateral system. That is why we will continue to defend international law, and that is why we will continue to speak for the principle that every nation, regardless of size, matters. Mr. president, we meet at a critical moment in international affairs. There are wars that remain unresolved. There are communities facing humanitarian catastrophe. There is growing geopolitical rivalry. There is economic uncertainty. There is climate disruption. There is technological transformation. And there is declining confidence in the international institutions. Yet I remain convinced that this is precisely the moment when we must choose cooperation over confrontation. We must choose dialogue over division. We must choose law over force. We must choose solidarity over indifference. And we must choose multilateralism over fragmentation. Vanuatu comes from a part of the world where our ancestors navigated vast oceans using the stars, the winds, the currents and the knowledge passed from generation to generation. Today the international community is navigating another uncertain ocean. We need a compass. The United Nations Charter is that compass. It provides the principles by which we can navigate a world of competing interests while preserving our common humanity. The theme of this 81st session Restoring Trust, Managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all reminds us of what is required. But ultimately, restoring trust will depend not on the words we adopt here, but on the actions we take when we leave this hall. Let us therefore, build a United Nations that is strong enough to prevent war, fair enough to protect the vulnerable, courageous enough to defend international law, and inclusive enough to give every nation a meaningful voice. Let us build a United Nations where the concerns of a small island nation in the Pacific and all over the world can stand alongside those of the largest powers of the world. Let us not allow division to rule our era. Instead, we choose cooperation. We choose peace. We choose justice. We choose solidarity. And we choose to renew our faith in the idea that together, nations can build a world. We can build a better world.
This year, under a new call to restore trust and deliver for all, we must be honest with ourselves: we are still far behind. The United Nations has yet to demonstrate that it can adapt to a changing and uncertain world, and it is up to member states to make this a reality. That gap is not abstract to Rwanda. Three decades ago, our country's future was also deeply uncertain. Our survival depended on our capacity to rebuild against all odds, and what made that possible was a simple principle and conviction that institutions earn legitimacy not by what they promise, but by what they deliver, year after year. We believe this principle holds true for the multilateral system as a whole, and for the United Nations in particular. It is the standard against which reform must be judged. Optimism, however important it can be, must be matched by willingness to change how we act.
For some, security means protecting borders; for others, it means food, water, energy, or the future of their children. And many countries face all of these challenges at once. That is why a world ruled mainly by power rather than by rules would be dangerous for everyone. For small countries such as Slovakia, this is especially clear. But no country, large or small, is truly safe in a world where international law is ignored and institutions are weakened. Sadly, we no longer need to imagine such a world. We can already see parts of it around us: trade is becoming less predictable, security cooperation is more fragmented, the idea that every country should have a voice is under pressure. And when rules are weakened, when cooperation is replaced by confrontation, all of us become more vulnerable. But we still have a choice. The international system we have built is not perfect. It can be slow. It can be frustrating. At times, it does not deliver as quickly as people need. But the solution is not to destroy it. The solution is to make it work better. Slovakia is firmly anchored in the United Nations, NATO, and the European Union. We believe in cooperation. But we also believe that institutions must produce real results. Over the past year, Slovakia has hosted several international meetings and offered space for dialogue. Where we can be useful, we are ready to help bring parties together and to support diplomacy within the UN framework. Because when diplomacy stops, confrontation fills the space. That is why, when we speak about the United Nations, I believe in evolution rather than revolution. The world has changed, and the United Nations must change with it. The Security Council should better reflect today's realities and give a stronger voice to countries and regions that are still underrepresented. Countries from the region often understand a crisis best. Giving them a stronger voice can help us act earlier and prevent escalation. Slovakia sees its engagement in UN reform as a part of its responsibility to this Organization, including through UN80 and the implementation of the Pact for the Future. Our responsibility to the wider international order is also reflected in our candidacy for the Security Council for 2028 and 2029. We would be, of course, grateful for your trust and support. If elected, Slovakia will focus on four priorities: international law and the UN Charter, accountable security institutions, the protection of strategic resources and critical infrastructure, and the security challenges linked to digitalization and artificial intelligence. I fully share the concern of the United Nations about the inequalities that can be created by unequal access to artificial intelligence. It is in our common interest that innovation benefits all of humanity, not only the strongest economies or the biggest companies.
Mr. president, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, we are here today at a unique moment in the history of our organization. At a time when the UN is discussing crucial reforms and multilateralism is at a crossroads, the topic of this 81st session, restoring trust, managing transformation is a very relevant topic. It summarizes the expectations of member states and the peoples of the world in all of their diversity vis a vis the UN. Each year we adopt new resolutions and we reaffirm our commitments. Each year, we renew our faith in multilateralism. Nonetheless, conflicts persist. People are still awaiting justice. Will generations still grow up with fighting as their backdrop? Mr. president, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Security Council reform illustrates alone this situation and this crisis of confidence. For decades now, positions have been well known. Calls for reform have stacked up and consultations have multiplied. But progress still remains insufficient. Chad reiterates to this end, its complete support for the common African position, as stipulated in the Ezzelini consensus and the Sirte declaration, and taken up in the African model for reform of the Security Council, presented in April by Sierra Leone on behalf of the Committee of ten of the African Union. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Chad considers that those difficulties facing multilateralism stem in part from the cynicism of the most powerful and from double standards policies. My country remains committed to multilateralism that is based on the UN charter, the sovereign equality of states, the respect for their independence, cooperation and international solidarity.
We need institutions capable of dealing with issues that transcend national borders. We need multilateralism. But multilateralism will only retain its credibility if it is also able to evolve. Switzerland therefore supports efforts to reform the UN system as part of the UN80 initiative. This reform must make the UN more coherent, more effective and more results oriented, while respecting the powers and responsibilities of member states. The UN must focus its efforts where its action brings real added value: when problems transcend borders, when national or regional capacities are insufficient, or when a universal institution is needed to provide a common framework. The key question is therefore a simple one how can we ensure that the resources, expertise and energy invested in the multilateral system yield better results for those it is meant to serve? Because our institutions do not exist for their own sake, they exist for the people, for those who live in fear of conflict, for those who have lost their home following a disaster, for those seeking work or building a future for themselves, for the children whose lives depend on access to education and the new opportunities we are creating today. It is on this scale that the value of multilateralism is ultimately measured. Ladies and gentlemen, Your Excellencies, we cannot make the diverging interests of our countries disappear. We cannot erase disagreements, rivalries, or borders, nor can we remove all of the mountains that stand between us. But we can determine how we wish to tackle them. We can preserve open dialogue rather than erect more barriers. We can keep the channels of communication open rather than resign ourselves to silence. We can ensure that technological progress creates more opportunities rather than new divisions. And we can reform our institutions rather than accept their gradual demise. Switzerland will continue to play its part, using the means at its disposal by upholding international law, promoting dialogue, providing its good offices, supporting effective multilateral institutions, and by remaining a country where the world can continue to come together and engage. We do not claim to have all the answers, but our experience in the Alps has taught us one simple thing. While a mountain might separate us, it can just as easily be crossed. Crossing it brings people together. Coming together encourages dialogue, and dialogue fosters trust. Perhaps this is where our shared responsibility begins: to keep open the pathways that allow us, in spite of our differences, to continue moving forward, hand in hand.
Central to that experience has been the value of the United Nations system acting as one, coordinated around priorities that we ourselves defined, rather than delivered through separate and uncoordinated channels. This is what the United Nations that delivers for all looks like in practice. And we commend this model to the organization as it advances the UN80 Initiative. We further stand ready to contribute our experience to emerging instruments, such as the proposed Global Fund for AI capacity building, so that the promise of artificial intelligence may be governed responsibly and shared equitably among all nations. We are grateful for the UN's continued support in this digital transformation journey. Mr. president, the Kingdom of Lesotho remains committed to the 2030 agenda. We have accelerated reforms in business development, trade facilitation, public financial management, youth empowerment, and renewable energy.
Procedural · at 1 min · 2 mentions in this passage
Your Excellency, Doctor Rahman, president of the eighty-first session of the United Nations General Assembly Your Majesties Excellencies, heads of State and Government, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. António Guterres, distinguished delegates. Ladies and gentlemen I congratulate you, Doctor Rahman, on your election as president of the eighty-first session of the General Assembly. Zimbabwe's confident that under your able leadership, the Assembly will advance meaningful transformation under the theme Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation a United Nations that delivers for all. You may count on Zimbabwe's full support. I wish to thank Miss Annalena Baerbock for her effective leadership of the 80th session and their contribution to the UN80 reform process. Zimbabwe also pays tribute to Mr. António Guterres in his final general debate as Secretary-General. We commend his defense of multilateralism as well as efforts to advance dialogue for conflict prevention and resolution, sustainable development and the Pact for the Future.
We have prospered in the peace that Europe enjoyed for decades after 1945, and we have never forgotten that the peace could not be taken for granted. It was built generation after generation by those who chose cooperation over confrontation. Today, that peace is being challenged once again. Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine has brought war back to our continent. It is a stark reminder that peace requires constant commitment, and that the principles on which our international order was built must be defended. The United Nations itself was born from that choice. Its charter called upon us to unite our strength to maintain international peace and security, and above all, to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. 81 years later, that promise is under considerable pressure, but it has not failed. Multilateralism may be imperfect, but disenchantment should lead us to reform, not to dismissal. The question is, therefore, not whether we still need multilateralism. The question is whether we have the courage to make it better.
I owe it to the people who sent me here to be hopeful. I owe it also to people whom I have never met, who come from places I have never been to, but who nevertheless are my brothers and sisters. And so that brings us to the task at hand. We all know that the United Nations has its flaws, but we must not seek to abandon it. It is what we have made it. Some, no doubt are more culpable than others, but in one way or another we are all involved. We speak of culpability, not merely to point a finger of blame, but to understand better where the solutions may lie. We believe profoundly that more than ever, humanity needs the United Nations. Try to imagine a world without it. Where would we go to have the conversations we are having now and that we are having throughout the week? And that is only the beginning. As a global institution, the United Nations is fundamentally an inclusive space where every nation can play a role in addressing our common problems. A retreat from multilateralism undermines the interests of small states and indeed, of everyone. But we acknowledge that our support for the United Nations must be matched by our willingness to embrace reform, to make it more effective. Trust cannot be built or restored by declarations alone. It is only when ordinary people see that cooperation makes their lives safer, richer and happier that trust will be restored. Mr. President, let us restore trust through organisational reform and greater inclusiveness. The United Nations governance model designed in 1945, cannot adequately address the security and economic challenges of today. Therefore, we join with other nations in calling for reform, specifically of the Security Council, to include a permanent member from the continent of Africa with all the attendant rights and privileges. Failure to do so would only confirm that the current composition is not about governance and fairness, but about power. Further, as we proceed with selecting our next Secretary-General, let us be more open and inclusive. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines is pleased to join other Caribbean community members in endorsing the candidacy of Her Excellency Carolyn Rodrigues-Birkett of Guyana and of the region of Latin America and the Caribbean. We know her as a distinguished diplomat, a principled multilateralist, and a compelling advocate for developing countries and small states. Mr. President, as this is my first time here, like a tourist, I walked the halls of this historic building and admired the impressive portraits on the walls of the nine men who have served as Secretary-General since 1946. And while I appreciated the outstanding calibre and service of those men, I nevertheless could not resist thinking that after eight decades, surely the time has come for an equally capable woman to be Secretary-General.
He has exerted considerable efforts to advance the reform process and to put forward initiatives aimed at making the United Nations more effective, influential and representative. I stand today before this distinguished Assembly, under deeply regrettable circumstances, that Sudan never wished to witness within an organization founded on the principles of sovereign equality among states, respect for international law and the guarantee of equal participation for all Member states. His Excellency General Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan, chairman of the Transitional Sovereign Council of the Republic of Sudan, was to stand before you today to address the General Assembly on behalf of the Sudanese people and government. However, the host country prevented this by failing to issue the visa required for His Excellency to participate in this high level segment of the General Assembly. More regrettably still, this situation persisted despite the efforts undertaken by the Secretariat and despite the Secretary General's request to the host country to issue the entry visa in accordance with its obligations under the 1947 Headquarters Agreement. Accordingly, the Republic of Sudan calls upon the Secretary General, the General Assembly and the Committee on Relations with the host country to take the necessary measures to safeguard the sanctity of the Headquarters Agreement. Sudan further requests that this incident be formally documented and examined by the relevant UN mechanisms responsible for the implementation of the Headquarters Agreement. Mr. president, the need remains urgent for comprehensive, equitable and expeditious reform of the international system in light of these changes and challenges, as well as for political administration through dialogue, respect for international law and the peaceful settlement of disputes.
Mongolia welcomes the convening of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly under the theme Restoring Trust Managing Transformation a United Nations that Delivers for all, reaffirming its belief in the central role of the United Nations in fostering mutual trust, mutual respect and cooperation among the nations and peoples of the world. Mongols say if you do your best, fate will do the rest. The United Nations is an organization based on the trust and commitment of each member state, and the UN is strengthened by their dedication and sustained efforts. Therefore, it is incumbent upon us, Member States to uphold the mission of the United Nations with a sincere heart. Rather than simply expecting support and assistance, we must remain deeply conscious of our own responsibilities and duties and dedicate our wholehearted efforts to strengthening the United Nations. It is through trust and hope, dedication and commitment and engagement and participation of every Member State that we can strengthen the United Nations. A stronger United Nations, in turn, will deliver more efficiently towards global peace, security and sustainable development, thereby creating conditions for all Member States to benefit. As the conflicts and confrontations flash across the world, the walls of distrust rise higher and the chasm of misunderstanding grows deeper, it is becoming crucial to shape and develop international relations, not through a form of multipolarity that risks driving the world toward division, but through a multi-pillared principle that respects the pluralism inherent in each nation's history, culture, civilization, core national interests and chosen path of development. Eight centuries ago, our ancestors established the great Pax Mongolica, promoting, for the first time the idea to the world that nations could mutually recognize one another's values, and that peoples of diverse civilizations and faiths could coexist. This historic contribution of the Mongols to the advancement of humankind continues to be recognized by the international community. Let us strengthen multilateral cooperation through the multi-pillar principle, inspired by the ideas of Pax Mongolica, so that we may restore our trust and hope through shared responsibility, reform the United Nations with a common purpose and build a better, more peaceful world through the strength of our collective action. Mr. President, despite the remarkable heights of development and progress humanity has reached, our planet is currently confronted with more than 90 armed conflicts, around 30 of which are international, demonstrating that global peace and security remain unstable and that geopolitical and geostrategic competition continues to intensify. This results in the disruption of global economic supply chains, a rise in the prices of energy, fuel, raw materials and food, as well as economic strains on nations around the world. All of this is weakening the international order established since the Second World War, changing the universally recognized norms of international law and undermining the stability of multilateral relations and cooperation. Mongolia shares the view expressed by United Nations Secretary General Antonio Guterres in his annual report on the work of the organisation that in a world marked by turbulence, division and uncertainty, the United Nations is more necessary than ever. Hence, Mongolia underscores the tangible progress made under Secretary General's UN80 initiative to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of the United Nations in response to the challenges of our time and reaffirms its active support for this initiative. The effectiveness of the United Nations, the decisiveness of its actions, and the ability of nations to unite their efforts will ultimately depend upon us, the Member States. Mongolia is confident that the soon to be appointed Secretary General will steadfastly uphold the principles and purposes of the United Nations and international law, ensure that the voices and positions of all Member States are equally heard and reflected, and provide strong leadership in restoring trust and managing transformation within the UN. Believing that reform of the Security Council should be at the core of broader United Nations reform, Mongolia maintains its principled position in support of expanding the number of both permanent and non-permanent members of the Security Council ensuring equitable representation of developing countries in the Council, and promoting greater openness and transparency in its work. Mongolia is one of the 58 countries that have never served as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. Therefore, Mongolia aspires to actively participate in the work of the Security Council and contribute to finding collective solutions to the problems and challenges facing the international community. In manifestation of this aspiration, I officially announce from this rostrum today that Mongolia is presenting its candidature for a non-permanent seat of the UN Security Council for the term 2048 2049. Mr. President, on behalf of the people of Mongolia, I extend my heartfelt gratitude to the United Nations and its system organizations for their valuable contributions to our country's development and progress and their long standing, constructive cooperation over the 65 years since Mongolia's accession to the United Nations as a full fledged member. Mongolia has been contributing with honor to the efforts on strengthening international peace and security, advancing social and economic development and protecting human rights, the core pillars of the United Nations.
Without this reform, it is becoming almost impossible to mobilize development funding, particularly green finance. Gabon, a country with extensive forest cover and a low deforestation rate, as well as a major carbon sink, therefore calls for greater recognition of its contribution to global climate regulation and the ecosystem services that it provides to humanity. These must be properly valued and give rise to fair, adequate, predictable and sustainable financing. Mr. president, while it's true that digital transformation offers considerable opportunities, it also entails risk infringements of privacy, disinformation, cybercrime and the irresponsible use of emerging technologies.
It reinforces it. ASEAN's experience shows that institutions remain relevant when rules are respected, dialogue stays open and differences are managed peacefully. The same must be true for the United Nations. Reform must not become an exercise in rearranging structures while confidence outside this hall continues to erode. Transformation must strengthen the United Nations ability to prevent crises, respond effectively to member states, and deliver outcomes that make a meaningful difference to people's lives. Brunei Darussalam, therefore, supports initiatives such as the Pact for the Future and the UN80 Initiative. Ultimately, reform must achieve more than efficiency. It must strengthen this organization's credibility and its capacity to deliver.
Mr. president, the Lao PDR welcomes the UN80 Initiative to enhance the coherence, transparency and effectiveness of the UN system. Systemic reform must ensure a balanced approach across the three pillars of the Organisation: peace and security, sustainable development and human rights. The implementation of the Pact for the Future and the Global Digital Compact must focus on narrowing the digital divide.
The United Nations cannot take its relevance for granted. It must earn it, day by day. Not through the number of meetings we hold. Not through the number of resolutions we adopt. But through real and tangible results. The United Nations must prove that it can still make a difference when it matters most. That requires institutions that work. Latvia supports the Secretary-General's UN80 initiative. Reform is not about weakening the United Nations. It is about making it stronger, more focused, and better able to deliver on its mandate. That must include also the Security Council. Its composition must better reflect the world of today, not the world of 1945. Latvia supports an expanded and more representative Security Council. Excellencies, reform is also about leadership. This year we will select the next Secretary-General. The choice matters. The next Secretary-General must defend the Charter with conviction. He must, or she must, uphold international law. That is what true leadership means: to speak up for the weak against the powerful. That's what true leadership means. Dear colleagues, Latvia now serves as an elected member of the Security Council, and we will hold our presidency in November. Latvia came to the Council with a simple promise: to stand up for international order. To speak clearly when it is violated. And to make the voices of smaller nations heard.
With the 2030 agenda less than four years away, only 36% of assessable SDG targets are on track. Achieving these goals requires renewed political will, stronger partnerships with the private sector, reform of the international financial architecture, and a United Nations development system responsive to the evolving needs and priorities of developing countries. Consistent with the Compromiso de Sevilla, we call for stronger international cooperation to mobilize development financing, facilitate technology transfer and strengthen capacity building. As a country that has newly attained upper middle income status, the Philippines knows that income classification is not the end of the journey. Our metrics must evolve to capture the structural vulnerabilities, debt burdens, and inequalities that continue to affect middle income countries. Put a face to the digital revolution and to the rise of artificial intelligence.
International law must apply to all states. It must protect all civilians, and where violations occur, there must be responsibility and accountability. This is why Austria will also continue to stand firm in protecting the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court. Rules do not defend themselves. They need institutions capable of upholding them. Today, the United Nations too often falls short, not because it has failed, because we have let it stand still. But there is no alternative to the United Nations. There is only the work of making it work. The United Nations was not created to discuss international problems. It was created to solve them. Yet as conflicts and injustice multiply, the UN too often fails to act. Inside this building, that failure can look like another meeting without a decision. Outside these walls, it means that wars continue, help does not arrive, and more families bury their dead. For these families, U.N. procedures do not matter. What matters to them is whether food arrives, whether a doctor reaches them, whether peacekeepers protect them. Reform must therefore pass a simple test. Does it make the United Nations more able to deliver when people need it? Austria has been a strong supporter of the reform efforts of the Secretary General, and as an incoming member of the Security Council, we are committed to protect the principles of the charter, to show the world that the Council can act and to work towards making the decisions we take more inclusive because it matters who decides. The United Nations was built to confront the dangers of 1945. Today we must face new and rapidly emerging dangers.
Our world shaped by uncertainty, disruption and rapid change, but also by hope, innovation and opportunity. For Samoa, the theme is a promise the world must keep. Can trust be restored? Can transformation protect the vulnerable? The answer lies in the first words of our UN charter we the peoples. We must always put people at the centre of our decisions. For us, this is underpinned by the core values of our Samoan culture, the fa'asamoa and our faith such as respect, dignity, love, protection and service. Excellencies, every decision in this hall shapes the world that every child inherits. We meet at a pivotal moment in history. Profound and transformative changes are not only necessary, but inevitable. Across many societies, people are increasingly asking whether global institutions are delivering on the promises made to them. We must prepare ourselves to face the challenges ahead with resolve, and use the opportunity to herald in much needed reforms for the benefit of all, and leaving no one behind. For Samoa, multilateralism remains the cornerstone of our international engagement. Only through genuine cooperation and mutual trust can we craft solutions that no single nation could achieve alone. The UN80 initiative has merits, but also its risk, if not fully assessed and understood. Any reform must strengthen delivery on the ground by eliminating duplication, improving coherence and accelerating impact. Critically, such reforms must not weaken the operation of the UN Multi Country Offices or the Resident Coordinator system. Whilst Samoa reaffirms its unwavering commitment to the United Nations as the premier forum to address global crisis, we also caution against premature decision taken without the full consideration and endorsement by Member States.
We also call for sustained international support for Haiti to restore security, constitutional order and democratic governance. Suriname supports solutions that place the Haitian people at the center. The UN80 process rightly emphasizes mandate rationalization, institutional coherence and efficiency. Reform must protect and improve the United Nations capacity to deliver and also make the system easier to navigate. It should not reduce support where it is most needed. Equally important is the overdue reform of the Security Council. Hence, Suriname reiterates its call for making it more representative, more accountable and more capable of acting. Africa, the Republic of Suriname supports your demand for just permanent representation.
But that confidence must also extend to how decisions are made. Countries need to know that their voices count. Mr. President, the UN's membership has become nearly universal, but representation has not evolved at the same pace, and international system cannot command trust if large parts of its membership feel they have too little to say in shaping it. Rebuilding trust requires shared ownership. The United Nations must reflect today's world, not the distribution of power 80 years ago. And that is why Thailand supports Security Council reform that gives developing countries and underrepresented regions, particularly in the global South, a greater role in decision making. Asia, too, must be better represented. For all its economic weight, Asia must be able to help shape global decisions and carry more responsibility for the outcomes. And representation must also mean that women have a meaningful voice in the decisions that shape our common future. They are already at the forefront of this organisation's work, from development to peacekeeping. As the UN considers its next Secretary-General, maybe it is time that this representation be reflected at the highest level. Representation and effectiveness must advance together. We commend Mr. Secretary-General António Guterres for his commitment to reform, including through the UN80 Initiative. We stand ready to work with his successor to carry this work forward. Mr. President, having a stronger voice in global institutions means countries working together on the problems closest to them.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. This session is taking place against a deeply troubling international backdrop. Conflicts and hotspots of tension are multiplying, and geopolitical divisions are deepening, while the rise of terrorism and violent extremism threatens an ever growing number of regions. At the same time, climate upheavals are hitting our countries hard, not to mention the humanitarian crises and deep inequalities that are weakening our societies. Added to this are the very real risks to the survival of humanity posed by the uncontrolled development of artificial intelligence. The world is thus at a difficult turning point. It is looking on at the gradual fragmentation of its peace architecture and an alarming reconfiguration of the international landscape before our very eyes. Multilateralism is being sorely tested, weakened by an erosion of trust between nations and trust in the institutions that underpin the world order. In these times of multilateral fracture, it is imperative to find appropriate solutions to put an end to these dangerous escalations, prioritize dialogue and rebuild trust. With regard to international institutions, this trust is measured by their ability to translate the universality of their principles into concrete actions, and to treat every state, large or small, with the same standard of fairness. The trust of peoples, for its part, is nourished by tangible results and by the certainty that the decisions taken on their behalf genuinely serve their security, their dignity, and protect their future. This year's theme, therefore, aptly captures the expectations of our time. It calls on us specifically to restore trust in our collective capacity to respond effectively to global challenges, and to support the current changes and reforms of the United Nations architecture so that our organization is once again able to deliver concrete solutions to the concerns of all peoples. For Cote d'Ivoire, this means reinvigorating multilateralism and consequently, restoring diplomacy's rightful place and credibility so that it can act effectively. In light of these challenges, a monumental task awaits the next Secretary General of the United Nations, whose selection process is now well underway.
Mr. President, excellencies, I am appearing addressing this assembly representing the first female president of my country, doctor Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo whose government places people at the heart of the actions of the state and works on a daily basis to achieve freedom, democracy, social justice and substantive equality. Mexico conducts its public life according to a conviction that I'm bringing to you today, from this rostrum, to make shared prosperity a reality for all people. This conviction coincides with the commitments that we all made in the United Nations Charter, whose first article establishes as goals to maintain international peace and security, to engage in friendly relations between nations, and to cooperate to resolve economic, social and cultural problems and humanitarian problems. Promoting respect for human rights without any type of distinction. Mexico, a culture with more than 3000 years of history, is experiencing a profound transformation that is a continuation of the journey that, uh, was started with the independence movement, the reform, and then the revolution the three defining moments when my country expanded the rights of its people. My country today aspires to achieve a prosperous society with rights and a decent life for all. This is a transformation with clear goals to bring about shared well-being, to strengthen our competitivity, to develop our own capacities, and to determine our own destiny. It's for this reason that my country has come to share the experience of a nation that decided to show, through concrete actions, that it is possible to improve the quality of life of our people by expanding their rights and their capacity to exercise these rights. Please allow me to underscore some of the progress made. The first is the reduction of poverty. Between 2018 and 2024, more than 13 million people were lifted out of poverty in Mexico, the most significant reduction in the history of our country. It's also important to underscore that in 2025, we had the lowest in-work poverty rate in our history. This effort continues with a national social policy. In 2026, the well-being programs of our countries reached 42.8 million people. In addition to this, we have sustained investment in infrastructure, healthcare, trains, highways, schools and water infrastructure. Looking towards 2030, the investment in infrastructure for development with Well-Being plan plans to make investments in energy, transport, water, health, education and emerging technology. The second concrete action is security that the government of President Sheinbaum understands from a comprehensive perspective, addressing the causes that push youth towards crime and also zero impunity. And the results speak for themselves.
About eighty years ago, the UN was founded in San Francisco on a simple but enduring principle: that nations can prevent war and advance peace through trust, collective action and respect for the UN Charter. Today, war and insecurity are not the only existential threats to our survival, but a range of challenges including climate change, pandemics, ungoverned Artificial Intelligence and energy insecurity, just to mention a few. These challenges should remind us of a need for a stronger and much more coordinated UN. Therefore, the theme of this session, that is “Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: A United Nations that Delivers for All”, is timely for it requires us to revert to the founding principle of maintaining peace and restoring trust. Managing transformation requires reforming the UN to meet the realities of our time. In that regard, I commend our illustrious Secretary-General, H.E. Antonio Guterres, for championing the UN80 initiative that aims to advance the transformation agenda. In our opinion, the UN80 initiative must go beyond administrative efficiency to include overall Organizational effectiveness, accountability, and representativeness, for the UN to be able to deliver for all. Further, the transformation must be undertaken with utmost caution to avoid going off-track on the development pillar and incapacitating the UN Country offices and programs.
Monaco supports the UN80 Initiative to make the organisation more streamlined, more understandable, more efficient and closer to people on the ground. Still, the UN needs resources to function. My country fulfils its financial contributions in full and on time, and we call on all other states to do likewise. But this necessary step is not enough in the light of the changes that have to be undertaken. That is why Monaco calls on the real leaders of the United Nations to rethink the architecture of our system from 2030: bringing on board the public and private sector, civil society and educational and cultural hubs, streamlining processes, preventing mandate duplication, consolidating specialized agencies, regional centres and the secretariat, and guaranteeing small states genuine inclusivity. There is plenty of work to do. The time of the law is patient, but this patience should not be confused with inertia. In the same vein, the principality is in favour of a reform of the Security Council to make it more representative to today's realities, while also preserving its ability to act. And we are also in favour of the revitalisation of this General Assembly, the House of Equality between States. This session will also see the election of the next Secretary-General of the organisation. Monaco calls for a transparent, inclusive and rigorous process. After 80 years, the Principality hopes that women candidates will be seriously considered. The organisation would do well to demonstrate at its helm the equality for which it stands. Ladies and gentlemen there is one area where multilateral trust has recently produced tangible results, and it is dear to the heart of His Serene Highness Prince Albert II, and that is to say, the ocean.
It's only through providing those that young people and adults can enter the labour markets instead of being recruited by criminal groups. Consequently, our second challenge will be that of making education a tool for social transformation and a tool for the prevention of violence and crime. The quality of education and the depth of learning enjoyed by our children and young people is a predictor of a higher quality of life, because such education makes it possible to develop higher income, better health habits, and that serves the cause of social mobility. On the other hand, we've noted that shortcomings and weak points in our education system combine with other factors to predict crime and indeed, fuel crime. With that in mind, my government has launched a wholesale reform of the Peruvian education system. This reform will strengthen educational infrastructure. It will increase the provision of digital learning and the provision of educational material. We will also bolster the resources given to teachers to teach. At the heart of our reform will be the creation of a head teacher training school. The goal is to equip head teachers with the tools and skills they need to lead their schools independently, so that schools can become inspiring models that promote the participation of parents in this mission. That is, that of making every child as a citizen that stands in solidarity with others, respects them, and a citizen proud of their country. I must recognize that an ideological cultural agenda that is not in line with our reality and the imposition of it, has sowed confusion and disorder of such magnitude that today, teachers in our schools are not able to keep order in the classroom. They cannot discipline their classes because they cower under the threat of being reported. We need to re-establish the principle of respect for authority. We will make our classrooms safe spaces in which children go to learn and teachers go to teach without fear. This is our agenda. It is not that of anyone else being imposed. The role of a state is to withdraw unfair barriers, barriers that stymie people's development.
Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, heads of State and government. President of the General Assembly. Secretary general. Ladies and gentlemen, heads of delegations. Ladies and gentlemen, on behalf of the president of the Council, his Excellency Faure Essozimna Gnassingbé, of the government and the Togolese people, I would like, Mr. President, to convey to you my sincere and warm congratulations on your election to the presidency of this session of the General Assembly. To you, Secretary General, Sir, and Mr. António Guterres, I would like to convey Togo's sincere gratitude for your unfailing commitment to peace, to security, to solidarity, and to sustainable development. At a time when you are completing your term, Togo would like to pay a particular tribute to you for these years of commitment, of courage, of listening and of service, for the defense of the ideals of the United Nations and to reform our organization. We would like to express the desire that the legacy of your action will continue to inspire our organization, and to guide those people who will have the responsibility to continue your work. We wish you every success in the future for your future commitments. Mr. president, the topic of this session asks us to do two things to be clear in our diagnosis and to be strong in our commitment. To be clear, because we can no longer have insufficient responses to those challenges that affect our international system. Commitment, because noting the limits of multilateralism should no longer mean that we renounce multilateralism.
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No. 53
El Salvador09/28 · first at about 12 min3 mentions
Without development, it's very difficult to make security sustainable and without dignity, neither of these things make any sense. The international community must understand that resolving these challenges, these global challenges, goes above and beyond, well beyond actually, any resolutions, millions of resolutions on paper. Multilateralism that does not oblige countries to constantly choose between sovereignty and cooperation. Today, we have an historical and inexcusable challenge, and that is making multilateralism synonymous again with capacity to act. El Salvador believes that the reform of the United Nations should not be restricted to reorganising its structures. We need an organisation that is agile, representative, effective and transparent that's able to resolve contemporary challenges with the speed required. So enough with the conformism. Enough of personal and national interests prevailing over the needs of the world and global crises. And enough, ladies and gentlemen. Enough with the bureaucracy. Let us hope that the next Secretary General of the United Nations is able to show leadership with absolute full independence and ability to engage in dialogue, moral authority, knowledge of the international reality, and that they have a willingness to reform and a conviction that we need to reform to benefit humanity, like my president, Bukele, regardless of the consequences, because one human life is worth it. Just a single life is worth the effort. El Salvador, in a short but historic period of seven years, made strong strides forward to change our reality, recovering our security, our spaces, trust, dignity.
The theme of this session, Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: A United Nations that delivers for all, reflects the core of our responsibilities towards the common goal of this organization that was established after the horrors of the 20th century. They decided to rely on the strength of law and not that of the might. They decided to choose dialogue instead of confrontation. Our responsibility today is to maintain the scores, and we have to counter the selectivity in applying international law, especially when there is a systematic avoidance of collective commitments. Some countries do not want to uphold the same rules that they call on others to uphold. This leads to weakened collective cooperation mechanisms. We no longer can prevent conflicts or settle them. This danger extends to institutions that might falter and fail. Multilateralism is not limited to the interests and sovereignty of states. It is not an example of weakness. Instead, it is a necessity to ensure human dignity, bring peace, and confront challenges. Defending the United Nations is a defense of the right of all peoples to determine their future and participate in decision making. Those decisions that define their destiny. We want a more just United Nations. A United Nations capable of confronting the current challenges. After more than eight decades since the establishment of the UN, the Security Council reform has become a necessity to ensure a fair representation of Africa, including permanent and non-permanent membership.
Excellencies. The theme of this session calls upon us to restore trust. But trust cannot be restored by simple words alone. It must be earned through action, through behaviour. We will restore trust when rivers become lifelines of cooperation, not fault lines of conflict. We will restore trust when those who failed the climate, those who fuelled the climate crisis, protect those who suffer most from its devastating consequences. And above all, trust will be restored when the guns are silenced and replaced by handshakes, embraces and smiles. Mr. president, the UN80 Initiative should make the United Nations stronger, more coherent and more effective. The Security Council must become more representative, democratic and accountable. Reform must reflect the interests and aspirations of the overwhelming majority of member states, not the ambitions of a select few. Our motto remains: reform for all, privilege for none. Ladies and gentlemen, we live at a dangerous moment.
Saint Lucia believes that a truly inclusive United Nations must ensure that its decision making bodies reflect the world that they serve. Saint Lucia advocates for comprehensive reform of the Security Council to enhance its legitimacy and effectiveness in addressing global challenges, thereby restoring trust and a more inclusive multilateral system. Mr. president, a 21st century United Nations Security Council could have been more successful in its responsibility for international peace and security had it not been anchored in the world of 1945. The prolonged reform process must be concluded quickly and include expanded permanent and non-permanent membership for Africa, the Asia Pacific and Latin America and the Caribbean region. This reform is essential to restore trust in the United Nations and ensure it delivers peace and security for all. Saint Lucia pledges its commitment and dedication to work with like minded nations to achieve the stated reforms. I wish to take this opportunity Mr. President, to thank the outgoing Secretary General, Antonio Guterres, for his sterling service, especially his steadfast solidarity with the Caribbean through the many challenges and disasters our region has faced.
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No. 57
Sierra Leone09/22 · first at about 6 min3 mentions
Of course, nations have legitimate security needs, but the speed with which the world finds resources for war compared to prevention and development, reveals a grave disorder in our priorities. The credibility of international law also depends on who has the voice in applying it. The credibility weakens when institutions entrusted with the law preserve an unequal distribution of power. The Security Council still reflects the world of 1945. Africa, home to more than 1.6 billion people and the subject of most of the council's work still has no permanent seat. That's not fair. Africa seeks its rightful place because the council cannot be fully legitimate or effective while an entire continent remains permanently absent from its highest level of decision making. No durable global solution on peace, climate, food, energy or technology can be built without African leadership. The common African position espoused in the Ezulwini Consensus and Sirte Declaration calls for no fewer than two permanent seats, with all the rights and privileges of permanent membership, including the veto if it is retained, and five non-permanent seats. As coordinator of the African Union Committee of ten, Sierra Leone will continue to advance that position. Years of intergovernmental negotiations without realizing the reform has tested the credibility of the process. Before this session concludes, member states should have a consolidated model, which we committed to in the pact for the future. Sierra Leone speaks with the authority of service. During our time on the Security Council in 2024 2025, we worked as a voice of reason and a bridge across Division. We convened the Security Council's first high level debate on redressing historical injustice against Africa, placed conflict related food insecurity at the centre of its agenda and with Guyana, Co-drafted unanimously adopted resolution 2807 on youth, peace and security, strengthening young people's role in conflict prevention and peace building. Mr. president. Representation becomes meaningful when it changes decisions and improves lives.
And this is why Andorra will continue to work, both within the Group of Friends of Multilingualism and the Group of Francophone Ambassadors, to ensure that new digital tools, as well as the UN itself, continue to reflect the plurality of peoples and cultures that we represent. This organization exists because the international community understood that the destiny of peoples is shared. No nation can prosper while ignoring the suffering of others, because the security of one depends on the security of all. In this regard, I would like, first and foremost, to commend the excellent UN80 Initiative, which proposes improvements to the work of the Secretariat, a stronger mandate lifecycle, and simplification of structures to avoid duplication and overlap. Secondly, I would like to emphasize the need for reform of the Security Council so that the UN can reflect the realities of today rather than those of 80 years ago. But the most important reform is to ensure that this organization remains a space where states not only defend their legitimate interests but are also capable of exercising a shared responsibility to address the great challenges facing humanity, and above all, continue to believe that what unites us is stronger than what divides us. I would like to also offer a few words of recognition to Secretary-General António Guterres. Since 2017, he has exercised his mandate during one of the most difficult and uncertain periods the international community has known, consistently defending the principles of the UN Charter and reminding us, even when it seemed most difficult, that multilateralism remains the best hope for preserving peace and cooperation among peoples as well as human dignity.
Mr. President, Excellencies, as the UN Secretary-General reminded us a few years ago, the United Nations is a product of hope. Eighty-one years after its birth, that hope is being tested. Technology, including artificial intelligence, is advancing at rapid speed; climate change is reshaping our societies; the international landscape is becoming more complex, more contested, and more unpredictable. The international order is not simply changing; it is being tested in an unprecedented manner. But it is in such times of uncertainty that the foundational values of multilateralism must be protected: international law, the UN Charter, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, the peaceful settlement of disputes, respect for human rights, the equality of states. All these are not principles of the past; they are principles that transcend time, the essential ingredient for the present and for the future. The challenge before us is therefore clear: as the world changes, our institutions must be able to respond to new realities and threats while guided by the painful lessons of history and the vision of the founding fathers of this organization. And this is the essence of the theme of the 81st General Assembly: restoring trust, managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all. Ladies and gentlemen, transformation is inevitable. What must remain constant is the UN Charter as our compass. It directs all of us, irrespective of power, size, and leverage. For small-sized countries, the principle of equality of states is fundamental, and it has formed the binding trust between us. We rely on an international system in which sovereignty and territorial integrity are respected. We expect international law, including the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, to be applied consistently. We believe in the peaceful resolution of disputes, and we demand that the rights of every state be protected. These are the integral elements of our collective trust, and this is the code of conduct of Cyprus's diplomatic engagement. And in a rapidly changing world, small-sized states must seek synergies while continuing to pursue strategic autonomy. Preserving trust also requires institutions capable of responding to the world as it is today. The United Nations must therefore continue to evolve. The UN80 initiative is an important part of this effort. The Pact for the Future and the 2030 Agenda and its Sustainable Development Goals are also part of the effort to ensure that multilateral cooperation can respond to the needs of our time. This moment of reform also comes as the UN Secretary-General approaches the completion of a decade leading this organization. Cyprus wishes to acknowledge his leadership during a period of extraordinary global developments, his steadfast commitment to multilateralism, and his effort to strengthen and reform the UN. But reforming our structural setup is only part of the answer. What is also needed is a genuine willingness of member states to contribute and protect the multilateral system. After all, states bring different capabilities, experiences, and perspectives. Great powers have scale; smaller states must have persuasion. We cannot compel, but we can coalesce. We cannot dictate outcomes, but together we can help shape them. There is no doubt that the challenges of today require cooperation and partnerships based on the knowledge of regions and of the realities.
Madam president, excellencies, dear friends, the United Nations was born from a harsh lesson of history. The generation of 1945 had learned at terrible cost that while states can choose their actions they cannot control all the consequences they set in motion. That lesson is painfully relevant today. We are living through a period of profound uncertainty. Power is shifting, conflicts are multiplying, and there is a growing tendency to treat the rules and institutions of the international system as constraints belonging to another age. But the United Nations was built precisely for times of uncertainty, to bring rules and restraints to an unpredictable world, and to prevent conflict from descending into catastrophe. The task of our generation is both to preserve the institutions built by those that came before us, and also to remember the hard earned wisdom on which they rest. Today, that wisdom and the United Nations that embodies it is under enormous pressure. Madam president, this year marks 80 years since Iceland joined the United Nations. For eight decades, Iceland has held that a small state should enjoy the same protection, same rights and voice as a powerful one. That idea matters more today, not less. Despite its shortcomings, the United Nations has mattered and it has mattered a lot. UN peacekeeping and peace building operations have helped prevent and contain conflict around the world. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights transformed our understanding of human dignity. The convention on the law of the sea became the Constitution of the ocean, on which countries like mine depend, now strengthened further by the BBNJ agreement. The International Court of Justice has helped states settle disputes by peaceful means through law rather than force. And the International Criminal Court was created to ensure accountability for the most serious crimes. The United Nations has advanced gender equality, fought racism and discrimination, delivered humanitarian assistance, and help countries build more peaceful and prosperous societies. But loyalty to the United Nations cannot mean pretending that everything works perfectly. Bureaucracy can be cumbersome, decisions slow, and resources fragmented. The Security Council, entrusted with maintaining international peace and security, has too often been paralysed when action was needed most. Too often, the veto has become a shield against action rather than a tool for preserving peace. So yes, the United Nations needs reform, and Iceland fully supports the UN80 reform process. We need a United Nations that uses resources effectively and responds quickly when people need it. United Nations that delivers for all. The deeper challenge, however, is political. The strength of the United Nations depends on our willingness to uphold the principles and wisdom on which they were founded. Madam president, the most basic rules of international relations are being tested, not because we no longer know them. We do, but because increasingly governments apply them selectively, meaning that international law applies until it becomes inconvenient, that court decisions must be respected unless they challenge our own actions or those of our friends. That sovereignty is sacred only unless someone else's territory stands in the way of our ambitions. We cannot build courts, celebrate them when they prosecute our enemies and undermine them when they turn their attention to our friends. When grave violations go unanswered, they are more likely to be repeated.
My dear colleagues, this evening I want to talk about the need for nations to work together on the new challenges that we face climate change, emerging technology and the breakdown of international rules. Eight decades ago, the citizens and leaders of our nations made a solemn promise to future generations. Having known the untold sorrow of two devastating global conflicts in their lifetimes, they vowed to work together to prevent another. The pioneers who built this institution from the ruins of war, proud Australians among them, were also coming to terms with two terrible truths. The horrors of the Holocaust and the unprecedented horror of nuclear weapons. A depth of evil and a scale of destruction beyond imagining even a decade earlier. Yet rather than recoil from that reality, our leaders stood together to face it, learn from it, and most importantly, guard against its return. And instead of surrendering to fear or dealing in retribution, or abandoning their fate to a world governed by force alone, they came together to renew and affirm their faith in humanity, in the essential and equal dignity and worth of every individual, in the sovereignty of every nation and in the capacity and indeed the responsibility of all of us to give the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, life and weight and real meaning by engaging in the dialogue that builds trust and deepens understanding and backing those words with actions. In this moment, we need to lean in and strengthen and modernise the fundamental parts of the UN system that help to build peace and promote economic development and sustainability. Sovereignty, prosperity and peace are never guaranteed. They must be created, nurtured and protected by each generation, supporting the jobs, homes, schools and healthcare that represent the fullest expression of the UN's commitment to the economic and social advancement of all peoples. We know that the surest way to minimise the potential for conflict is to create the prosperity, opportunity and economic justice on which lasting peace depends. That means cooperating on the urgent challenges that confront each of our sovereign nations, and creating solutions that work for our citizens. This was the founding purpose of the United Nations. And for the leaders who have gathered here this week, this remains the test of our time. A test we can and we must pass. Whether it is climate change or artificial intelligence, there is always the temptation to say that our generation is being confronted by issues that our predecessors could not possibly have imagined while dealing with the world they would not recognise. But for all the transformation the past eight decades have brought, the fundamental stakes haven't changed. And just as its values, our values, our ideals, our commitment to dialogue and cooperation proved equal to that task then, we can rise to meet these new challenges now. We can reaffirm our national sovereignty and our shared humanity. We can seize and share and shape the opportunities this moment holds in the interests of our citizens. But we can only do it together. From the very first days of this forum, Australia has always known that. We understand that the UN mission cannot be entrusted solely to the great powers or the biggest countries, or even the loudest voices alone, nor can it be subcontracted to the world's richest companies, or dictated by the pace of technology. Then now and always, shaping a secure, peaceful and prosperous world is a task for all of us. And that world must be driven by the values and aspirations of all of us. We all have a part to play. And that is why Australia is seeking a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council for 2029-2030. The world faces tough times and Australia wants to respond to partner and to make a difference. Should our Security Council bid prove successful, our purpose and approach will be consistent with how we have always conducted ourselves at the UN. We will listen with respect. We will partner as equals. And we will protect what matters most. Mr. President, a safer world is one governed by rules, not by power and force alone. It is a world in which all countries have the freedom to decide their own future. And all countries have their decisions listened to. As a member of the UN Security Council, Australia will safeguard the rules that protect us all by upholding international law, including the UN Charter and the sovereignty of all states. We will amplify the voices of small states and middle powers to ensure a wider range of perspectives shape the Council's decisions. We will work to prevent crises, resolve conflicts and protect civilians through diplomacy, peace building and practical action. Our objective will be to support a more effective, representative and responsive UN that is equipped to address the fast growing challenges of today. Listening, partnering, protecting. Colleagues. The world is changing rapidly. New issues are becoming international issues demanding our full attention. Climate change, where the science foretold of the increase in frequency and intensity of extreme weather events that we are now experiencing. Emerging technology, including artificial intelligence, which is evolving at a furious pace, and the breakdown of trust, civility and social cohesion, which is promoting conflict within and between countries. Clearly, the multilateral system we have all known and benefited from is under immense strain. To promote the peace, to create a world of human dignity, to do justice to the UN's mission, we must embrace change and we must embrace reform. Australia supports the rules and institutions that underpin open trade and connectivity. That order, based on agreed rules and institutions, faces massive disruption. This doesn't mean abandoning multilateralism, it means working to reform it, so it's up to the challenges ahead and building beyond multilateralism, with new coalitions and partnerships to address and solve complex problems.
However, nor has humanity ever been so acutely aware of the need to make collective decisions about how these means should be used to serve the common good. This is why the theme of this 81st session, Restoring Trust, Managing transformation: A UN that delivers for all, resonates so strongly. The true challenge of our time is not just managing a succession of crises, but it is restoring our collective capacity to anticipate, to make decisions, to act before these crises become irreversible. Mr. President, Benin believes in multilateralism. We believe not because we harbour nostalgia for the world of 1945, but because in 2026, the world more than ever needs a forum where states can talk to one another, listen to one another and act in concert. Defending multilateralism also means taking a lucid look at the United Nations organization. Trust, indeed, is not something you can order. It takes shape when our organization can respond to the expectations of our people, the people it serves, when the organization can deliver concrete results. It is in this spirit that Benin supports the efforts undertaken within the framework of the UN80 Initiative. We need to achieve greater efficiency, coherence, transparency and responsibility. Nonetheless, we should remain cognizant of a key requirement. Reforming the UN doesn't simply mean cutting costs. What it should mean is boosting the organization's impact. A more effective United Nations should be better positioned to prevent conflicts, to respond to humanitarian crises, to shore up development, and anticipate the transformations which are already shaping our future. It should also remain true to the principles which underpin its legitimacy, universality, the sovereign equality of states, solidarity and respect for the UN charter. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, there is one reform without which all the others will remain incomplete. The reform of the stewardship of international peace and security. The Security Council, for the most part, reflects a balance of forces in a world which is no longer today's world. Africa does not have a permanent seat. This situation raises issues of justice, equity and the legitimacy. It calls into question the very legitimacy of the entire multilateral system. Benin would like to reaffirm its unswerving support for the common African position set forth in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. We are not demanding a privilege. We are demanding for the stewardship of international peace and security, for that stewardship to be in keeping with the world we claim to serve.
We would be remiss not to applaud the efforts, good offices and initiatives of the Secretary General aimed at strengthening multilateralism and that include initiatives such as UN 80 and the pact for the future, as well as the ongoing efforts to address global challenges, crises, conflicts, wars, climate change and terrorism, as well as the efforts to assist member states in order to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals and to strengthen international cooperation on artificial intelligence. We hope that these efforts will continue beyond the conclusion of the Secretary General's term in a manner to guarantee the continuity of work to reform and develop the organizations bodies to enhance its effectiveness and performance in discharging its responsibilities. In this context, we emphasize that Security Council reform and the Security Council is the body charged with maintaining international peace and security has become essential to keep pace with the significant increase in the number of member states and the changes in international relations since the establishment of the organization. There is an urgent need for the Council to become more representative, effective and transparent in carrying out its responsibilities.
Created in the aftermath of the Second World War, the immediate focus was obviously on peace and security but the UN system has evolved significantly over the decades to expand its scope and sphere of influence within the confines of its charter. However, the UN must now look to the future, building on its record of achievements as well as from lessons learned from what it could not achieve. As we look to the next 80 years, we must ask ourselves a searching question is the UN fit for the purpose for the 21st century, not the world of 1945, but the world of today and beyond? We are entering a new era of international relations defined by unprecedented technological developments, often absent from the table where the rules of tomorrow are being adopted, developing countries risk being left further behind. The same exclusion afflicts the international financial architecture, which remains skewed against the Global South. Developing nations must have a seat at the table as equal stakeholders. We all acknowledge that the three pillars of the UN charter are peace and security, development and human rights. The twin institutional pillars provided in the charter were and still are, the Security Council and ECOSOC as the apex bodies for achieving these purposes. However, over the years, optimal use has been made primarily of only one of these organs. We need to enhance and accelerate the revitalization of the General Assembly and that of ECOSOC so that they are not merely forums for debate, but engines of action. This must be done as we bring about the reform of the Security Council, the historical injustice regarding the composition of the Council was acknowledged in action 39 of the pact for the future, but the process for reform is still stalled. Mauritius fully supports the Common African Position, the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration calling for no fewer than two permanent and five non-permanent African seats on the council. Mauritius also supports the call for SIDS to have a seat on a reformed council. On the question of the veto, Mauritius aligns itself with the position of a growing number of states that, in the event the veto is retained, any new permanent member must have the same rights as the original permanent members. Mauritius also supports the Franco-Mexican initiative on the suspension of the veto in cases of mass atrocities. We support the positions of the G4 and the L69 on council reform, and we reiterate our support for India's candidature for a permanent seat commensurate with its constructive role in global affairs. Mr. president, Mauritius welcomes the increasing recourse to the International Court of Justice as a mechanism for the peaceful settlement of disputes and determination of issues of international law. We call upon Member States which have not yet done so, to accept the compulsory jurisdiction of the ICJ. We welcome the landmark unanimous advisory opinion of the ICJ on the obligations of states in respect of climate change. This was a vindication of the tireless advocacy of Vanuatu and the core group of states. Mauritius was proud to stand among them.
Thus, Mozambique reiterates its support for the objectives of the UN80 Initiative to make this organization more effective, coherent, inclusive, representative, and suited to the challenges of our time. Reform must be embraced as political commitment focused on concrete results. Reforms must also correct imbalances in representation of global governance. In this regard, Africa cannot continue to be in the center of the Security Council agenda while remaining absent from its rank of permanent members. Africa must be a permanent member of the Security Council of the UN. We therefore reaffirm the common African position related to the reform of the United Nations Security Council, based on the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration, under which no fewer than two permanent seats, with all prerogatives and privileges, including the veto, as long as it exists, and five non-permanent seats, are allocated to Africa. The contribution that Mozambique wishes to make to the debate on this Assembly has the objective of restoring trust through peace, managed transformation through inclusion, and produced results through coherent actions at the national, regional, and global levels. To this, it is important to strengthen international cooperation and equip the UN with greater capacity to address the challenges of the present and make sure that the future generations can have a stronger organization than the one we have received— an organization equal to the challenges of our time, capable of serving the people with dignity, protecting the planet, and promoting a shared prosperity at the international level. Your Excellencies, 81 years ago, the founders of this organization entrusted humanity with a promise of peace, cooperation, dignity, and, most of all, hope. Today, that responsibility falls to us, and the path remains very clear: dialogue, cooperation, partnership, innovation, solidarity, and continued strengthening to the role of the United Nations, and never the use of force in order to impose decisions. This organization is the most comprehensive expression of our collective responsibility and our commitment to multilateralism to the service of humanity. Mr. President, allow me to conclude by returning to the opening words of our Magna Carta or Charter:" We, the people."
I would like to call this a partnership of constructive contributors. I am not seeking to propose a new organization nor an exclusive grouping. The idea is to respect the functions of the existing international order and the UN, work together in a flexible and open manner, in areas where each country has particular strengths and expand our ties of cooperation into new areas. By continuing to build on the achievements of collaborating separately yet together, we can move beyond geopolitical rivalry, deadlock and fragmentation, and rebuild trust in multilateralism. The United Nations must evolve with the times. Agreements reached at the negotiating table must translate into real change on the ground, so that people around the world can feel their impact in their daily lives. We must reduce duplication across organizations and programs, accelerate decision making, and direct limited resources where they are needed most. In this spirit, the Republic of Korea supports the UN 80 Initiative, which will improve efficiency, prioritize field operations and deliver greater results. We also support the reform of the UN Security Council so that it operates in a more effective, democratic and accountable manner. The Republic of Korea will live up to its responsibility and position to deliver results that can be vividly felt by people around the world, across the UN's three pillars of peace development and human rights. Through the Busan Global Partnership Forum, we will continue to support inclusive growth, share Korea's development experiences, such as the Saemaul Undong, and continue to make sustainable and innovative investments.
Sri Lanka once again calls for reform of the international financial system and for fairer rules governing debt and development finance. We welcomed the Seville Commitment last year, including its call for urgent action to close the $4 trillion financing gap for sustainable development in developing countries. It is now time to translate those commitments into concrete action. We remain steadfast in recognising poverty and inequality as factors requiring our urgent attention.
We reject these unlawful punitive measures, and we reject the accusations and justifications on which they were based. We affirm that we have fulfilled our obligations, carried out a comprehensive national reform program, and upheld our commitment to international law, to shunning violence and terrorism, and to the two state solution and to peace on the basis of resolutions of international legitimacy. We also affirm that the Palestinian people and its leadership should not be punished for demanding an end for the occupation, or for turning to the UN, the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court. Our choice to invoke international law and its institutions is a peaceful and civilized choice, and not an act that runs counter to peace. Denying the Palestinian delegation access to the UN headquarters is a violation of the United States obligations as the host country. Therefore, we call upon the American administration to lift these sanctions and restrictions, return to dialogue and mutual respect, and work with us and with the international community in order to implement the two state solution on the basis of international legitimacy and to establish peace, rather than punishing the side that has chosen the path of international law and political and diplomatic action in order to guarantee its rights.
We must acknowledge that progress is uneven. The world cannot continue to adopt ambitious commitments while developing countries struggle to finance their implementation. For Zambia, the SDGs must translate into tangible improvements in the lives of our people. A child receiving quality education, a mother accessing safe healthcare, a farmer having reliable water and markets, a young person finding decent employment and a family having access to electricity. A community having accessible roads, access to clean water and sanitation. A small business gaining access to finance. That is what development means to us as Zambians. Mr. president, regarding sustainable development, finance and reform of the global financial architecture, it is widely accepted that sustainable development cannot be achieved without addressing persistent financing gaps facing developing countries. High borrowing costs, limited fiscal space and heavy debt servicing obligations continue to constrain our country's ability to invest in climate action, health, education, infrastructure and development priorities. Zambia, therefore, calls for greater access to affordable and long term development finance, increased climate finance, particularly for adaptation and resilience, and innovative finance mechanisms to mobilise private investment for sustainable development. Mr. president, I turn to multilateralism, geopolitics and peace and security.
But if the West wants to take its rightful place in the emerging multi-polar world, it must change. It must understand that the future of our planet lies in cooperation and not confrontation. Yes, it will have to make room on the global bench of international relations and do so in a meaningful way. It will require abandoning the policies of neocolonialism and putting aside the self-imposed isolation to which the EU is condemning itself by creating a new Iron Curtain along its borders with Belarus and Russia. Now on the UN. Is our organisation keeping pace with the times? No, it does not correspond to today's realities. It cannot keep up with change and it is not reforming significantly. Criticism of our organisation is growing every year and it is fairly justified. The very fact that new international global initiatives are emerging outside the system, for example Trump's Board of Peace or the World Artificial Intelligence Cooperation Organization, China's project. This confirms that the UN is failing to recognise new trends. That is why new formats of cooperation are emerging. The BRICS, the SCO and regional economic and political alliances and they are gaining momentum. But we in Belarus do not see them as competitors to the UN, but rather as catalysts for necessary reform. We have a recipe for restoring the UN to its intended purpose. And it's very simple. Individual countries must stop using the organisation, our shared organisation, for their own selfish ends, and they must begin to think about the fate of our planet, our shared planet as a whole. Only then will the theme of this session cease to be a romantic wish, and instead become a real programme of action. Concrete structural steps are also necessary. First, reform of the UN Security Council. This body cannot remain in a form that was appropriate for the mid-20th century. The council must be strengthened by expanding the category of permanent members to include the countries of the South, which today play an ever increasing role in world affairs. The voice of the global majority must be heard loud and clear in the Security Council. Second, restoring respect for international law and the UN Charter and specifically respect for the law, not the rules based order. The UN Charter has been and remains the only universal document that recognises the sovereign equality of all states. Third, reform of specialized UN agencies. First and foremost, the international financial institutions, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the International Finance Corporation, the World Trade Organization.
The UN is suffering because of it. But it is also true that the United Nations requires profound reforms to be able to tackle the challenges of the 21st century. As such, the question really is: do we let the United Nations, together with its aims and founding principles, just slowly fall apart? Or do we start facing these challenges with a sense of common responsibility and genuinely try to reform the UN and start to use the only global framework we have in a responsible and sensible way? The stakes are high. The choice is ours. For Estonia, and I believe for the great majority of UN member states, upholding the principles of the UN Charter is of vital interest. But we are also conscious that in order for those principles to remain valid and respected, we need to invest in them as much with our words as with our actions.
Madam president, since the end of the Second World War, Japan has built the peace and prosperity it has today, through the tireless efforts of our predecessors and the goodwill of a large number of countries. In the course of these efforts, Japan itself has consistently acted in the spirit of multilateralism towards addressing challenges facing the international community. However, these challenges cannot be solved by any single country acting alone. Now more than ever, the flag of the United Nations must be held high and under that banner, Member States must mobilize the collective strength of the membership to elaborate new rules and build a framework for cooperation. I am convinced that the United Nations is the only organization capable of taking the helm on a global scale. To this end, as well, reform of the United Nations is essential. The United Nations is a vessel, and the responsibility for determining its contents lies with us, namely the Member States. Rather than lamenting the institutional fatigue of the United Nations, member States should unite with one heart, vigorously advance reform of the United Nations and transform the organization into a more resilient and effective United Nations. Let us move forward, building on the achievements of the current Secretary-General António Guterres. At the same time, the charter of the United Nations, which is now 81 years old, should also be reviewed. Regarding the so-called enemy states clauses, a United Nations General Assembly resolution was adopted in 2005 to delete references to enemy states from the charter of the United Nations, expressing the resolve of the Heads of State and Government of all Member States. In accordance with this resolution, these clauses must be deleted. I would like to strongly emphasize this position, as Japan takes pride and honor in its significant contributions to the efforts of the United Nations for the last 70 years. Furthermore, as a matter of utmost importance, reform of the Security Council is urgently needed. The current structure of the Security Council, whose mandate is to maintain international peace and security, reflects the international situation as it stood in 1945. We need to transform it without delay, into a structure that truly reflects the current realities of the international community. To this end, it is essential to expand the number of both permanent and non-permanent members in order to ensure the legitimacy and representativeness of the Security Council. A majority of member states support the expansion of both categories. Japan is determined to fulfill its solemn responsibility in these UN reforms. Madam president, in the 70 years since we became a UN member state, Japan has consistently contributed to the peace and prosperity of the international community, as a peace loving nation under its exclusively defense oriented policy. Furthermore, we have worked hand in hand with the United Nations on the two indispensable tasks of establishing rules and institutions and providing support on the ground. This policy will remain unchanged in the future. In light of this history, Japan feels a sense of responsibility to safeguard the ideals of the United Nations as our beacon of hope, and to carry that light forward into the future. To that end, with its renewed commitment to the United Nations and multilateralism, Japan will continue to steadily take actions. Now, at a time when the world is in turmoil, the United Nations itself must be reborn as a more resilient and effective United Nations and regain the trust of the international community. Together with this more resilient and effective United Nations, Japan is determined to create peace and prosperity by making the Indo-Pacific and the international community more resilient and prosperous. Thank you so very much.
He stood firm in defending our organization against attempts to undermine its foundations. He worked tirelessly to strengthen its role whenever efforts were made to diminish it, he devoted himself to keeping the voice of multilateral action strong whenever attempts were made to silence it. Today we meet at a crossroads. In many parts of the world, tensions are rising, conflicts are expanding, and crises are deepening. Meanwhile, trust among nations is declining. Isolationism and polarization are intensifying. Whereas selfishness and exclusion are prevailing at the expense of cooperation. Unilateral coercive measures are increasingly being imposed, and the logic of power is once again reasserting itself, eclipsing the virtues of dialogue and disregarding the benefits of consensus and understanding. In such a turbulent international context, the danger lies not only in the outbreak of wars, but also in the normalization and acceptance of war itself. It lies in the transformation of the exception into the rule, to a situation where the rules of international law become applicable at times and suspended at others, subject only to the dictates of power balances. What sort of international order can function properly when principles are selected according to the identity of those who violate them? What confidence can remain in international law when the aggressor is granted the right to self-defense, while the victim is required to justify even the right to survive? And what future await humanity if imposing fait accompli and once again becomes a tool for managing conflict or determining their outcome. This matter is not simply a temporary crisis facing the international system. Rather, it is a profound review of our collective conscience and our capacity to preserve and develop the order we established after two world wars, so that future generations would not suffer the scourge of war. Because we fail to learn the lessons of a not so distant history, and because we did not heed these lessons, and we did not transform them into measures that would protect us from the catastrophes of the past finally and in full. And because we built a system of international relations whose central purpose was to reject war. And to safeguard a lasting peace, but without providing the system with the means and instruments necessary to achieve an ambition of this size. For this reason, the theme that was chosen by the president of our General Assembly for this session, namely restoring trust and managing transformation: a United Nations delivering results for all, this theme not only reflects the challenges of our time, but also presents us with a fundamental question how do we restore confidence in an international system whose rules and institutions have lost credibility? Algeria believes that the starting point must be from the place where the will of the international community must be embodied, namely the United Nations itself, this very place and this very hall. Particularly reforming the United Nations system is no longer an institutional luxury, nor is it a choice that can be postponed indefinitely. It has become a necessity imposed by the profound transformations the world has undergone. It is imposed by the need for a more just international order, an international order that is more representative and more equitable. We cannot ask peoples to trust in multilateralism if its institutions continue to reflect the balances of a bygone era. We cannot speak of international justice without addressing the historical imbalances that still mar the structure of international decision making. Nor can we advocate for international peace and security while the system of international relations continues to favor war as a means of resolving dispute. Accordingly, Algeria calls for strengthening the role and the authority of the General Assembly. We call for a profound reform of the Security Council that would make it more representative, more equitable and more effective, and that would put an end to selectivity and double standards in the application of international law. In this regard, Algeria reaffirms its steadfast support for the common African position. We stress that correcting the historical injustice suffered by Africa requires permanent and fair African representation in the Security Council with full powers. If restoring trust begins with institutional reform, then it cannot be complete without doing justice to the peoples aspiring to self-determination and the realization of their national projects.
Advance nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament without delay. And demand accountability without fear or favour. We must also reform the Security Council so that it reflects today’s world with the legitimacy and effectiveness that today’s challenges demand. The Security Council was designed in the aftermath of World War II. But the world has fundamentally changed since then. A change that is far from reflected in the Security Council. The most stunning example is Africa. When the UN was founded, most of Africa was still under colonial rule. Today, Africa still has no permanent representation on the Council. A 21st century Security Council without permanent African seats is unjust and indefensible.
The UN reform process must strengthen the organisation's effectiveness and relevance without diminishing its presence, services or support in the most vulnerable regions, where assistance is needed most. Reform must enhance delivery, not reduce it. The UN is not perfect, but it remains the cornerstone of multilateral diplomacy and the indispensable platform through which nations preserve peace, advance sustainable development, uphold international law and protect human rights. Solomon Islands looks to the next secretary general to lead with vision and to ensure that the Secretariat is accountable to all member states, serving the interests of small and large states on an equal footing. Mr. president, Solomon Islands reiterates its support for comprehensive reform of the Security Council to make it more representative, transparent, accountable and reflective of today's realities. A council with a dedicated seat for small island developing states would strengthen the legitimacy and effectiveness of the entire multilateral system. The veto is a relic of 1945. Too often it has been used to shield violations of international law and to entrench the double standards that fuel conflict. At a minimum, the veto must never again be used in situations of genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes. Ultimately, it should be abolished. Mr. president, it is with great pride that Solomon Islands is again contributing personnel to UN peacekeeping in South Sudan. Despite our small size, our participation reaffirms our enduring commitment to the charter, to international peace and security, and to the noble work of peacekeepers serving communities affected by conflict.
It must be acknowledged, however, that in certain circumstances, the expectations that people have placed in it have not always been met with a response commensurate with their aspirations. This reality should not lead us to question the foundations of the multilateral system, but rather to strengthen the effectiveness representativeness and capacity for action of international institutions. It is incumbent upon Member States to renew their commitment to multilateralism that is more effective, more inclusive and more responsive to the aspirations of peoples. We also consider it urgent to reform the architecture of global governance, so that it reflects the geopolitical realities of the 21st century. It is essential that Africa have more adequate and effective representation in the international institutions that play a central role in shaping responses to the challenges of peace, security and development. The reform of United Nations Security Council must reflect the legitimate aspirations of the African continent and ensure fairer, permanent and effective representation. In keeping with the principle of a more inclusive, equitable and representative international order, Guinea-Bissau welcomes the efforts of the United Nations to achieve a lasting political solution to the question of Western Sahara. We welcome the adoption of Security Council Resolution 2797 of 2025 and view favourably the Autonomy Initiative presented by the Kingdom of Morocco as a basis for resolving this dispute. Ladies and gentlemen, on November 26th, 2025, during the electoral process, the constitutional order in Guinea-Bissau was interrupted and transitional bodies were established.
President, 81 years after the adoption of the charter, the best way to defend the United Nations is to defend its ability to discharge its mandates. We need a U.N. which is more effective, transparent and agile, able to prevent conflicts, forge consensus even in times of deeply rooted polarization. We need a UN able to offer tangible responses to the challenges of the 21st century. For this reason, Costa Rica has presented the candidacy of Miss Rebeca Grynspan to the position of Secretary general of the United Nations. She is a Latin American woman with a wealth of political, economic experience and experience in the multilateral arena. She has a proven track record of leadership. She knows the United Nations from the inside and from outside, and she understands that knowing an institution intimately and serving it also involves having the courage to reform it. Her candidacy is rooted in a simple but powerful idea. Defending the United Nations means and requires having the courage to reform it. Today, we need a leader able to unite the membership, strengthen the organization, and renew trust in international cooperation. We need a UN that does what it is called upon to do in its founding charter, that is, maintain international peace and security, ensure respect for human rights and advance development. Costa Rica firmly believes that the next secretary general must be a Latin American woman.
However, on this journey, we have learned something that I have come here to share with you: that is that no state can defeat an enemy that knows no borders by acting alone. The weapons that reach our streets, across several countries, the money that finances mafias is laundered far from where the crimes are committed, the routes of drug trafficking and people trafficking and illegal mining, across continents. Criminals have already globalized their cooperation. They share routes, logistics, finances, and technology without red tape, distrust, or delay. It's unacceptable that criminal organizations cooperate with one another more effectively than states do. This is the reality that the United Nations must recognize and rise to. For a long time, organized crime was dealt with as a law enforcement matter, but today we know that it's more than that. When it controls territories and infiltrates institutions, replaces legitimate authority, erodes the rule of law, and destabilizes an entire society. And when this happens in several countries at the same time, it's no longer just a domestic issue; it becomes a threat to international peace and security. I want to say this very clearly: we're not calling for other actors to act instead of states. We're calling for cooperation, with full respect for the sovereignty of each nation, and with results that we can measure. This is why Ecuador today is proposing three concrete actions. First of all, an international mechanism within the framework of the UN to trace and freeze the illicit financial flows from transnational organized crime. The money is the fuel of these networks, so let us stop it in its tracks. Second, a permanent platform of information exchange between police forces, prosecutors' offices, and financial intelligence units that enables states to anticipate rather than react once it's happened. And the third concrete action: that the UN80 initiative include transnational organized crime as a priority for conflict prevention, and provide the organization with the capacity to support states that request it. These are proposals that Ecuador is prepared to support and drive forward alongside all countries that wish to join us. Excellencies, security is not an end in itself; it's a condition for a country to be able to flourish. And today we are experiencing a crisis, a profound crisis. And recovering security means giving people back their future, for a young person to be able to choose university rather than being trapped by a criminal gang, for a family to open a business without fear, for a company to invest and create jobs, and for institutions to respond to the needs of citizens and not to illicit interests.
None of the threats stop at national borders. That is why we need the United Nations more than ever. We need the United Nations capable of implementing decisions, not just making them. We need the United Nations where voices of every country are heard. Uzbekistan supports the UN Secretary-General's efforts within the framework of the UN80 initiative aimed at adapting the organization to modern requirements. We support expanding the composition of the UN Security Council based on modern realities. Next year, Uzbekistan will take up the chairmanship of the Non-Aligned Movement. At a time of escalating tensions, we take this as a responsibility to create new platforms for dialogue. In that spirit, Uzbekistan has offered its candidacy for the non-permanent membership in the Security Council for 2035 and 2036. We count on your support. For us, the international law is not an instrument that changes based on interests; it's a common rule for all countries. There cannot be universal justice without universal law.
Excellencies, learning also means embracing change. The world of today is not the world of 1945. The institutions we created to respond to the challenges of that time, need to learn in the world that has changed. Cabo Verde, therefore, supports a United Nations that is more effective, more transparent, and more representative. The UN80 Initiative presents an opportunity to modernize this organization and strengthen its response capacity. In this spirit, we also support the reform of the Security Council. Africa is home to nearly one quarter of the member states of this organization and represents approximately one-fifth of the world's population, and yet it still lacks the representation it deserves on this council. Therefore, we support a more equitable African representation in accordance with the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. A fairer international order also requires fairer and more inclusive institutions. The election of the next Secretary-General should reflect the same principles: transparency, inclusion, merit, and equal opportunities. Ladies and gentlemen, but the United Nations is not just a place where we discuss crises; it is also a space where we build common paths. The 2030 Agenda, the African Union's Agenda 2063, and the Pact for the Future point us in one clear direction: sustainable development centered on the people, capable of transforming global commitments into concrete changes in the lives of populations.
Ladies and gentlemen, as Secretary-General António Guterres nears the end of his mandate, we commend his efforts to reform and modernize the United Nations. The next Secretary-General will face a defining task: adapting the United Nations to a world of growing geopolitical rivalry and fragmentation. We expect her or him to carry forward the UN80 agenda and turn reforms into results. The success of UN reforms will be judged not by new structures or new language, but by whether the multilateral system can deliver, uphold international law, and make its rules matter. The future legitimacy of the United Nations will depend on it. Nowhere is this more important than in peace and security. The international community must become better at preventing crises, protecting civilians, and defending the rules it has agreed to uphold. The Czech Republic is ready to do its part. Let me reiterate that we are seeking a non-permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council for the period 2032-2033. If elected, we will contribute actively to its work and shoulder our share of responsibility. We will continue to help preventing and resolving conflicts through political engagement, humanitarian assistance, and practical cooperation. We will stand for the protection of civilians and critical infrastructure, and for accountability when international law is seriously violated.
Nevertheless, some of the initiatives we see from the Global South give a beacon of hope that we indeed can attain technological advancement through foresight and leadership. A key point is Ethiopia's initiative of the Five Million Coders program, and the soon-to-be-commissioned University of Artificial Intelligence reaffirms that our continent is ready to build the future. Mr. President, Ethiopia remains steadfast in its belief that the United Nations must be fundamentally reformed to best address the shifting global challenges. The UN reform must reflect our highest aspiration to witness an organization anchored in true equality and justice.
Malaysia will speak plainly, Mr. President. We are sick of it. Mr. president, nowhere is the need for reform more critical than in the Security Council. Nowhere are the shortcomings of the United Nations more glaring than in the Security Council. The exercise of veto must be questioned and strongly challenged by every single member of this General Assembly particularly in cases of crimes against humanity. Resolution 76/262 has already created an accountability channel between the Council and this Assembly. We must make full use of this resolution as a launch pad for greater accountability regarding the use of veto. Expanding the Council's membership alone will not be enough to resolve its failure. It is the veto that must be challenged. The veto must be abolished. We must begin the work now. There is still time to save the global order. The paralysis of Security Council will not be the paralysis of United Nations. Mr. president, it is fair to say that global trust in the United Nations ability to deliver is at an all time low. This, in turn, demolishes trust in the very idea of the multilateral order. The citizens we serve and represent are afraid. Excellencies. They are watching the world order fragment. They are witnessing the re-emergence of arms race. They have heard overt threats to use nuclear weapons, and they are seeing their governments choose not to regulate AI and the many ways it is being abused, but instead give it more power in such chaotic times. The only way to course correct is to rebuild trust in the power of proactive governance and multilateralism. Mr. president, trust comes from the way in which we, as the world leaders, can manage transformation forces. For centuries, global power was concentrated in states.
This transformation first requires a bold Security Council reform. We cannot claim to represent the world of 2026 with the proportions of 1945. A continent of more than 1.3 billion inhabitants, whose crises make up a large portion of the Council's work, ought to have at least one permanent seat in it. The Pact for the Future has opened a window, but two years after its adoption, negotiations on Security Council reform are still ongoing. The decision that is urgently needed has yet to be made. The African position, represented for years now by the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration, is not a favor we are asking. It is a demand for justice and effectiveness. Transformation, next, requires peacekeeping operations with realistic mandates and predictable financing. We support strengthening the UN-African Union partnership, including through predictable financing for African-led operations. Lastly, the transformation requires an international financial architecture that stops penalizing fragile countries. These reforms are not favors; they are investments in the world's stability. The UN must benefit all of its members.
Addressing these challenges is allowing us to focus on the future. Honduras is a conscientious country, a country of law, a country in which we invite you to invest. Anyone who invests in Honduras will be offered opportunities, order, transparency, and clear rules. We are adhering to the International Monetary Fund guidelines. In the seven months that my country has been in office, we have increased our international reserves to the tune of $1.3 billion, and that is an increase of 13%. We returned to the International Center of Arbitration, CIADI, on the 6th of March 2026. We'd been members of that center since 1989, and we returned to resolve our problems with a sense of solemn responsibility. With these steps, we sought to reiterate that in Honduras, rules apply to everyone, and rules are followed. On that basis, Honduras can offer concrete investment opportunities in logistics, industry, energy, infrastructure, agroindustry, mining, tourism, to name just a few sectors. We are the center of America. We stand between two oceans. We are optimizing Puerto Cortés— that is a port in our Caribbean-Atlantic area— and it is the port with greatest potential for growth in the country, and one of the largest, most important ports in Central America. We are investing to strengthen our road infrastructure so that we can create a logistics corridor to join the Atlantic with the Pacific. This project and its location means that we can offer to the world safe, reliable, and efficient supply chains. Honduras is one of the world's key textile exporters. We manufacture the clothes of well-known brands. We also manufacture cable harnesses and automobile parts that are sold around the world. They've come from Honduran factories. Around 200,000 Honduran people work in those industries. These factories, maquilas, and other forms of industry require stable energy at competitive prices. It is for that reason that the National Congress recently adopted a reform to our electrical energy law. That reform had been championed by the Presidency. In light of the above, we invite both national and foreign investment: investment in the development of Honduras's energy sector, investment in the generation, transmission, and distribution of energy. Our land is fertile land.
An efficient, effective, nimble and well-coordinated UN is urgently needed. Sweden strongly supports the Secretary-General's UN80 initiative and expects all UN entities to engage fully with a clear focus on improving delivery at country level. We also expect Member States to give the UN adequate resources. Assessed contributions must be paid in full and in time. As members, we also need to carefully consider institutional reforms and align mandates with available resources. UN80 is an opportunity to strengthen the UN's impact across all three pillars and to reinforce the international system firmly grounded in the UN Charter and international law. Sweden remains firm in its defence of the UN's normative mandates on human rights, gender equality, and sexual and reproductive health and rights. Everyone has the right to live freely and with dignity, to be who they are and to love whom they choose. Sweden will always stand up for that freedom and for equal rights of all. Mr. President, a balanced expansion of the Security Council would strengthen its credibility and the legitimacy of its decisions. Sweden would like to see permanent and non-permanent seats added, and a fairer representation of all continents on the council. Africa, home to 1.3 billion people and the largest regional bloc in the United Nations, has no permanent seat. This is neither logical nor fair. Further, the veto should never be used to prevent the UN from acting against serious violations of international law or in humanitarian disasters. Mr. President, we must continue to strengthen our United Nations to make the organisation stronger and better equipped to prevent conflict and meet the challenges of tomorrow. We must continue to find common agreements based on the fundamentals. Every country's sovereignty and territorial integrity, prohibition of the use of force, respect for international law, human rights and humanitarian principles. It is our shared responsibility to ensure that the UN remains relevant, effective and resolute. That it becomes greater than the sum of its parts. To show once again that we can turn the page on conflict and chaos and move towards peace and prosperity. Mr. President, this year also marks 65 years since Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld died. His integrity, conviction and commitment to the vision and values of our organisation are still remembered. Sweden continues to support the UN investigation aimed at clarifying the circumstances surrounding Secretary-General Hammarskjöld's death, and I would like to conclude with the words of Mr. Hammarskjöld. It is no news to anybody, but we sense it in different degrees that the world of today is more than ever before one world. The weakness of one is the weakness of all and the strength of one, not the military strength, the real strength, the economic and social strength, the happiness of the people is indirectly the strength of all.
Yet there's still a long road ahead of us. We need to mobilise greater levels of both domestic and external funding so as to attain our goals. Now, given this scarcity and rising cost of financial resources, particularly because of the access criteria for concessional financing, and they often fail to reflect reality. For a small island state such as ours, income indicators alone do not capture our multidimensional vulnerability. And that is why we in the Comoros call for a profound reform of the international financial architecture. Such reform is essential to guarantee our right to development and to ensure that multilateral banks finally take account of our vulnerabilities in their allocation policies. Encouraged by positive macroeconomic results and our determination to reach higher middle income status, we are now entering a decisive phase. For the period 2027 to 2030, we will accelerate implementation of the Emerging Comoros Plan, and we invite our bilateral and multilateral partners, as well as the private sector, to join us in transforming this ambition into a lasting reality for the Comorian people.
Developing countries continue to face high financing costs, external vulnerabilities and limited fiscal space. Access to climate finance and reform of the international financial architecture therefore remain essential. In this regard, the Sevilla Commitment represents an important step forward whose commitments must now be translated into tangible results, including through improved access to concessional financing, enhanced debt sustainability and increased mobilisation of public and private capital for development. We must also strengthen South-South and triangular cooperation in order to share technologies, knowledge and solutions tailored to the realities of our countries. Africa must not be viewed solely as a region vulnerable to climate change.
Mr. President, for countries like ours, a rules-based order is a condition for our security and a guarantee that it is the norms agreed on by everyone and not force that resolve disputes between nations. It's for this reason that it's necessary to restore trust in this organization, and three things are necessary in this regard to achieve it: renewing representation, renewing peacekeeping operations, and renewing support for developing countries. We support the UN80 initiative with a sense of conviction. However, there is no reform that can be successful without resources behind it, and that's why the Dominican Republic is complying and playing our role. This year, we were one of the first countries to fully pay our contribution to the regular budget. Renewing representation requires a security council that looks more like the multipolar world of the present, and it also requires thinking about who will lead this organization next. This year, I affirmed, from this very same rostrum, that it was the turn of Latin America and the Caribbean to provide renewed leadership, and that the time had come for a woman to be Secretary-General of this organization. The candidates that are running confirm this. In more than 80 years, no woman has led this organization. We trust that the Security Council and the General Assembly will rise to this moment.
The United Nations was created precisely for a moment such as this. When a challenge is too large for any one nation to address alone. When risks need to be managed to protect people all over the world. And when opportunities need to be exploited in a way that benefits the largest and the smallest, the richest and the poorest member state. But today the United Nations itself is under pressure. There are great powers that believe that they fare better if they ignore the rules enshrined in the UN Charter. The erosion of international law jeopardizes the enormous civilisational progress that the United Nations stands for. The commitment to peace, the principle of sovereign equality of all states, the belief in norms and rules, the conviction of the dignity inherent in every human being. The erosion of these principles may serve the interests of a few who believe themselves powerful enough to survive in a world without norms, or to write their own rules. For us, for the overwhelming majority of the 193 states represented in this General Assembly, this is harmful. We know that the people of this world will pay the price if the respect for international law erodes, and if its institutions are under attack. If this erosion continues, we all stand to lose. But this pressure on the international order does not come from political actors alone. It also comes from the forces of technological revolution. This poses a crucial question how do we enable our international institutions to keep pace with the technologies that are reshaping our world? Faced with this question, it will not be enough to invoke what we still have or once had in the United Nations, nor will it have helped if we ignore its weaknesses. What we need is honesty, realism, and cooperation. Honesty in our analysis, realism in our ambition and cooperation as our method. We must acknowledge that many of the beams of this common house cannot carry the burden we put on them. We must decide which parts of the house do we preserve and which do we rebuild? For this endeavour to succeed, we need the new Secretary-General to lead a profound process of reform. Above all, we must close the gap between what we expect from the United Nations and the capabilities we give to the organization.
We are moving our relationship with our strategic partners to a new phase moving from military cooperation to economic and development cooperation in service of our common interests In this manner, we add to Iraqis victory over terrorism, a redoubled determination and momentum to finish building our military and security capacities in order to protect our country, our people, and our sovereignty. In order to sustain integration with our international friends, we call on all partners to exercise border control, address gaps and remain constantly vigilant in order to prevent the formation of an environment conducive to extremism. Ladies and gentlemen In the context of institutional reform, our government is fighting a battle against corruption and for the protection of public funds. We are moving forward with sustainable core solutions in order to increase performance efficiency and improve providing services.
The persistence of conflicts across the world recalls the purpose for which the United Nations was founded, to spare succeeding generations the devastation of war. We must therefore return to the founding principles of dialogue mutual respect and collective responsibility. Nigeria stands by the charter and its promise of a world in which diplomacy prevails over coercion, cooperation over isolation and international law over arbitrary exercise of power. Mr. President, the reform of this institution must begin with the reconstitution of the Security Council, for the world of 2026 cannot remain captive to the distribution of power in 1945. Africa cannot continue to fill the council's agenda while remaining absent from its permanent membership. Nigeria demands, in accordance with the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration, at least two permanent seats for Africa, with all the rights and responsibilities of permanent membership, including the veto for as long as it exists, and five non-permanent seats in total. The authority to speak for humanity carries an obligation to represent it.
Excellencies, there is a wider lesson here. Peace requires effective institutions, and international cooperation requires an effective United Nations. This is why Tajikistan supports the ongoing UN reform process. Reform is not an end in itself. It must make the United Nations more effective, agile, coherent and better able to deliver. We support reducing duplication, improving efficiency and strengthening accountability while preserving the organization's ability to fulfill its mandate. Member states must remain at the center of this process. Excellencies. A stronger UN also requires member states willing to assume greater responsibility. Tajikistan is ready to do so. For the first time in its history, Tajikistan is seeking election to the United Nations Security Council for the 2028 2029 term. We approached this responsibility with humility and determination. We congratulate brotherly Kyrgyzstan on its election to the Security Council for 2027 2028, and look forward to its contribution to the work of the council. Tajikistan would bring the experience of a country that has known conflict and built peace, that has faced difficult borders and chosen dialogue and compromise. A country that shares a long border with Afghanistan and understands firsthand the importance of prevention, stability and regional cooperation. And a country that has consistently advanced practical, multilateral initiatives on water, glaciers, counter-terrorism, sustainable development and peace. For us, membership in the Security Council would not be about status. It would be about responsibility to uphold the charter, to listen to all voices, large and small, to seek common ground where divisions persist, and to contribute constructively to the maintenance of international peace and security. Mr. President, we begin with peace. Let me end with peace. The challenges before us are great, but they are not greater than our capacity to overcome them.
As we forge ahead with the SDGs, reform of the United International Financial Architecture is critical to a more equitable and inclusive global economic order. Such reforms should create greater policy space and access to financing to enable countries to expand their economies through value addition to their natural resources, including critical minerals, for our people to have full benefit of our resources. This will accelerate sustainable development, address inequality, create jobs for our youth, and lift our population out of poverty. In this context, we welcome the creation of the African Credit Rating Agency to be launched in Mauritius in October this year. This development is a building block of Africa taking ownership of her development and prosperity agenda. It demonstrates progress in Africa's ambitions to drive impetus for the reform of the international financial architecture in order to ensure a level playing field. Middle-income countries continue to face high borrowing costs, limited fiscal space, debt vulnerabilities, climate-related shocks, and persistent inequality. Namibia reaffirms the Sevilla Commitments as an important step towards reforming the international financial architecture and strengthening the global partnership for sustainable development.
Fourth, we must strengthen multilateralism and the essential, indispensable role of the UN. The strength of the UN does not lie in its ability to replace the responsibilities of state, but in its legitimacy and capacity to build consensus, established norms, develop rules and mobilise global efforts to address common challenges. For the UN to adapt to the transformations of the time, Vietnam supports efforts to reform the organisation, particularly the GA, the Security Council and the Secretariat, with a view to enhance its effectiveness, prioritising structural reform and streamlining the apparatus, while fully harnessing the UN's advantage in advancing global agendas and safeguarding the interests of developing countries. These perspectives are drawn from the experience of Vietnam itself over the past half century, since its accession to the UN mirrors the transformation of our own country.
Nova Scotians all know the same thing. The tide does not wait. You must move with it. The tide has turned in the global order. As well as Canadian historian Margaret MacMillan has observed, we have arrived in a new age of disorder. We are facing a rupture, not a transition. Great powers are walking away from global economic cooperation, dismantling economic integration. Great powers want the rest of us to accept what we are offered. And too often, state sovereignty, the cornerstone of the UN Charter, has been treated with disdain. We are facing serious challenges in the global order, but at their core, Canadians and billions of others around the world want to live peaceful prosperous and predictable lives. That is why, in the face of this rupture, Canada's goal is to achieve greater strategic autonomy, greater autonomy, to make our own choices, and to determine our own sovereign future. We can no longer afford to be overly reliant on any one partner. Instead, we are diversifying our ties and building stronger relationships with new and old partners alike so that our people can enjoy peace and prosperity. We will prioritize decisive, effective action by forging issue based coalitions of nations that share a sense of urgency on common challenges. We believe that these coalitions are the most flexible, effective, and immediate way to address emerging global challenges. We are already forming these coalitions with small states, middle powers and great powers alike. Through the Coalition of the Willing, Canada is working with over 30 allies and partners to bolster Ukraine and defend against further Russian aggression. And in regional groupings like the Arctic Seven and the Nordic-Baltic Eight, Canada and our Arctic allies are cooperating to keep our region stable and secure. To this end, I welcome Secretary Rubio's convening of the Arctic Seven earlier this week in Alaska. At a time when we are forming new coalitions, we should also strengthen the multilateral system. This is why Canada and our partners throughout the entire world have started a new initiative entitled Partners for Multilateralism. This initiative seeks to support United Nations reform and reform of other institutions to make them more representative, more effective and more trustworthy. Through a policy of values based realism, understanding the world as it is, we will make the right choices for Canadians while being guided by our values. We will diversify our ties. We will work with trusted partners to strengthen our strategic capabilities, especially in emerging technologies, critical minerals, defence production, and clean and conventional energy. And we will lead other middle powers to act collectively and decisively. Because middle powers are playing a key role in building the framework for the new international order, which is being established as we speak.
But at the same time, they also carry risks of being misused for sinister purposes. Highly volatile present era urgently calls for strengthened UN, capable of handling challenges and crises facing humanity in conformity with the common interests of mankind. The most pressing issue to be addressed is none other than building the UN into a UN for all faithful to the purposes and principles enshrined in the charter, and fully guaranteed of impartiality and objectivity in the face of the arbitrary practices of the anti-peace forces that are abusing the UN as a tool for implementing their hegemonic strategy. The United Nations should no longer be misused for the sinister political purposes of specific forces. The United Nations should firmly secure its authority and future by promoting equality and cooperation among sovereign states. It's about time the UN undertook a reform. Not the reform, centered on specific countries, but the one aimed at democratization of the United Nations in the true sense of the word, so that the organization would represent the views and interests of the entire membership evenly and equally. Gone are the days when an individual member state unilaterally impose its will on the rest of the world and dominated the international political arena. Instead, multilateralism and multipolarization have emerged as an irresistible aspiration and trend of the times based on justice and equity. The DPRK will always be with the anti-imperialist, independent countries aspiring after the building of a just and peaceful world, and is committed to undertaking the historic mission of leading the movement for global independence under the uplifted banner of independence. Mr. president. This year marks the 35th year of the DPRK's entry into the UN. The DPRK joined the UN out of the desire to defend peace and security of the region and the world, and to achieve common prosperity of mankind together with the entire UN membership. To this end, we have remained faithful to the purposes and principles of the UN charter. As a UN member state, the DPRK government maintains its invariable stand to actively work towards the establishment of genuine international justice and a new fair international order in compliance with the UN charter and international law. In particular, I affirm that the DPRK government, led by the present Head of State of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, will direct positive efforts to promote international justice, co-prosperity, peace and security of the region and beyond while firmly defending her national sovereignty, security interests and the right development.
Mr. president, we express our country's grave concern as the world continues its slide toward uncertainty and division. The erosion of trust among nations is rapidly reshaping the international order. Our collective inability to prevent conflicts, our collective indifference toward humanitarian crisis, and our collective reluctance to seek common solutions to shared challenges are all becoming normalised. Trust cannot be restored when international law is applied selectively and commitments remain unfulfilled. Our response must be grounded in the fundamental values we have affirmed together freedom, equality, justice and respect for human dignity. President Tokayev has repeatedly underscored the indispensable role of the United Nations as a single universal platform, uniquely capable of bringing the states together to address the challenges we face. But to fulfil its potential, UN must be able to act, adapt and deliver. We fully support the UN-80 initiative. The success of the reform should be measured not by what is cut or reorganised, but by whether the United Nations prevents conflicts more effectively, responds more rapidly to crisis and delivers better results for all member states. Central to this renewal is reform of the Security Council. Broader representation of Asia, Africa and Latin America in the Council, as well as greater voice for developing countries and for middle powers, is a moral imperative. Equitable geographical representation must apply throughout the United Nations system as a condition of legitimacy and credibility. The selection of the next Secretary-General will be one of the defining moments of this session, and Kazakhstan supports a transparent, inclusive and merit based process conducted in full accordance with the Charter. Mr. president, the international security environment continues to deteriorate. World military expenditures reached a record $2.9 trillion in 2025. Our small planet is home to more than 12,000 nuclear weapons, each one capable of untold damage and sorrow. Every year we seem to lose more biodiversity, yet gain more armaments. For Kazakhstan, nuclear disarmament in particular is not an abstract doctrine. It's a responsibility born of national experience. This year marks 35 years since the closure of the Semipalatinsk nuclear test site 30 years since the CTBT opened for signature, and 20 years since the signing of the Treaty on Nuclear Weapon Free Zone in Central Asia. Our experience of renouncing the world's fourth largest nuclear arsenal did not weaken our state. To the contrary through international trust, it strengthens sovereignty, enhanced security and promotes development. Today the trust is again in danger. New START has expired, while the 2026 NPT Review Conference ended without substantive outcome for the third consecutive cycle. Nuclear weapon states must never confuse the absence of agreement with the vacuum of obligation. They remain responsible until we secure a world free of nuclear weapons. Kazakhstan advocates the relaunch of high level dialogue among nuclear powers, and is ready to host one of their next meetings. We will also continue advancing our earlier proposal to strengthen the BWC through establishing an international agency for biological security. Distinguished delegates. Peace and stability are prerequisites for sustainable development. We stand firmly for diplomacy and dialogue, and against the escalation of tension and the use of force.
The second opportunity is strengthening climate action resilience. Mr. president, Malawi contributes negligibly to global greenhouse gas emissions, yet we remain on the front line of the climate crisis. In recent years, devastating cyclones, prolonged droughts and increasingly erratic weather patterns have destroyed infrastructure, devastated crops, displaced thousands of our citizens and inflicted severe damage on our economy. This year, we face the added threat of El Nino related extreme weather, which risks further undermining livelihoods food security and economic stability. As such, we are fighting back by embedding climate resilience into our national development planning and strengthening locally driven adaptation measures. However, our efforts are continually outpaced by the scale and speed of climate change. Climate shocks repeatedly destroy infrastructure, decimate agricultural production and make worse food insecurity and erode hard-won development gains. Mr. president, the global community must therefore move beyond rhetoric and translate commitments into meaningful action. We call for the full and effective operationalisation and capitalisation of the Loss and Damage Fund. Major historical and current emitters must honour their climate finance commitments by providing accessible, predictable, grant based and highly concessional financing rather than relying on debt-creating instruments that further burden countries already struggling to cope with the consequences of a crisis they did little to cause. Mr. president, Malawi, therefore, calls for enhanced, predictable and easily accessible climate finance, with greater emphasis on adaptation and disaster risk reduction. We need sustainable investment in early warning systems, climate-resilient infrastructure, sustainable land management, climate smart agriculture and locally led adaptation. Climate change is an existential threat to Malawi's development and to the hard won gains we have made. Mr. president, the third opportunity is to reform global governance and strengthening multilateralism. The current global challenges underscore a fundamental truth.
The council has not. Five nations still hold a veto over the peace of 193. Most of the nations in this hall did not exist when that arrangement was made, none of us was asked. An institution that cannot reform itself, cannot hope to reform the world. Power without legitimacy is not order. It is control. And a peace kept only by the powerful is not peace. It is permission. That is why the Bahamas seeks a seat on the Council for the 2032-2033 term. The Bahamas does not seek a seat on the council to sit quietly inside that arrangement. We seek to help change it. A council that reflects the world as it is, and it gives small island states a dedicated seat at the table where our survival is decided. Change must also reach the leadership of this organization. The Bahamas supports the candidature of Her Excellency Carolyn Rodrigues-Birkett of Guyana for Secretary General. A former foreign minister who has presided over the Security Council. She understands what rules mean for nations with no other protection.
It can be designed to serve the common good and measured against what our people actually need. Dignity, opportunity, and a fair share in what they help to create. Or it can be left to reproduce what came before and call it progress. We have the knowledge to choose the first path. What is needed now is the will. This Mr. President, is where the trust in multilateralism is won or lost. Belize has shown that debt can be reduced. That conservation can be financed innovatively, and that national reform can succeed. Yet we still borrow in a system that prices our vulnerability as risk, rather than treating resilience as an investment. Belize does not seek special treatment. We seek accurate treatment. Income per capita does not reveal how much of an economy sits in a hurricane's path. What it costs to serve dispersed communities, or how quickly a climate shock can reverse fiscal gains. The Multidimensional Vulnerability Index must become a working instrument across the international financial system. In eligibility for concessional finance, in debt sustainability analysis, and in the decisions of the institutions that allocate capital. Vulnerability should be legible in financial decision making, without small states being required to prosecute their own case again and again.
And in this regard, the Republic of the Congo is following very closely the selection process for the next UN Secretary General. We believe that Africa a continent at the centre of many UN challenges and global geopolitical issues, must remain at the heart of the future Secretary-General's agenda. The next Secretary General must embrace a truly universal vision of the United Nations, one that leaves no continent at the margins and which fully takes into account Africa's place, responsibilities and legitimate interests. Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, for the Republic of the Congo, restoring trust and managing transformation of our international institutions is a collective imperative. The theme of this session, Restoring Trust and Managing Transformation, resonates as a call for clarity and courage in a world where trust is eroding, tensions are rising and double standards and relationships of force threaten to replace both the spirit and the letter of the UN charter. Humanity has never needed a renewed, inclusive and representative multilateralism more than it does today, a multilateralism that can reflect the realities of a multi-polar world in which Africa occupies its rightful place. This renewal requires a deep reform of international institutions, foremost amongst them the Security Council. Africa, strengthened by its history, its demographic dynamism and geopolitical importance, can no longer remain on the sidelines of decisions that shape its destiny. It must become a full and legitimate actor in accordance with the consensus. Africa's demand for two permanent Security Council seats with veto power is not a request, but a right, a legitimate right, grounded, which reflects the realities of the 21st century. The world has changed and our institutions must evolve with it. This is an imperative, and Africa is not asking for a favor. It is claiming its rightful place. The Republic of the Congo is a member of the Committee of Heads of States and Governments of the African Union on Security Council reform. The C10 Committee will not compromise on this shared demand. Your Excellency, ladies and gentlemen, the Republic of the Congo reiterates its willingness to serve the international community. With your support, we renew our aspiration to serve as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council for the 2030 2031 term. This candidacy of ours is rooted in a long diplomatic tradition, our sustained commitment to peace and a strong sense of international responsibility.
These are all different fronts of a single, profound transformation. The world order that emerged after World War II is coming apart. It was an imperfect order. It did not prevent wars, injustice or suffering. But today, the world balance has been disrupted, and history, which someone has declared has reached its final chapter, is once again moving at a galloping pace. But every race needs a finish line. Our task cannot be to stand and watch passively the fragmentation of our world, but it must be to build a new framework of rules, responsibility, and cooperation capable of governing change. Change that can happen only through political will, through dialogue among nations, through the awareness of peoples, and through the ability of multinational, multilateral institutions to rediscover a mission equal to the challenges of our time. The United Nations cannot simply record the divisions of today. It must have the ambition to imagine the future and recognize its limitations, overcome its paralysis, and reform its instruments without abandoning its deepest raison d'être: to be the place where conflict gives way to dialogue, confrontation to diplomacy, and fear to the search for shared solutions. The United Nations remains the most universal place for pursuing this aspiration, not because it's perfect, but because no other institution can bring together, around the same table, such different interests, cultures, religions, and visions of the world. It is precisely when the world is divided that the value of dialogue grows rather than diminishes. Italy believes in this institution, in its value, in its central role. We believe in peace, which remains our guiding star, the guiding principle of Italy's foreign policy. It is rooted in our history, enshrined in our constitution, and integral to our identity. Dialogue, however, is not a sign of weakness, nor does it mean neutrality.
Mr. president, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, what form of United Nations cooperation should we establish to support the contemporary transformation of our world? How can we restore trust? Mr. president, ladies and gentlemen, we must look to the future with greater ambition. To ensure lasting and measurable impact over the medium and long term. And to do this, we must move on to a new stage, one of increased solidarity that is more integrated and better coordinated. Madagascar advocates for a multilateral system that is not only capable of acting, but that is also capable of supporting member states in their efforts to break the cycles of poverty and insecurity. My country aspires to an international order founded on the primacy of international law and trusts in the virtues of dialogue and diplomatic action. Our commitment to multilateral cooperation remains unwavering. Multilateralism is a privileged forum where states unite in a shared responsibility, enabling them to define common and appropriate solutions in the face of challenges such as epidemics and climate disasters or armed conflicts arising from contemporary geopolitical rivalries and latent multidimensional tensions. History and future generations will judge our organization according to a single criterion namely our ability to fulfil our original mission, serving all peoples without exclusion or privilege, and in full respect for the sovereignty of nations. It is imperative to restore to the United Nations fully its central role as a guardian of peace, as a strengthened institution capable of restoring order and challenge, and addressing the challenges of our time. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, our challenge today is therefore, to rethink our mechanisms of cooperation through greater synergy between UN agencies and governmental structures in order to optimize the effectiveness of our actions on the ground, but also to provide better visibility of tangible results achieved for the benefit of populations. In this regard, the success of our agenda largely depends on strengthening governance and strengthening institutions priorities that are fully integrated into Madagascar's process of refoundation. We recognize also the absolute necessity of reforming the United Nations so that it may serve all peoples. And in this spirit, we would like to propose the following: first, more inclusive global governance. This must begin with a rebalancing of decision making power. First and foremost, by restoring the General Assembly's full political weight and central place in global governance, it remains indeed the only organ where every nation, regardless of power, enjoys an equal and sovereign voice. We must also correct the historical imbalance affecting Africa's representation on the Security Council. Indeed, Africa cannot remain on the margins of decisions. We have 1.4 billion inhabitants. Decisions concerning international peace and security. Africa should be granted permanent representation on the Security Council in accordance with the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration, which express a common position grounded in justice, equity and representation. Representativeness within the African Union. We must also strengthen coherence between programmes implemented by the UN Resident Coordinator offices and national priorities. UN country teams on the ground must listen carefully and respond effectively to priorities defined by host governments, avoiding one size fits all approaches. Secondly, we need a more accessible international financial architecture for effective development support.
Ladies and gentlemen, today we are witnessing to the direct involvement of certain permanent members of the United Nations Security Council in the bloodiest and most destructive conflicts in our time in Europe and in the Persian Gulf, which constitutes a cause for concern and a bad example for the rest of the world. Those countries rendered a great service when they freed humanity from the horrors of Nazism, fascism, and the Holocaust, and should therefore preserve that capital and legacy as liberators. At a time when good governance of countries is widely advocated, the governance of the world likewise calls for a new, more democratic and just world order one that is not only based on the power of the restricted club of victors, of a war that took place eight decades ago. Since then, the world has come to know different reality. New countries have emerged, which at that time were colonies and which today are strong economies with significant advances in science and technology. It is therefore becoming increasingly pressing and urgent to undertake a profound reform of the Security Council, in which Africa, Latin America and Asia should adequately be represented as permanent members with all the powers inherent therein. In this context, the Republic of Angola reaffirms its full support to the common African position enshrined in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. The voice of Africans must be heard in all circumstances, at all times, in strategic decision making processes on issues of peace, global security, financing for development as well as climate issues and global governance of artificial intelligence.
It has only just started. A safer country is a country with more trust. And where there is trust there is more growth in employment and investment. We are also today a more competitive nation. Only a few weeks ago, Chile adopted the most significant economic reform of recent decades. We approved a reduction to business tax. It's now gone from 27 to 23%. This tax had only been on the increase since 1990. It had never decreased. We have also temporarily reduced housing purchase tax, and we have launched an initiative for capital repatriation. There's better tax stability too. We now have less red tape. We are also dismantling what we call this ideology of always having to issue permits. This is, if you like, a sort of hidden bureaucracy, which stops business projects from forging ahead. In the last six months, we've had requests to invest more than $44 billion in our economy. And these investment projects applications are being assessed by our environmental evaluation systems. More than $33,000 billion dollars, rather have been approved for projects that had been in the wings for years. We have unleashed $17 billion for environmental projects. We are taking tangible actions that are changing the very course of Chile and bringing us closer to development. The economy is not yet taking off, and unemployment is still plunging thousands of families into anguish. But unemployment is hard and high. But it will change. Change will come. Results are slow to materialize but structural reforms are underway. We know where we're going and we're not simply reacting without having any clear course in mind. After storms, the sun always comes out. After winter, spring always arrives and after years of deadlock, Chile is back. There are many reasons that can explain how we got to where we are, but there's only one path that we need to follow for Chile to once again take off, spread its wings and fly. That is the path of unity. Unity between all of those that defend freedom and want to see Chile's people thrive. There are many things that might separate the right and the left in Chile, but we are united by our desires to see Chile grow once more and become a safer nation. Delegates. People from the investment world are listening to us. And I say to you, choose Chile to invest. You will find clear rules that do not change day to day. You will find courts that function, contracts that are abided by, and a state ready to facilitate investment.
In confronting these threats and dangers, the Sudan has in Egypt a strong supporter of its people and the right to unity, to institutions capable of safeguarding their resources and to justice that upholds their dignity. Mr. president, justice and rules is not complete if the institutions that make decisions do not fairly represent the world they govern. More than eight decades have passed since the founding of the United Nations. Yet the structure of the international system's institutions, particularly the Security Council, still reflect historical balances that have become outdated. Institutions that were created for a different world cannot maintain full legitimacy and effectiveness if they do not reflect the world they are meant to serve today, and represent the concerns and interests of the majority of its population. In this context Egypt continues to advocate genuine and comprehensive reform of the Security Council in accordance with the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration, particularly to mend the historical injustice suffered by Africa. The imbalance in political representation is matched by another imbalance in the global economy. Developing countries are required to accelerate development, create jobs, finance green transitions and adapt to crises while simultaneously facing growing debt burdens, higher financing costs and a shrinking fiscal space. Therefore, reforming international financial architecture is no longer a luxury but a necessity. We need financial institutions that are more representative and responsive. We need expanded concessional financing, greater mobilisation and lending capacities for multilateral development banks and accelerated debt workout in a fair and effective manner. We need innovative financing tools and a fairer system for assessing countries needs and investment risks, thus enabling the mobilisation of private capital without shifting risks onto the most vulnerable countries. Countries should not be forced to choose between debt servicing and financing, education, health care, food security and essential infrastructure. Development is not charity. It is a right and a shared interest. Investing in development is an investment in global stability and in the ability of states to prevent crises before they become cross-border, humanitarian and security crises.
Now, the third and final remedy is about language. In other words, how we treat each other. Unfortunately, there is no shortage of examples of those who use dismissive language to describe others and entire groups of people. Too often, those with the most provocative rhetoric receive the greatest visibility. Provocation is rewarded with attention. Excess is misinterpreted as courage and exaggeration as truth. Language can foster cooperation, but it can also break the trust and turn competition into conflict. The recipe is simple but necessary avoid polarization, strengthen trust and listen to others. We need a dignified foreign policy, and that starts here in the United Nations. Now ladies and gentlemen, let me conclude with the following remarks. I would like to thank Secretary-General Guterres for his service and his dedication to reforming and rationalizing the UN system. This work must continue. Every Secretary General is shaped both by their era and by their own actions, and I was reminded of this when I recently read the biographies of two former Secretaries-General U Thant and Kofi Annan, both highly influential leaders who navigated an era of great power tensions. Let me put forward a few suggestions for the new Secretary General's consideration, whoever she may be, and for the international community at large. Now, since my first speech here two years ago, I've consistently called for a reformed Security Council. The world has changed and so should the U.N. There should be at least two new permanent seats for Africa, two for Asia Pacific and one for Latin America. No single state should have veto power. And if a member of the Security Council violates the UN charter, its voting rights should be suspended. The world needs a functioning UN Security Council. To move forward, we need to break the impasse and be open for creative solutions. The need for reform also extends to the global economic architecture. It must be updated to reflect today's power balance. We have to make sure that international economic cooperation continues to be rules based, legitimate and representative. Multilateral solutions are needed in an increasingly multipolar world. We must also bring the United Nations back to peace mediation. The Secretary General, as mediator in chief, will have a key role. The UN's legitimacy as a mediator is unique. Together, the UN and its member states can accomplish what neither can achieve alone. The UN needs to be at the center of rule making and institution building. Regional integration and thematic coalitions can and should support it.
Mr. president, as we commence this 81st session, we have the opportunity to build a United Nations that is truly fit for purpose. The crisis confronting multilateralism can become the catalyst for its renewal. The United Nations must not be a monument to the past. It must become an instrument for the future. We need a Security Council that reflects the geopolitical realities of the 21st century, not the power structures of 1945. A council that embraces the emerging multipolarity of our world, including permanent representation from Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean. Mr. president, if the United Nations is to remain humanity's best hope, then this is not the hour to retreat from multilateralism. This is the hour to reclaim and to renew it. For it is in times such as these, when wars rage across borders, when the shadow of existential threats falls across the future of human civilisation, when the old certainties are dissolving before our eyes, that multilateralism must rise. Multilateralism rests upon the proposition that our destinies are bound together, that the security of one cannot be at the insecurity of another, and that in an interdependent world, cooperation is a necessity, and where there can be no enduring prosperity, when inequality deepens and no just international order, when rules are applied selectively. It is to that truth that this 81st session of the General Assembly must recommit itself. But recommitment cannot mean merely repeating the language of yesterday. The world has changed and multilateralism must change with it. We need a new and invigorated multilateralism, one equal to the turbulence of our age, sufficiently courageous to confront its trials, sufficiently imaginative to navigate its transformations, and sufficiently principled to defend the rule of international law. To make the United Nations fit for purpose, we must make it more transparent, accountable, and responsive. We must strengthen the General Assembly and give greater weight to its deliberative and representative authority. We must bring greater coherence to a system too often divided by institutional rivalries, bureaucratic silos, and competing mandates. We must ensure that the resources of the UN match the responsibilities we have entrusted to it. But institutions do not reform themselves. They require leadership capable of seeing beyond the present and imagining the institution the future demands. The United Nations needs leadership that can bring its different organs, agencies and programs into greater unity of purpose, leadership that can build bridges where division has become habitual. Leadership that can defend the principles of the charter without fear or favour. The United Nations needs its next Secretary-General to work with all Member States to restore confidence in the organisation, mobilise its energies and turn the language of multilateralism from aspiration into action. The reform of the United Nations, the restoration of trust and the need to manage transformation, is therefore inseparable from the question of leadership, and the choice of its next secretary general will be, in no small measure, a choice about the kind of United Nations we wish to leave to the generations that follow. It is in this spirit that Guyana has put forward the candidature of Her Excellency Carolyn Rodrigues Birkett for the office of Secretary General of the United Nations. She has served her country, represented the developing world and worked within the multilateral system with a deep understanding of both its promise and its imperfections. We believe that her experience, her convictions, her record of service, speak directly to the kind of leadership this moment demands. Her candidature, therefore, acquires special significance amid the profound challenges confronting the United Nations and international order. We need leadership capable of restoring trust without compromising principles, of listening, without surrendering conviction of building bridges across the widening chasms between north and south, between large states and small, between the developed and developing world. We need a secretary general who will defend the charter not only when it is politically convenient, but precisely when its principles are under pressure. On a personal note, Mr. President, Carolyn Rodrigues Birkett. Come from every experience. Her very upbringing crossed every struggle, every aspect of our accomplishment defined and broke barriers. An indigenous woman coming from a small indigenous village defying the odds. The odds against indigenous persons, the odds against women, the odds against poverty. Defining every challenge and rising to the top amidst those challenges. Her character is built on struggle, sacrifice, commitment her accomplishments are crafted in her humanity. This is an individual of extreme qualities not because she is a Guyanese, not because she come from Guyana, but because I know personally and many of you know this too, the permanent representatives sitting here in New York, you know, her character knew who? You know her integrity. You know her will. You know her commitment. You know her love for humanity. You know her love for this world. And I know that this world will be a better place with Carolyn Rodrigues as the secretary general of the United Nations. In the humblest of ways, I call on the P5, the Security Council and every member here to look beyond the small country that nominated her. Look beyond the small country that nominated her. CARICOM as a body has endorsed her. And let us rise to the challenge of giving this indigenous woman the chance of helping us craft together the United Nations we want to see succeed. The responsibility for recommending the next Secretary general rests in the first instance with the Security Council, and we therefore respectfully place before its members the candidature of Carolyn Rodrigues Birkett, endorsed by the Caribbean Community. We invite all to consider her candidacy on its merits and to judge whether her vision, experience, expertise and record can help restore confidence in the United Nations at this critical moment. Mr. president, the United Nations was conceived in hope, and that hope remains alive in the pursuit of peace, security and human progress over the perpetuation of division and war. This is why we must not abandon multilateralism because it is imperfect. We must renew it because humanity still needs it. Let us therefore build a United Nations that does not merely reflect the world as it is, but help create the world as it ought to be. A world where law restrains power, cooperation overcomes division, and every human being can look to the future with hope. Guyana believes that the choice remains ours as to whether the divisions of our age will define the future, or whether nations can summon the will to build a more peaceful, secure and prosperous international order. The United Nations must be at the heart of that endeavour, not as an institution looking back at the world it was created to serve, but as one helping humanity shape the world that is yet to come.
And this commitment comes at a time when the United Nations itself is facing a profound test. Eight decades after its foundation, the challenges confronting this organization are increasingly complex and interconnected. Conflicts are eroding trust in the international system. Climate change is testing the resilience of states and of societies, and artificial intelligence and other emerging technologies are creating risks at a speed that national frameworks alone cannot adequately address. So the answer cannot be less multilateralism. It must be more effective multilateralism. And Montenegro, therefore, strongly supports the UN reform agenda and the ambition to build a United Nations that is more effective, more agile, more accessible, more financially sustainable, and fit for the challenges of our time. This reform must strengthen the UN's ability to deliver where it matters most: in preventing conflict, protecting human rights and freedoms, advancing sustainable development, and responding effectively to humanitarian crises. This responsibility also extends to the Security Council itself, which must become more effective, representative, accountable, and transparent. And the exercise of the veto must carry the weight of conscience above all when the world is confronted with mass atrocities and the large-scale loss of civilian life. The Charter of the United Nations must remain our common reference point, and Montenegro will be a constructive partner in those efforts. Excellencies, Montenegro remains committed to supporting Ukraine and welcomes all credible diplomatic efforts aimed at bringing the war to an end.
Dialogue is not the opposite of resolve. Diplomacy requires both. It also requires institutions capable of functioning. Defending the United Nations doesn't mean pretending that everything within it works well. The UN80 process is necessary, but there is a difference between reforming an organization and weakening it. We cannot ask more of it, steadily strip away its resources and then express surprise when it's not effective enough. Reform must preserve what gives the organization its purpose peace and security, human rights and development. It must also ensure better representation for every region of the world. And more than 80 years ago, ladies and gentlemen, Paul-Henri Spaak led the Belgian delegation to the San Francisco conference that gave birth to the United Nations. A few months later, he became the first president of this General Assembly. Belgium was emerging from war and occupation. That is precisely why multilateralism seemed the obvious choice to us. We are not here to preserve an institution for its own sake. We are here to preserve what it must make possible peace and security, human rights and prosperity for all. So, ladies and gentlemen, before we were presidents, ministers, ambassadors, or diplomats, we were all children. And despite all that sets them apart, the people we represent often want remarkably simple things to come home in the evening, to watch the children grow up and send them to school without fear, to work to love the person they love, to make plans for next year.
The absence of education, health care, decent employment, and the loss of homes and livelihoods to climate change leave communities as vulnerable as conflict itself. Our understanding of security must therefore extend beyond the absence of war to include the conditions that allow people to live with dignity, opportunity and hope. Mr. president, in The Gambia, this understanding has guided our democratic journey from 2017 to date. We have undertaken the difficult work of rebuilding institutions, strengthening the rule of law, expanding access to justice and confronting the legacy of past human rights violations. Our transitional justice process continues through implementation of the recommendation of the Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission. We have strengthened institutional accountability, established the Special Prosecutor's Office to advance investigations and prosecution arising from the TRRC process. We are proud of the progress we have made, but we remain conscious that democracy is never a finished project and requires continuous institutional strengthening, adherence to the rule of law, constitutional order, dialogue and consensus building on issues. On the 5th of December 2026, the Gambian people will again exercise their sovereign democratic right to choose their president. This will be another important milestone in our democratic journey, and we need the support of the international community in this regard. Our government is committed to ensuring that the elections are peaceful, transparent, credible and inclusive, and conducted in accordance with our Constitution, national laws and democratic standards. This is the democratic path The Gambia remains committed to pursuing: a path in which institutions are strengthened, citizens are heard, differences are resolved peacefully, and democratic gains are consolidated for future generations. Mr. president, on development, The Gambia's recovery focused National Development Plan provides the framework for accelerating our socio economic transformation. We are investing in roads, energy, schools, healthcare, agriculture and digital infrastructure while promoting economic diversification, private sector investment and value addition. We are expanding opportunities for women and young people, improving lives, uncertainty, human capital upon which our future depends. I seize this opportunity to thank all the bilateral and multilateral partners of The Gambia for your continued support and partnership. The global economic environment remains particularly difficult for developing countries, with declining official development assistance, high borrowing costs, disruptions to international trade, inflationary pressures and food and energy insecurity, narrowing fiscal space and threatening development gains. With only a few years remaining to achieve the 2030 agenda, the time for implementation is now. Following the fourth International Conference on Financing for development, we must translate the Sevilla commitments to tangible action. Developing countries need greater access to affordable long term finance, meaningful reform of the multilateral development system, sustainable solutions to debt, stronger international tax cooperation and decisive action against illicit financial flows. We also need stronger and more resilient supply chains, greater investment in productive capacity, and a global economic system that gives developing countries a fair opportunity to transform their economies. Trade must remain an engine of development and developing countries must be enabled to participate more effectively in regional and global value chains.
Africa is home to 1.5 billion people, over 18% of humanity, and constitutes the largest regional voting bloc in this General Assembly. And yet Africa remains without a single permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council. This is fundamentally unacceptable in the 21st century. Africa must be granted permanent representation on the UN Security Council, complete with all the rights and responsibilities. We cannot credibly champion the sovereign equality of nations while preserving a global governance structure that was designed for the postwar geopolitical realities. Mr. President, Security Council reform is not a favor to Africa. It is an imperative for the legitimacy, the credibility and the survival of the United Nations. The same systemic inequalities permeates the international financial architecture.
Trust is not a sentiment that can be created by adopting a resolution. It is an outcome. It is built when an institution delivers on the purpose for which it was established. That is why reform of the United Nations is necessary, so that the organisation can become more capable, so that it can deliver greater results, and certainly not to replace the responsibility of national states, but to act where collective action is needed. Multilateralism does not begin in New York. It begins with the quality of the states that come to New York. Excellencies, we are a small sized country, but we refuse to let the smallness of our territory define the scale of our ambition. Our ambition is to become a serious state, a state that its allies can trust, a state in which young people can plan their future.
Sovereignty for all peoples across the board. My third conviction is that we must not yield to a divided world. Many describe this rift. Many talk about this rift between the North and the South. We won't be able to tackle any of the challenges our planet faces if we give in to this rift, and it is fueled by double standards, this rift. However, we need the North and the South to reconcile so that they can tackle climate health development challenges. And that's why over the last few years, we've launched many more initiatives. and the African Union. When it came to shoring up economies together with the International Monetary Fund to reform special drawing rights and make progress for African economies. And we held our word $100 billion in special drawing rights allocated to helping African countries. We must stay the course, ensuring that we remain united without pitting anyone against anyone else. That is why it's important that the global health infrastructure must remain intact. We will continue reforming that architecture, but we will never weaken the WHO. We must put the finishing touches on the Pandemics Treaty. Africa CDC should be in a position to combat Ebola ever more effectively. We must be clear sighted as we reform our official development assistance, ODA. We must ensure that our investments exhibit greater solidarity, that they're more effective. This is what we did with the Paris Pact for people and Planet in 2023. Also at the Africa Summit in Nairobi, we also agreed to build a new consensus around investment that stands in solidarity with other states. Countries are allocating funds, and yet the needs of the countries of the global South are growing as well. We need to go faster and go further to help the IMF and the World Bank To be more effective, we must bolster the effectiveness of the instruments at their disposal so that we can mobilize the private sector better, creating guarantee mechanisms to ensure that in emerging economies, middle income countries and developing countries, a more effective response can be mounted to the problems they face. This is the kind of new partnership we must forge in order to ensure that there is no gap, no division, between the North and the South. In a similar vein, this north south partnership requires and will require us to wield our capacity to reopen a dialogue about our common history, our cultural relationships and remembrance.
This picture must be a shocking one for all of us. And what it tells us is clear. The United Nations, established 81 years ago to maintain international peace and security, is no longer able to fulfill this mission. Or more precisely, it has been rendered unable to do so. The UN continues to be weakened. Those in Palestine, in Lebanon, Sudan and in other crisis zones who have tied their hopes to the UN are deeply disappointed. But let me remind you that one day everyone will have to seek refuge in the collective conscience of humanity. Today we may feel safe, we may feel prosperous and at peace. Um. Today we may live in comfort far away from conflict zones and from crisis areas. But none of us knows what tomorrow will bring or what might happen to us. It is for this reason that I think that this year's UN General Assembly theme is particularly timely and pertinent, because it focuses on restoring trust in the international system. We support the sincere efforts of the Secretary General in this regard, including efforts around the UN 80 initiative. We expect this commitment to reform to continue in the same direction during the next Secretary General's term. Of course, I also want to clearly state the following here. We are truly committed to restoring confidence in the UN. The steps that must be taken are actually clear. Children in Gaza must be safe. When Palestinian children look up at the sky, they will see kites flying freely, not fighter jets, UAV or drones. Children in Lebanon will not wake up in the middle of the night to the sound of bombings. The labour of Asian workers will not be exploited by ruthless capitalists. Our African brothers and sisters will look to their future with as much confidence and hope as the citizens of prosperous countries. Now, only in this way can trust in the UN possibly be restored. We must acknowledge that a system in which the will of more than 190 countries is subject to the whim of just five countries, is not a fair system, and it is not capable of fully inspiring or establishing trust either. The Security Council must absolutely be reformed in accordance with the principle that the world is bigger than five. Dear friends, while we must keep pace with rapidly advancing technology, we also have the demanding but noble responsibility of building a more equitable international order. At this point, I want to share with you some basic principles. First and foremost, we are compelled to change the current mindset where international law is applied differently to the strong versus to the weak. Let us not forget that an international system where wrongdoers get away with it, and to make it worse, where impunity has become the norm. Such an international system, let's face it, is doomed to decay. Secondly, whenever international efforts fall short in resolving crises, we must harness regional ownership as an effective means of addressing those issues. As Turkey, whenever we have acted upon this principle, as in the case of the Black Sea Grain Corridor, we have achieved results and we have contributed to both regional and to global security. Third. We must absolutely re-establish an approach that places cooperation and open diplomacy at the core, at the center of relations among states. History has shown us time and again, through bitter experiences, that there is no winner in a political approach which is built on mistrust.
The principles of respect and cooperation are also at the heart of effective multilateralism. At a time of growing global uncertainty, the United Nations remains indispensable as a forum for dialogue and collective action. In this regard, the UN80 Initiative provides a valuable opportunity to strengthen the effectiveness and capacity of the United Nations, while further enhancing its transparency and accountability. Georgia stands ready to work constructively with international partners and contribute actively to this process. We firmly support reforms that will strengthen the organization's capacity to deliver better and become more results oriented. The choice we make today will shape the world we leave to future generations. Let's ensure that we leave them a world that is more peaceful, secure, and united than the one we know today. Thank you very much.
At the same time, climate change is worsening and constitutes a concern at a planetary scale. Floods, droughts and wildfires are recurring and do not spare any region in the world. These climate events prevent many populations from benefiting from the marvelous technological progress that we have made. President, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, in this situation, it is our collective duty to work together in order to overcome these challenges and effectively respond to the expectations of our peoples, and the United Nations offers us, in this case, an ideal framework to engage in discussions and find compromises, find consensus in order to seek solutions to these challenges that concern all of us. Cameroon is firmly committed to this path, and we support the UN 80 initiative, as well as any other initiative that could contribute to strengthening cooperation and international solidarity.
Furthermore, we firmly reject unilateral coercive measures that violate international law and inflict disproportionate hardship on innocent populations. Yet our global architecture is failing to enforce these principles because its key organs remain outdated. The Security Council's inability to act decisively in moments of global crisis undermines its very purpose. Its composition reflects a bygone era, not 21st century geopolitical realities. Reform is no longer a matter of political convenience. It is a matter of institutional survival and legitimacy. Seychelles, therefore reaffirms Africa's unified position. Our continent must hold no fewer than two permanent seats on the Security Council, with full prerogatives, including the veto for as long as it exists.
Ladies and gentlemen, without identifying the causes of the crisis facing contemporary humanity, we cannot solve its problems. The politics of force cannot bring progress to humanity. Instead of force, we need respect and strengthening of the existing international norms, rules and institutions that we have built over more than 80 years. The multilateral system today faces a serious challenge a crisis of institutional trust. Trust is weakening because some actors in the international community undermine the values enshrined in the UN charter. The future of humanity does not lie in policies of violence and human rights violations. Conflicts and wars are not the purpose of our civilization. Let us build a culture of dialogue, cooperation, and peace. In this context, I believe it is of utmost importance to reaffirm the importance of the UN charter, revitalize the role of the UN as the Global Center for Coordination and Cooperation, support the reform process and strengthen the credibility of the United Nations, consistently implement the Sustainable Development Goals, build mutual trust, inclusiveness and democratic vision of leadership, and strengthen preventive diplomacy at a time of numerous tensions and conflicts.
We should reject ideological prejudice and respect the development path and social systems decided on independently by the people of all countries. We should deepen the sharing of governance practices and jointly explore ways to tackle challenges facing our times. Fourth, we should stay committed to multilateralism and take steps to safeguard fairness and justice. Multilateralism is a choice made by humanity after going through scourges, and fairness and justice are the joint pursuit of the people of all countries. China holds that all countries, big or small, are equal members of the international community, and that world affairs should be handled by all through consultation and rule of law. Fairness and justice in international affairs should be jointly upheld. Countries should join forces and act together to safeguard the UN and make it stronger. China supports the UN in reforming and improving itself. It should advance the UN80 Initiative and enhance the performance of its bodies, rather than merely cut its budgets and mandates. It should effectively address global challenges, including climate change and public health security. Improve and increase the representation and voice of the global South. China pays high tribute to Secretary-General António Guterres, who will complete his term soon. China supports the election in accordance with the UN Charter of a new Secretary-General who honors the UN Charter, has exceptional capability, upholds integrity and fairness, and demonstrates courage and dedication.
I am grateful to the Secretary General, His Excellency António Guterres, for his long lasting service and his focus on reforming the United Nations into a more effective, modern and responsive organization. This is the correct path to follow. There is no other way. No nation can confront today's challenges alone. Aggression cannot win. It is only through multilateralism, solidarity, and the unity of all Member States that we can uphold peace security and the rules based international order. It is also important to learn from the many lessons of history. Today, too many seem unwilling to recognize and confront the past crimes committed by totalitarian regimes, including Soviet crimes.
And we must move from ad hoc responses to a culture of preparedness. Let us finance resilience and invest in insurance and innovation. Let us build stronger infrastructure and institutions. Let us reduce fossil fuel dependence. Let us build systems that warn, alert, and save lives. Let us reform the order that leaves the weakest with least power. And when the next warning comes from the rooftop of the world, let us be ready to hear it and ready to act. Bhagwan Pashupatinath Leh, Bishwako Kalyan Karun, Yogeshwar.
European integration has become our national project. Moldova has been a candidate country since 2022. Accession negotiations are underway and we are moving quickly. Our ambition is clear to anchor Moldova firmly in the European family. For us, joining the European Union is not about replacing one sphere of influence with another. It is the opposite. It is our citizens exercising their right to choose. Choose democracy, choose prosperity, choose peace. The European choice goes hand in hand with a strong transatlantic partnership. For Moldova, these are not competing directions. The United States has been an important partner in strengthening our security, energy independence and resilience. We want the next chapter of that relationship to be increasingly about trade, investment, technology and building things together. But membership is not only about what Europe can give Moldova, it is also about what Moldova can bring, a democracy that has learned to resist interference, an emerging economy, a country contributing to stability on Europe's eastern frontier, and a small state willing to experiment, reform and move quickly.
Ladies and gentlemen, as global challenges become increasingly complex, no country can address them alone. And yet the growing limitations of multilateral mechanisms continue to undermine our collective ability to respond effectively to current and emerging threats. Meeting these realities requires joint action but true transformation is impossible without first restoring trust in the international order and demonstrating that multilateralism can once again deliver tangible results for all. In an era marked by division, growing intolerance and stark double standards, Azerbaijan advocates for a reinvigorated and reformed multilateral system underpinned by strict adherence to consistent and non-selective application of universally accepted norms and principles of international law. Azerbaijan supports a more effective UN capable of delivering tangible results for member states, especially in peace and security development, climate resilience and humanitarian action. Through inclusive multilateralism, all states, large or small, particularly developing countries, must have the opportunity to participate equally in global decision making. In this context, reform of the UN Security Council is essential to make it more representative, effective and responsive. Ladies and gentlemen, restoring global trust begins first and foremost with respecting international law, sovereign equality, and peaceful coexistence.
Today the world needs not only more dialogue, but also more trust, more accountability, and greater capacity to act together. Humans must be at the heart of this collective response: human life, dignity, rights, and opportunities. This requires an international order based upon the UN Charter and international law, as well as the United Nations that not only formulates principles but also has the power and capacity to uphold them. This means a global order of rules by and for all, for countries small and large, without double standards. Bulgaria will continue to be a staunch defender of this order and of a strong, effective, and active UN. Ladies and gentlemen, today the UN must prove not only its capacity to bring states together but also its capacity to act. Thanks to collective efforts, it is our duty to transform a world in disorder into a world of international law and lasting peace. The Pact for the Future provides an important guideline, but it must be supported by real reform. The Security Council ought to reflect the world of today, with more equitable regional representation and greater legitimacy and effectiveness. Bulgaria is in favor of an enlargement of the Council's two membership categories, including with at least one additional non-permanent seat for the group of Eastern European states. The upcoming election of a new Secretary-General will also be a choice for the UN's leadership. We thank Mr. António Guterres for his dedication to serving the UN.
Defending multilateralism does not mean defending the status quo. The United Nations must become more effective, representative, transparent and responsive to people. It must make better use of its resources, reduce duplication and respond more swiftly without weakening the purposes for which it was created. Efficiency must strengthen, not erode, its three pillars peace and security, sustainable development and human rights. Effectiveness cannot be measured solely in administrative terms, but rather by the ability to prevent a war, protect a population under threat, combat hunger, confront transnational criminal networks, or support a state in strengthening its institutions. We do not need a United Nations that is smaller in purpose. We need a United Nations that is stronger in results and firmer in defending democratic principles. That transformation must also reach the Security Council. Its composition must better reflect the realities of the 21st century and remedy the long standing underrepresentation of entire regions. When the veto causes paralysis in the face of serious threats to international peace and security, confidence in the entire system suffers. We also face an important decision for the future of the organisation the selection of the next secretary general. Guatemala hopes that the process will be transparent and inclusive, and will identify an independent leader able to build bridges, defend the principles of the charter and lead the reform our organisation needs. The Latin American and Caribbean region stands ready and prepared to shoulder its responsibility to the international community. The time has come for a Latin American woman to serve as secretary general of the United Nations. Excellencies. Distinguished delegates.
We believe that the new Secretary-General, who we will elect before the end of the year, will meticulously uphold its mandate as well as the principles of impartiality and equidistance enshrined in the charter, that the new SG will represent the entire international community instead of serving the interests of some states that the new SG will not undermine the intergovernmental nature of the UN system, nor dilute the prerogatives of the Security Council and its permanent members. Our principled approach is the following UN Security Council reform can not, can not involve any additional seats being allocated to Western countries, especially to Germany and Japan who are now on the path to militarism and revanchism. We are in favour of broadening the representation of Asia, Africa and Latin America. We support Brazil's and India's candidature for a permanent seat, and at the same time, I wish to emphasize this we must satisfy the interests of the African continent, in keeping with the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. Ladies and gentlemen, through its foreign policy, Russia is trying to fix the situation in the world, working together with our allies and strategic partners BRICS, the SCO, the Eurasian Economic Union, the CIS and the CSTO.
Africa today occupies a demographic, economic and political place that is not yet adequately reflected in the institutions where the most far reaching decisions are taken. It is in this area that reform of the Security Council becomes imperative. This is not a concession to Africa. It is a matter of legitimacy, justice and effectiveness.
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No. 130
South Africa09/24 · first at about 11 min1 mention
In our view, restoring trust in multilateralism will not happen without meaningful reform of global governance, principally the UN Security Council. African citizens are growing weary of their continent's being consigned to the periphery of global governance. Africa is home to nearly one fifth of the world's population and African countries together account for more than a quarter of the UN member states. Yet over the past decade, 70% of UN Security Council resolutions have concerned conflicts on the African continent. If the future belongs to the young, then surely a continent that will be home to 1 in 4 of the world's youth by 2030 deserve a bigger seat at the table. South Africa therefore reaffirms its support for the Ezulwini Consensus and its call to end Africa's relegation to the margins of global decision making. A permanent seat for Africa in the Security Council, with all the prerogatives of the permanent memberships, is long overdue. Nowhere is the need to uphold our shared humanity more urgent than in Palestine. The rights and dignity and humanity of the Palestinians cannot be treated as conditional. The state of Israel continued violation of international and humanitarian law constitute genocide, and we remain steadfast in our view that international community must act decisively to end this impunity.
It should also affirm that the security of maritime passages is a collective responsibility that cannot be subjected to bilateral arrangements. This is what restoring trust means in practice. This is not a call dictated by the present crisis. His Royal Highness Prince Salman bin Hamad Al Khalifa, Crown Prince and Prime Minister said from this very podium two years ago that the systems established to safeguard the international order were under severe strain. He noted that this organisation must evolve to confront the growing threats. He called for comprehensive consensus based reform encompassing all decision making bodies, including the Security Council. What has happened since then has not altered that conviction. Instead, it has reinforced it. Mr. president.
There's another doctrinal concern that I wish to raise just as honestly globalism. Allow me to begin by clarifying what I mean by that. I'm not talking about international trade or cooperation among states, nor am I talking about a humanity that shares common problems and responsibilities. All of those things are absolutely necessary. I'm talking about a concept according to which national sovereignty, distinct identities, traditions, and the values of peoples are obstacles that gradually give way to increasing political and cultural uniformity decided by supranational bodies. I don't share in that doctrine, which I consider perverse and harmful. For me, multilateralism isn't about dissolving nations, but rather about facilitating cooperation among them. Loving one's homeland is compatible with respecting others. Defending history, culture, values, and traditions doesn't mean disparaging those of another. International cooperation is richer when those who sit around this table know who they are, where they come from, and what the people in whose name they speak represent. Several of the questions that I've asked are not unfamiliar to this organization. The UN80 Initiative has placed on the table issues of duplication, fragmentation, administrative burden, and the way mandates function as part of an effort to make the United Nations more efficient and more effective. President, Secretary-General, heads of State and government. Excellencies. Acknowledging an institution's imperfections doesn't mean overlooking its value. On the contrary, it might be a way of strengthening it. It has never been my style to hide behind political correctness or to tell my interlocutors what I imagine they want to hear. I'm not looking to please anyone, but rather to set out the position of the Republic of Colombia respectfully, cordially and clearly. No human institution is perfect. All can be improved perfected, and the United Nations is no exception. There is one specific area that Colombia wishes to reflect on further. That is the international fight against terrorism.
Yet putting this vision into practice is rarely simple at a time of tectonic geopolitical changes. In the Middle East, the Gaza peace plan agreed last year must be effectively implemented. It is of paramount concern to ensure that Hamas surrenders its arms. It can have no role, I repeat, no role in Gaza's future. At the same time, reconstruction needs to move forward, with Palestinians themselves taking ownership of Gaza's future. Greece will continue to advocate for a two state solution, with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace and security. However, developments in the West Bank remain a source of deep concern. Actions that are illegal under international law and undermine the viability of a future Palestinian state cannot be allowed to continue. We strongly argue that this is also to the benefit of the long term security of Israel itself. Greece has established a durable and deep strategic partnership with Israel, while at the same time maintaining strong ties with the Arab world. It is precisely the strength of this partnership that allows us to engage in an open and candid dialogue. In Lebanon, there is now a real opportunity to lay the foundations for a lasting peace. The US facilitated negotiations with Israel are an important step forward and should be sustained. Greece strongly supports a sovereign, resilient and united Lebanon and the government's efforts to restore the state's monopoly over arms. Ultimately, a stronger Lebanese state will serve both domestic security and regional stability. Therefore, we will continue to deliver concrete assistance to the country, including to the Lebanese armed forces. With the UNIFIL's mandate ending, joint action is crucial to avoid a security vacuum and maintain an effective international and European presence. Syria is another key player in the region. Lasting stability in the Middle East requires a stable Syria, a Syria that is inclusive, a Syria that is free from foreign interference and regional rivalries. A Syria where every citizen can and should feel secure. The new Syrian authorities have taken steps in this direction. Yet further concrete progress must be demonstrated, particularly when it comes to protecting the rights and security of all religious and ethnic communities. And this, of course, includes the Orthodox Christian minority, which unfortunately continues to face the violence of Islamist extremists. The search for stability extends to Libya, a neighbour with whom we share many common interests. We praise all reunification efforts. A stable Libya free from foreign interference, would benefit not only the Libyan people, but our entire region. And Greece is ready to support Libyan institutions in border protection and migration management. And we remain fully committed to reaching an agreement on the delimitation of our maritime zones. Ladies and gentlemen, let me now turn to our relations with our neighbour, Turkey. Over the past three years, we have made a sustained effort to improve our relationship, rebuild trust and keep channels of communication open in order to prevent the escalation of tensions that could lead to unwanted crises. It is a delicate relationship. It's a relationship that carries the weight of history. And indeed, given broader and regional challenges, the situation urgently calls for a common understanding on how we move forward, an understanding grounded in full respect for international law and the principles of good neighbourly relations. After all, as I've said repeatedly, we cannot change our geography. We are destined to live side by side. And I repeat that the UN convention on the law of the sea provides the only institutional framework to solve our only long lasting dispute concerning the delimitation of our continental shelf and our exclusive economic zones. Dialogue is essential for peace and prosperity, but meaningful dialogue cannot coexist with unilateral actions that challenge the international legal order. Nor can meaningful progress be made when faced with threats of war in response to the exercise of lawful rights, according to international law. Such actions do not resolve differences. They end up by only deepening them, and they risk undermining the stability of our wider region, a region which we should not forget, still bears an open wound: the unresolved Cyprus issue. 52 years have passed since Turkey illegally invaded Cyprus and continued to occupy it, a flagrant violation of international law whose consequences persist to this day. For the United Nations, Cyprus remains a litmus test of its credibility, of its ability to uphold its own resolutions and the principles of the charter, and Greece fully supports the recent efforts of Secretary-General Guterres to create the appropriate conditions for the resumption of substantive negotiations, and we sincerely hope that progress can be achieved during his remaining time in office. And we expect these efforts to continue under his successor with the same objective the reunification of Cyprus, free of occupation forces in accordance with the relevant UN Security Council resolutions. The principles at stake in Cyprus are being tested elsewhere too. Today, two other major conflicts continue to challenge our ability to defend the values upon which this organization was founded. The war in Ukraine is now in its fifth year, five years since Russia's full scale aggression brought back war to European soil. The Ukrainian people have shown extraordinary courage defending their freedom and Greece continuously stands with them. We strongly, strongly condemn attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure. Diplomacy must now deliver an immediate cease fire and a lasting peace anchored in the principles of the United Nations Charter. Ukraine must have a decisive say in its own future, and Europe cannot be absent from these negotiations. Against this backdrop, another devastating war demands our urgent attention. In Sudan, the nearly four year conflict has resulted in a staggering humanitarian catastrophe. Reports of atrocious war crimes continue to emerge, while the conflict is fuelling instability far beyond Sudan's borders. We should not permit this tragedy to endure. Foreign interference must also cease with no impunity for war crimes. Ultimately, the way forward lies in a credible, Sudanese led political process that reflects the aspirations of the citizens Sudan. The European Union ought to leverage its capacity to play a more active role in supporting that process and assisting in bringing this destructive conflict to an end. After all, it has real skin in the game. Should the devastating war continue, our continent will be the first to suffer from a possible massive new migratory wave. Ladies and gentlemen, Greece's confidence abroad rests on a profound transformation at home. At a time when the effectiveness of governments all over the world is being challenged by populists and extremists, and public trust is being eroded in the echo chambers of social media, Greece serves as an example that sound reform oriented policies can deliver real results for people and improve their lives.
But it is also necessary to point out that no reform process can succeed unless member states are prepared to support the United Nations politically, financially and through their actions. We need the Security Council to live up to its mandate and respond to the crises around us. Too long the veto has stymied the council and eroded its legitimacy. The council's membership must also finally be made representative of the world we live in, starting with the historic under-representation of African countries and ensuring that the voices of small and the most vulnerable states are heard.
Mr. president, I have raised today concerns this organization and what it has promised. So does this. The Security Council does not reflect the world as it is. It reflects the world as it was in 1945, when most of the countries in this hall did not yet exist as sovereign states. Naoero therefore calls for reform that expands both the permanent and non-permanent categories. A body that speaks for all of us should look like all of us. Mr. president, as I draw my statement to a close, the matters I have raised may appear separate. They are not. Our name is about sovereignty. How we are measured is about justice. The deep sea bed is about opportunity and responsibility. Our partnerships are about standing as equals. One principle binds them the rights of every people to be treated as an equal and to speak for itself. You have convened this assembly to restore trust, to manage transformation, and to deliver for all. Trust is restored when promises are kept. Transformation is managed when decisions lead to action. And we deliver for all only when we deliver for the small. Everything Naoero has asked for today was agreed in this hall long before I took this floor. I am not asking this assembly to be braver than it has ever been. I am challenging you to be as good as your word. Say our name. Let the waiting end.
Outstanding matters arising from the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, including the border issues and the final status of Abyei, also requires a peaceful engagement between South Sudan and Sudan. Mr. President, restoring trust also requires reform of institutions of global governance. The composition of the Security Council does not adequately reflect the realities of today. Africa, with 54 member states, remains without a permanent representation on the council. South Sudan therefore reaffirms its support for the common African position. Africa must be appropriately represented in both permanent and non-permanent categories. Similarly, developing countries must have a stronger voice in international financial institutions and decisions concerning development, financing, debt, climate and technology. Reforms do not weaken multilateralism. Reforms strengthen its legitimacy. Mr. President, 15 years after the independence, South Sudan remains a young nation undertaking the difficult work of building a state while consolidating peace and delivering development.
Today, however, these ideas are not only being called into question; they are being attacked by political actors and governments that want to take us back to a dark past. And I don't need to point them out; we all know who they are and what their modus operandi is. They start by questioning the rules, then they break them, knowing full well that nobody will dare to hold them accountable. They cut their contributions to multilateral bodies like this one. They point to their leaders and officials. They obstruct these organizations' ability to act, to then write them off as useless entities that we can do without. What they're doing, nevertheless, is a planned and coordinated demolition attempt that is presented as something that we can't stop and that's necessary. However, the reality is that it runs counter to the structural currents of history and is based on three misguided pillars. The first of these pillars is selfishness, the absurd belief that the world is a zero-sum game, where some winning must imply that others losing. The second pillar is ignorance, disregarding scientific evidence and assuming that there are countries that are so powerful that they can abuse all of the others and they don't need anyone else to prosper. And the third pillar, the worst in my opinion, is cruelty. Cruelty that isn't even moved when it sees the ribs of a starving child or a hospital reduced to rubble. Over these 8 years, I've seen these selfish, ignorant, and cruel forces grow. I've seen how they took off their masks and seized power in many places. And then I saw them start illegal wars, massacre innocent civilians. I've seen them treat millions of human beings like livestock and take away aid from those suffering the most, from poverty and disease. I've seen them pollute the atmosphere and also the ocean as if it's their own property, and conspire to destroy this organization and everything it represents. I'm saying this because bearing witness to these things has changed the way that I understand the world. However, it hasn't led me to lose hope. Because also, over these 8 years, I've seen wonderful things that allow me to still have confidence in humanity. For example, I've seen millions of people mobilized to defend nature, peace, and civil rights. I've seen thousands of activists and public servants confront these reactionary powers, knowing full well that they're putting their professional careers and even their own lives at risk. I've seen scientists make progress that we thought was impossible. And I've seen many governments do things right, opting for cooperation, social justice, and environmental sustainability. All of this has taught me something that I want to share with all of you, and that is that humanity is not intrinsically good or bad. Humanity can actually be both. And every day, every year, and in each and every crisis, we must decide how to act. The United Nations is one of these spaces where these decisions are made at the highest level. And the UN doesn't always do it well. Of course, I myself, on several occasions, have called out the contradictions and lackings of this body. However, with the same belief, I must call out the fact that the majority of the voices that today insist on criticizing the United Nations are not describing its failure; what they're doing is trying to cause its failure. And I must also say that multilateralism is the best tool that humanity has to manage its diversity and its interdependence, especially in a globalized and multipolar world like the world we're living in today. And this is why what we need to do is ramp up our trust in this organization. We must renew it and strengthen it so that this century it can play the same key role that it played last century. And doing this will not be easy. However, the good news is that all of the guidance we need is right here, in the United Nations Charter. In this charter, they wrote the best chapters. Our forefathers wrote it, the men and women who saw the world burn, and even then, they dared to imagine a better future. These men and women laid down their wisdom and their hope in this charter. And they didn't ask us to keep it in a glass case. They asked us to fulfill it. They asked us to defend it, and for us to turn back to it in times of uncertainty and extraordinary difficulty. And today is one of those times. And therefore, it's our duty to rise to the courage and the ambition present in this text, in the United Nations Charter. And this is why, ladies and gentlemen, we need to reform the Security Council so that all of the regions in the world have fair representation, and so that we can do away with the right of veto of the permanent members. Because as the UN Charter sets out, no country should be judged in its own case, no matter how powerful they are. We therefore need to strengthen all of the other main bodies and reorganize the agencies, funds and programs, and provide them with more resources and more executive capacity so that they can have a more decisive impact on the great challenges that beset humanity. We must strengthen bodies like the International Criminal Court so that they can investigate, prosecute, and punish those that break the rules. It took humanity centuries to replace might is right with the rule of law. And we must not be the generation that backtracks on this. It's for this very reason that we must rebuild the nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament architecture to avoid a poorly designed security policy that brings us back to another global conflict. And we must impose strict regulations on the tech oligarchs who control the functioning of social networks and the development of artificial intelligence. Because at the end of the day, the future of our children is more important than the pockets of these tech oligarchs. And of course, doing all of these things will require compromise, time, strong leadership, being able to build agreements, to listen, to look beyond our known reality, and imagine a better alternative. And what I'm advocating for, for this leadership, is very clear. Nine men have served as Secretary-General of this organization in its 80 years of existence.
These restrictions continue to inflict hardship on the Cuban people, contravene the human rights commitment of the UN, and run counter to the cooperative spirit of the 2030 agenda for Sustainable Development. The continuation of those economic sanctions deprive Cuba of essential development, partnership and support needed for recovery and future progress, and we call for the lifting of those sanctions. Tuvalu also support the call for necessary reform of the UN Security Council to ensure that it is more representative, inclusive, transparent and accountable and better aligned with the reality of the 21st geopolitical landscape. Mr. president, to conclude, I wish to assure this Assembly that Tuvalu stands in solidarity with the rest of the Member States to play its part in restoring trust and managing transformation to ensure the United Nations delivers for all.
We seek a partnership that supports the state and its institutions and invests in Yemen's people. For our part, we will continue to fulfill our responsibilities in reform, institution building and the rule of law. The international community can find in the Yemeni government a reliable partner. We speak not only of what Yemen needs from the world, but also of what Yemen can contribute to the world once it regains its security and its stability.
Yes, but now it must also be digital. The change must then be reflected in the way we work together to achieve our different and common goals. I know that I am preaching to true believers, Mr. President and Mr. Secretary-General, when I say that there must be no letup, no slowing down in the relentless drive for reform of how this United Nations and its agencies does its business and delivers its services, to take our foot off the gas would be to let down the millions who need this United Nations to do better, be better at tackling the problems that blight their lives. That is why the goal of this General Assembly, a United Nations that delivers for all, is so important and so urgent. If we are to have any hope of renewing the trust of the citizens we serve in global institutions and the global order. We have to show that those institutions, this institution, can indeed deliver in ways that change tangibly lives for the better. We must never lose sight and never lose faith in the values that brought us together in the first place. As nations united. Malta is and always, of course, will be a passionate advocate and promoter of and passionately committed to multilateralism. At the core of all we do must be the code and conscience of the founding charter of this United Nations. But the implementation of those values, the way we turn those fine words into fine actions, must always be a process of constant evolution. We can never stand still if we are to keep cooperation alive. So Malta remains thoroughly committed to the implementation of the Pact for the Future and all of its associated actions. Reforms must, yes, remain Member State driven and firmly anchored in the intergovernmental process, and efficiency must not come at the expense of effectiveness on the ground. Malta solidly backs a strong and effective Resident Coordinator system as the key anchor of UN action at a country level, and I can't reiterate often enough or restate strongly enough, that the only effective antidote to the cancer of cynicism and suspicion is effective and concerted action to tackle the greatest threat to our people and our planet. And alongside spreading conflict and the dangers of uncontrolled technology, the greatest threat to us all, and especially island nations like Malta, is man made climate change.
Artificial intelligence must not be used as a tool for destabilization, manipulation, or undermining the international order. Technology must serve humanity and the truth, not chaos and manipulation. Ladies and gentlemen, Poland's priority is order based on truth, enshrined in our constitution and resulting from our historical experience. That is why we view the United Nations not merely as a forum for discussion but as an institution that must be capable of taking action. The world is changing. The UN must change as well. We need an organization that can respond to violations of law, enforce principles, and prevent impunity. UN reform cannot be reduced to mere declarations. It must mean real effectiveness and accountability, including in the face of new challenges such as the demographic crisis or the development of artificial intelligence, which is outpacing existing rules and testing the limits of our responsibility. We are at a turning point. On the one hand, the logic of force and impunity is making a comeback. On the other, there are technologies that can either reinforce this logic or stop it. It depends on our decisions whether the law will prevail over force and whether humanity will remain more important than the tools it has created. Poland, and I want to convince you about that, ladies and gentlemen, will always stand on the side of the law, responsibility, humanity, and freedom. Thank you.
These are real problems, and there is no benefit in glossing over them. Yet it by no means follows that we need the United Nations less. We may need it more than ever. It simply must be more effective, more focused, and more prepared to address the issues for which it was created. Over the past eight decades, states have not come to this building because they share the same interests, but because they understood that the cost of settling disagreements by force of arms was too high. That is why multilateralism came into being and why we are here today. Serbia supports the United Nations and reform of the UN system so that the organization may become more effective and better adapted to today's realities. We advocate a more representative UNSC through greater representation of developing countries, particularly those from the African continent, as well as more inclusive regional representation and the addition of another seat for the Eastern European group.
They are what we allowed, what we still allow, and what we will answer for. There is a painful cry for a better world order as we witness the weakening into irrelevance of multilateral institutions. No country, regardless of size or power, can address today's interconnected challenges alone. Excellencies, leadership is not merely discovering the angriest instinct of the electorate and amplifying it. Leadership is sometimes telling our own supporters that they are wrong. It is explaining complexity when a slogan would be easier. It is asking people to consider tomorrow when they are angry about today. It is persuading citizens that humanity of others who may worship differently, speak another language, or vote for another party does not diminish their own freedoms. Statesmanship requires patience, persuasion, courage to compromise. And above all, it requires an understanding that power brings responsibility, not exemption. The Charter of the United Nations was not written to make the strong weak. It was written to prevent the strong from making the world unlivable. Soon we will elect a new Secretary-General. The regional rotation precedent must be preserved. Africa had an unprecedented continuous three terms: Boutros Boutros-Ghali, 1992-1996, Kofi Annan, 1997-2006. Now the Security Council will elect a Latin American as our Secretary-General for 2027-2032. And after more than 80 years of men at the helm of our organization, needless to say, we ought to have enough wisdom and elect a woman with unquestionable integrity, unblemished record, and in defense of human rights, a strong advocacy of gender equality and inclusion, rule of law, democracy, solid experience in senior management in national and multilateral institutions. Mr. President, Excellencies, for developing countries, particularly small island developing states and least developed countries, efficiency must translate into stronger delivery on the ground, not reduced essential support. Timor-Leste urges comprehensive reform, expansion in both the permanent and non-permanent categories, so that developing countries and historically underrepresented regions have a stronger voice in decisions concerning international peace and security. The veto is inconsistent with the sovereign equality of member states. President, Timor-Leste reaffirms the principles of climate justice, common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities in the light of different national circumstances. Greater climate ambition must be accompanied by accessible, predictable finance: adaptation support, technology transfer, and capacity building. Artificial intelligence and other emerging technologies reshape our societies. Developing countries must actively participate in their governance and development.
