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At the same time, Azerbaijan maintains one of the lowest levels of public external debt globally. Our commitment also extends to advancing sustainable development through effective and accountable institutions. At Azerbaijan's initiative on 30th March 2026, the UN Human Rights Council, adopted by consensus for the third time the resolution, entitled Promoting Human Rights and the Sustainable Development Goals through transparent, accountable and Efficient Public Service Delivery. Co-Sponsored by more than 100 member states, the resolution underscores the essential role of citizen centered, transparent and efficient public institutions in advancing human rights and accelerating progress towards the SDGs.
And I thought it's a good idea to share with you my thoughts. Gunpowder changed the battlefield. Nuclear fission changed the meaning of human survival. Artificial intelligence is changing something even more intimate: who can enter the minds of a citizen, imitate a trusted voice, manufacture a reality calibrated to one person's fears, and do so millions and millions of times at once. Albania is not a developer of frontier models, but we are a nation that has already lived the future others are still debating, and I think a simple message is what we owe to all of you. The greatest immediate danger is not that artificial intelligence will stop obeying humanity. The greatest danger is that it will obey the wrong human beings perfectly. The challenge comes in three layers. What artificial intelligence does instead of us, what it does to us. And who gains the power to reach us? First, what it does instead of us. The public debate imagines machines that awaken, acquire ambitions and turn against their creators. But the systems confronting us today do not wake up with hatred in their hearts. They multiply ours. They have no ambition of their own. They serve the ambition of others. They carry no flag. But they can be deployed by a state. They tell no lie for their own benefit. But they can tell a billion lies on others behalf. The machine has no conscience. But it can borrow the reach of a government, the precision of a weapon and the intimacy of a friend. At the same time, the economic incentives surrounding artificial intelligence increasingly reward the replacement of human effort, rather than the enlargement of human capacity. Write the code so that I do not have to understand it. Draft the report so that I do not have to think through it. Make the judgment so that I do not have to assume responsibility for it. When success is measured only by how much work the machine removes from the human being, we may create more efficient institutions, but will have less capable people. A civilization that outsources effort may eventually outsource knowledge. A civilization that outsources knowledge may eventually outsource judgment, and the civilization that outsources judgment may discover that it also outsources responsibility. This is not inevitable. It is a choice. We can build artificial intelligence that teaches rather than merely answers, guides rather than commands, and strengthens the human being instead of making the human being dependent upon it. The question cannot be only how quickly did the machine complete the task? We must also ask, what did the human being learn? Who understood the decision? Who can challenge the decision and who answers for the decision when it is wrong? Albania became the first country to bring an artificial intelligence instrument into the architecture of government through Diella, our worldwide known artificial intelligence minister. We did not do this to transfer sovereignty from people to a machine. We did it to make public services more accessible, procedures more transparent, and the state more accountable. No machine possesses democratic legitimacy. No algorithm inherits constitutional responsibility. Behind every consequential public decision, there must remain a legal mandate, a human institution, and a name that can be called to give answers. The second layer is what artificial intelligence can do to us. Artificial intelligence inside an accountable state can reduce the distance between citizens and public services. Artificial intelligence outside accountability can eliminate the distance between a lie and the human mind. Albania experienced this directly. I am sure you must have followed or just known the so-called Flamingo Revolution, a fabricated narrative of an Israeli invasion of the Albanian coast, an invasion that never occurred, was manufactured, was personalized and delivered through voices, pages and channels citizens already trusted. One citizen received a story of national betrayal. Another received a story of religious provocation. Another received a conspiracy of foreign occupation. Different fabrications entered different emotional worlds, all serving the same strategic lie. The consequences were real. Citizens had their own reasons to protest. Don't take me wrong. But suddenly they started to protest also against a phantom enemy. Antisemitic tropes entered our public discourse for the first time ever. Don't forget, Albania is the only country in Europe that ended World War Two with more Jews than it started it. Fear became anger. Anger became mobilization and fabrication became political reality. And this is not and was not a laboratory experiment. I'm not talking to you about a science fiction movie. It was a Tuesday in Tirana, our capital city. The algorithm did not invent the objective. A human actor did.
I also thank His Excellency Her Excellency Ms. Annalena Baerbock for her stewardship of the 80th Session, and wish to thank the Secretary-General, His Excellency António Guterres, for his unwavering commitment to the United Nations." Mr. President, eight years ago the United Nations was established in the aftermath of the Second World War to foster international cooperation and prevent future armed conflicts. As we convene here today, we must confront the reality of living in very uncertain times, shadowed by the persistent threat of global conflict. It is imperative that we work together to avoid warfare. We must reflect on the founding principles of the UN Charter and recommit ourselves to saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war, reaffirming faith in fundamental human rights and the dignity of human person, ensuring equal rights for all large nations and small, establishing conditions for justice and respect for international law, and promoting social progress alongside better standards of life. Uganda firmly believes that multilateralism and international cooperation remain the most vital mechanisms for addressing our shared challenges. Accordingly, we remain and reaffirm our commitment to the principles of the UN Charter as the cornerstone of global diplomacy, supporting the interconnected pillars of peace and security, human rights, humanitarian affairs, and sustainable development. We believe the United Nations must remain agile and adaptive to evolving global realities. Uganda is committed to working with the entire membership to build consensus on necessary systemic reforms, particularly within the UN Security Council. We call for a comprehensive reform to render the Council more equitable, transparent, democratic, and representative. In this regard, we demand Africa's rightful representation in both the permanent and non-permanent categories to correct historical imbalances in line with the common African position articulated in the Eswilini Consensus and the Sate Declaration. Regarding the ongoing UN Aid Initiative, Uganda commends efforts to streamline the UN system to make it cost-effective, efficient, and well-coordinated.
Defending multilateralism does not mean defending the status quo. The United Nations must become more effective, representative, transparent and responsive to people. It must make better use of its resources, reduce duplication and respond more swiftly without weakening the purposes for which it was created. Efficiency must strengthen, not erode, its three pillars peace and security, sustainable development and human rights. Effectiveness cannot be measured solely in administrative terms, but rather by the ability to prevent a war, protect a population under threat, combat hunger, confront transnational criminal networks, or support a state in strengthening its institutions. We do not need a United Nations that is smaller in purpose. We need a United Nations that is stronger in results and firmer in defending democratic principles. That transformation must also reach the Security Council. Its composition must better reflect the realities of the 21st century and remedy the long standing underrepresentation of entire regions. When the veto causes paralysis in the face of serious threats to international peace and security, confidence in the entire system suffers. We also face an important decision for the future of the organisation the selection of the next secretary general. Guatemala hopes that the process will be transparent and inclusive, and will identify an independent leader able to build bridges, defend the principles of the charter and lead the reform our organisation needs. The Latin American and Caribbean region stands ready and prepared to shoulder its responsibility to the international community. The time has come for a Latin American woman to serve as secretary general of the United Nations. Excellencies. Distinguished delegates.
And as the world transforms, so must the United Nations. The UN80 Initiative is an opportunity to reduce duplication, improve accountability, and focus resources on results. But efficiency must not be measured simply by what we cut. It must be measured by what we deliver. And the United Nations must not retreat from the countries that need it most, in the name of efficiency. Reform must preserve a meaningful UN presence on the ground, particularly in SIDS. The UN Development System must respond to the needs of programme countries and remain guided by relevant international frameworks. The reform process must be Member State-led. It must be inclusive and transparent. This is how reform will restore trust, by bringing the United Nations closer to the people and the countries it serves. Reform must also confront one of this Organization’s oldest weaknesses: unequal representation. The Security Council cannot reflect the world of 1945 while deciding for the world of today. It must be expanded in both permanent and non-permanent categories. SIDS must have a rotating seat. Africa must receive the representation long denied to it, and the veto must be abolished. After all, representation is not merely symbolic. Who sits at the table shapes what the table sees. Small States understand how closely climate, finance, trade, supply chains and security are connected. We also know that international law is our strongest safeguard against unequal power. That principle must remain at the heart of the international system. The Maldives will take its seat on the Economic and Social Council for the 2027 to 2029 term. We are seeking election to the Human Rights Council for the 2028 to 2030 term. And we seek the support of Member States for a seat on the UN Security Council for the 2033 to 2034 term. We do so because small States must be decision-makers, not decision-takers. Representation matters not only within the bodies of this Organization, but also in its leadership. As Secretary-General Guterres approaches the end of a decade of service, the Maldives thanks him for his leadership and commitment to international cooperation. The process to choose his successor must be transparent and based on merit. It must draw from the full breadth of talent available to this Organization. For more than eight decades, every Secretary-General has been a man. It is time for a woman to lead this Organisation. A leader who will defend the Charter, without exception, who can turn reform into delivery, and who will listen to all Member States, including the smallest. The task ahead is immense. The choice we make must meet it. So, what should this Assembly do? The Maldives proposes a simple test for a sovereign future. When we act on conflict, climate, finance, technology or institutional reform, let us ask: Does this decision expand a State’s freedom to choose? Does it build national capacity and reduce dependence? Does it protect sovereignty and independent decision-making? If the answer is no, we must change course. And we must hold every State to the same standard. Let this be the measure of international cooperation, not what we promise, but what we make possible. That is the measure of a United Nations that delivers for all. In 1989, the Maldives asked this Assembly to protect small States from external threats. Today, we ask it to protect something just as fundamental: Every State’s freedom to choose its own future. A future chosen by its people, a future grounded in international law, a sovereign future for every State.
International commitments must be translated into action and bring people lives of peace, security, dignity and happiness. It is for this reason that the Pact for the Future and the 2030 agenda, our promises to present and future generations must be implemented earnestly and in full. Commitments on financing for development, including. The severe commitment must be translated into concrete measures, expanding access to long term financing at affordable cost, supporting countries burdened by debt, and amplifying the voice of developing countries in international financial and monetary institutions. The multilateral trading system must be strengthened in an open equitable and transparent manner, ensuring development opportunities for all countries. Climate action must be accorded its rightful place in development cooperation, particularly via the adaptation finance, technology transfer and a just energy transition. Development must be people centred and leave no one behind. Growth must go hand in hand with social progress and equity environmental protection and the safeguarding of people's livelihoods, especially for vulnerable countries and communities.
We also call for the strengthening of the rules based multilateral trading system and for fair, transparent and equitable mechanisms for resolving trade disputes. Mr. president, the rapid evolution of digital and emerging technologies, including artificial intelligence, is already shaping economic, social and institutional developments across the globe. We support the General Assembly resolution establishing the Global dialogue on AI governance, and we welcome the work being done by the Independent International Scientific Panel on AI. For Mauritius, digital innovation is a developmental imperative.
Solomon Islands therefore recognises the need for an inclusive and transparent international governance framework on AI. Mr. president, year after year, Pacific leaders have stood at this podium and urged the world to act on climate change. And yet, global action continues to fall short of what the science demands. For every passing COP, the impacts grow more severe. Our islands are being lost to the sea. Disasters are more frequent and more devastating. Food and water security is under threat and communities are being forced from their ancestral lands. Solomon Islands knows this reality firsthand. This year, Tropical Cyclone Maila, a category five storm, tore through our communities, destroying homes, schools, infrastructure and livelihoods. My government has just approved US$9.38 million for shelter recovery. That is money our essential services urgently need now diverted to deal with the impacts of this climate extreme. Like many Pacific Island countries, we are trapped in a relentless cycle of response, recovery and rebuilding. This is not sustainable, nor is it just. My people did the least to cause this crisis, yet they pay its earliest and heaviest price. That is the moral ledger that lies before this assembly. Last year, the International Court of Justice confirmed in its landmark advisory opinion that states have legal obligations to protect the climate system. Major emitters must make deep emission cuts and transition away from fossil fuels. Climate finance, including support for loss and damage, must be grant based and channelled through our national budget systems. Project based financing of climate action is unsustainable and out of step with the scale of a crisis we did the least to cause. Vulnerable countries should not have to choose between climate action and educating our children, caring for the sick or securing food and water. Yet that is the choice we face with every dollar we spend. We therefore call for the full capitalisation of the Pacific Resilience Facility, and an ambitious and timely third replenishment of the Green Climate Fund. Our region has long led on climate action, and we will continue to lead. The Pre-COP31 meeting, to be hosted in the Pacific by Australia in partnership with Fiji and Tuvalu, will bring the reality of climate change directly into the heart of the global process. I call on all parties and partners to come to that meeting and to COP31 with stronger commitments and concrete action. The communities on the frontline of the climate crisis deserve nothing less. Mr. president, Solomon Islands welcomes the convening of the second high level meeting on sea level rise and the adoption of the first political declaration on sea level rise. Every day our people are defending their coastlines, strengthening their resilience, protecting their food and water security and their cultural heritage, and, where there is no other choice, relocating. But we cannot do this alone. I call on this assembly to match the courage of our Pacific communities with collective international resolve to scale up adaptation and resilience finance, and to support communities facing climate mobility needs.
But today I am once again speaking before you with a different mindset. I do not seek to denounce, but rather to share with you, to share with you factual elements about the progress and the headway that has been made by the Republic of Guinea as we have achieved results that have emanated from the choices that we have made. On the basis of our constitution, the Republic of Guinea organized an entire direct presidential and legislative communal elections, and we have established all institutions which are entirely financed by our Treasury. And I state this with a rightful sense of pride that none of these elections that were held throughout our territory, none of these elections were marred by any significant incidents on the part of any of the participants in this electoral process, and this reflects the fact, ladies and gentlemen, that a country can organize independently using its own resources, credible, peaceful, and transparent elections. This constitution that we have adopted introduces profound innovations in terms of peaceful coexistence, as well as greater representation of our localities and our communities, as well as novel guarantees for peaceful transfer of power, and includes recognition of our cultural, linguistic, religious, and cultural plurality as the bedrock of our nation, and not as a divisive factor. And this I state with a sense of legitimate pride. All of these elections were organized on our soil, once again, without any assistance from any party whatsoever. Ladies and gentlemen, I have not— I did not come here to exercise emphatic, but I do believe it is worthwhile to share with you, to share a simple overview and useful, useful information about what our Republic of Guinea has achieved in less than three years.
A one year transition period was set with the aim of creating the conditions necessary for the restoration of constitutional order. Within this framework, the constitutional review process has been completed and the new constitution of the Republic was approved by Popular Referendum on August 30th, 2026. This process is an important milestone in the transition and in the restoration of constitutional order in the country. The government is committed to creating the conditions necessary for the presidential and legislative elections scheduled for December 6th of this year, to be held in an inclusive, free, transparent and credible manner. I take this opportunity to express our gratitude to the Economic Community of West African States, ECOWAS, the African Union, the United Nations and our other institutions international partners for their engagement and support in the efforts to ensure a return to constitutional normalcy in our country. Ladies and gentlemen, three decades ago, Guinea-Bissau had the honor of serving as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. Today, as we reaffirm our commitment to the purposes and principles of the charter of the United Nations and to the promotion of international peace and security, I wish to reiterate that Guinea-Bissau is a candidate for non-permanent membership of the Security Council for the term 2028 2029. Our vision of the world rests fundamentally on four key words prevention, dialogue, cooperation, peace.
Founded on a common history and a shared language. Excellencies. Starting in January, Portugal will bring to the Security Council as a non-permanent member, a global perspective and a culture of dialogue and bridge building. We are deeply grateful for the trust placed in us by everyone, and fully aware of the responsibility that comes with it. We are well aware of the challenges faced by the least developed countries and small island developing states. In the Security Council, Portugal will be committed to three big priorities prevent, partner and protect preventing crises and conflicts with severe human impact, which are rampant across several continents. Because there are several and not only those that are on the news. Because for us, there are no first or second class conflicts. They are all. They all concern us. All of them cooperating and developing our partnerships within a more transparent, more representative and more democratic council and protecting, protecting human dignity by combating poverty and safeguarding fundamental rights, food security, and the future of the new generations. Mr. president, excellencies and friends, the magnitude of the challenges we face demands collective responses. The most effective response is a multilateral response, and the United Nations is at the heart and should be, and should continue to be at the heart of the multilateral system. That is why Portugal looks to the future with renewed commitment to the mission of the United Nations, with confidence in our collective capacity, and with hope that it is together that we can build and leave behind a better world, and we are going to do it and leave to future generations a better world than the one we are living in. Thank you very much.
We recently held a democratic election that laid a strong foundation for a free, fair, and transparent political dispensation. Equally, in our relentless pursuit of building national consensus, the National Dialogue Commission has convened the first historical summit where citizens from every corner of the country and from all walks of life deliberate on critical issues of national importance. It has now opened a glorious new chapter in our political history that helps strengthen our democratic institutions. A significant leap has also been achieved in attaining food security.
Multilateralism. Equipped to address the defining challenges of today peace, the climate emergency, economic insecurity and artificial intelligence on artificial intelligence and its governance. We need an accountable, transparent and regulated architecture. We need an AI that serves humanity, not controls it. We must always be in the driving seat, setting a safe and secure pace of innovation and development. The artificial intelligence industry cannot be regulated by a few major global companies, and the United Nations must play a central role in setting global standards through the United Nations Global Digital Compact, the Independent International Scientific Panel, and the Global Dialogue on AI governance. Excellencies, the United Nations must remain at the center of the multilateral system. The United Nations is under pressure from geopolitical polarization, financial constraints, and institutional shortcomings.
We already have knowledge. But what we need now is the will to use them. This year, the United Nations will choose its next Secretary-General. Slovakia supports a transparent and inclusive process based on merit, with due regard to regional diversity and gender balance. And I would also like to thank Secretary-General António Guterres for his dedicated service and leadership during these difficult years. The next Secretary-General will inherit an organization under serious security, geopolitical, institutional, and financial pressure. But the future of the United Nations will not depend on one person alone. It depends on all of us, on our will, courage, and determination.
End this war. Mr. President. Sweden has been an active contributor to the United Nations for 80 years, and we remain committed. But as a staunch partner, we will continue to push for UN that is more effective, more transparent and better equipped to uphold the principles of its charter. A UN that is resolute. Sweden's first peacekeepers, 300 of them served this organization during the Suez crisis in 1956. Since then, more than 80,000 Swedes have followed in their footsteps.
Mr. President, excellencies, at the outset, allow me to extend my warm and heartfelt congratulations to you on your election as president of the 81st session of the General Assembly. Your election reflects the confidence of Member States in your steadfast commitment to multilateral system and your vision for a United Nations that is responsive, effective, and capable of delivering for humanity. As you embark on this important journey, my delegation reaffirms its unwavering commitment to working closely with you and all Member States to ensure a productive and successful session. I also pay tribute to your predecessor, Her Excellency Ms. Baerbock, president of the 80th session of the General Assembly, with whom my delegation had the honour to serve as Vice President. Her dedicated leadership, zeal and tenacity of purpose in strengthening multilateral cooperation during a period of profound global uncertainty gave us hope that the future of this organization can be secured when all nations work together for the common goal of leaving no one behind. To the secretary general, Antonio Guterres, whose tenure is approaching an end, my delegation commends his exemplary leadership and commitment to the ideals of the United Nations. During his term the world confronted unprecedented challenges from the COVID-19 pandemic to the eruption of new conflicts, the catastrophic effects of climate change, and unstable trade regimes. Throughout these crises, he remained the moral force and steady anchor of the organization. We salute him for his distinguished service and will fondly cherish his historic visit to the Mountain Kingdom in December 2024, during which he witnessed firsthand the dividends of the UN's contribution to Lesotho. Mr. president, the theme for this session Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: A United Nations that delivers for all, resonates deeply with Lesotho's aspirations for a more inclusive, transparent and result oriented multilateral system capable of advancing respect for international law, maintaining global peace and security, accelerating sustainable development, protecting human rights, driving climate action, and implementing long overdue institutional reforms.
Mexico and Norway founded the UN 80 global Group, supporting the reforms undertaken by the Secretary general, focused on building with practical actions a more effective and transparent United Nations with Qatar, Norway and Switzerland. We are engaging in a strengthening of the mediation capacities of the organization. Each and every conflict that diplomacy can prevent is worth more than all of those. That force seeks to resolve.
At this juncture of global development, the success of reforms should be reflected by the conflicts prevented development advanced, assistance delivered, and communities strengthened. The selection of the next Secretary-General, therefore, comes at a defining moment. The next holder of the office should be an impartial custodian of the charter. An independent voice for peace, a bridge builder among member states, and an advocate for those whose voices seldom reach these halls. The process should be transparent, inclusive and guided by merit. Equitable geographical representation and gender equality. Above all, the next Secretary-General must bring the United Nations closer to the people. The charter begins with we, the peoples of the United Nations. Those words should guide how the organization listens, how it communicates, and how it measures the success. In conclusion, Zimbabwe will assume its role in the Security Council. Mindful that membership is not a badge of honor, but a commitment to serve the comity of nations. We will serve with balance and integrity, defend the sovereign equality of states, advance Africa's priorities and work constructively with all regions Let this 81st decision be recorded as the session that closed the gap between the promises of the charter and the realities of the daily life, Zimbabwe is ready to play its part in building the future we all want.
The selection of the next Secretary-General will be one of the defining moments of this session, and Kazakhstan supports a transparent, inclusive and merit based process conducted in full accordance with the Charter. Mr. president, the international security environment continues to deteriorate. World military expenditures reached a record $2.9 trillion in 2025. Our small planet is home to more than 12,000 nuclear weapons, each one capable of untold damage and sorrow. Every year we seem to lose more biodiversity, yet gain more armaments. For Kazakhstan's nuclear disarmament in particular, is not an abstract doctrine. It's a responsibility borne on the national experience. This year marks 35 years since the closure of the Semipalatinsk nuclear test site 30 years since the CTBT opened for signature, and 20 years since the signing of the Treaty on Nuclear Weapon Free Zone in Central Asia. Our experience of renouncing the world's fourth largest nuclear arsenal did not weaken our state to the contrary through international trust. It strengthens sovereignty, enhanced security and promotes development. Today the trust is again in danger. New START has expired. While the 2026 NPT Review Conference ended without substantive outcome for the third consecutive cycle. Nuclear weapon states must never confuse the absence of agreement with the vacuum of obligation. They remain responsible until we secure a world free of nuclear weapons. Kazakhstan advocates the relaunch of high level dialogue among nuclear powers, and is ready to host one of their next meetings. We will also continue advancing our earlier proposal to strengthen the BWC through establishing an international agency for biological security. Distinguished delegates. Peace and stability are prerequisites for sustainable development. We stand firmly for diplomacy and dialogue, and against the escalation of tension and the use of force.
To give substance to this vision, we have launched a historic process of inclusive national dialogue, bringing together all the vital forces of the nation young people, women, persons with disabilities, political parties, civil society, the armed forces and the private sector. We have established a clear timetable. Our goal is to hold free, transparent and universally accepted elections before the end of 2027. Mr. president, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, this platform speaking here at this rostrum also gives me the opportunity to express our gratitude to all our partners for the trust and support that they have provided and for the fraternal support of the Southern African Development Community, Sadc and the United Nations are going with standing with us hand in hand since the beginning of the refoundation process.
Monaco supports the UN 80 initiative to make the organisation more streamlined, more understandable, more efficient and closer to people on the ground. Still, the UN needs resources to function. My country fulfils its financial contributions in full and on time, and we call on all other states to do likewise. But this necessary step is not enough. In the light of the changes that have to be undertaken, that is why Monaco calls on the real leaders of the United Nations to rethink the architecture of our system from 2030. Bringing on board the public and private sector, civil society and educational and cultural hubs, streamlining processes, preventing mandate duplication, consolidating specialized agencies, regional centres and the secretariat, and guaranteeing small states genuine inclusivity. There is plenty of work to do. The time of the law is patient, but this patience should not be confused with inertia. In the same vein, the principality is in favour of a reform of the Security Council to make it more representative to today's realities. While also preserving its ability to act. And we are also in favour of the revitalisation of this General Assembly, the House of Equality between States. This session will also see the election of the next Secretary General of the organisation. Monaco calls for a transparent, inclusive and rigorous process. After 80 years, the Principality hopes that women candidates will be seriously considered. The organisation would do well to demonstrate at its helm the equality for which it stands. Ladies and gentlemen there is one area where multilateral trust has recently produced tangible results, and it is dear to the heart of His Serene Highness Prince Albert II, and that is to say, the ocean.
That is why we believe that the war in Ukraine must end through dialogue and formal diplomacy. In the Middle East, we will also seek lasting peace that can pave the way for nations to live in harmony. At the regional level, we reiterate the request to strengthen participatory democracy throughout Latin America and the Caribbean, while also respecting free, open, transparent elections in all countries in our region. In terms of security, we will continue to work together with our allies to combat drug trafficking, which is a source of violence and social breakdown.
The fact is that the international community really acquires true logic and meaning when it manages to be present at the most critical, difficult junctures. The international community must act within its own limits and ensure there is a community of sovereign nations. Supporting a country does not mean replacing its institutions, or overriding the decisions that it is up to its citizens to make within the democratic order. We can share universal principles and at the same time recognize that every people has its own story, its own history, its own culture, its own traditions, and the legitimate right to democratically define its own path. We hope to see independent, transparent action, which does not make ideological calculations, and without those calculations, manages to respect and ensure all human rights the rights of peasants, children, women, the rights of police forces and members of the military that are on the front line in the defense of life and freedom this forum has before it the historic duty to be a space for the meeting, the coming together of equals, a place for genuine cooperation, free of external diktats and attempts to standardize and homogenize thought. Those of us that come from nations that are constantly having to recover and get back on their feet. We come here today absolutely sure of the fact that we can share great principles without ever turning our back on what we are We do not need to all think in the same way to have deep mutual respect for one another. The world does not require identical democracies. It requires legitimate democracies It does not demand nations that are all the same. It does not need cookie cutter nations. It needs truly free peoples. Thank you.
relationships with the states and institutions that benefited from these systems. Mr. president, technology is the new form of power that is rapidly transforming the world. And while it offers enormous opportunities for mankind, it can also create a new hierarchy in which a small number of corporations and powerful states control the systems on which the rest of humanity depends. We must ensure that artificial intelligence does not widen the gap between the powerful and the vulnerable. Technology must strengthen aspirations, not quietly erode them. Saint Lucia, therefore, calls for strong global standards on data protection, privacy and artificial intelligence; equitable access to digital infrastructure, cyber security and affordable connectivity; fair technology transfer; transparent algorithms; protection from surveillance, disinformation and cyber exploitation; and meaningful participation for small states in shaping global digital rules. The digital future must not be owned by a few. It must be governed for the benefit of all. Managing transformation means ensuring that no nation is left powerless in the face of technological change. Mr. president, my country, Saint Lucia, is a small, open and vulnerable state, but our people refuse to impose limits on their aspirations. History has blessed us with unimaginable natural beauty, ambitious, friendly people, and two Nobel laureates.
It is ruining the world order. If this organization wants to restore trust, it should begin by applying its own principle consistently, either for proposed two things. First, this organization should strengthen transparency around its responses to the crisis to crisis. We should establish. We should establish an independent mechanism answerable to this Assembly as a whole that annually compares the scale, duration and severity of major crises with the scale and nature of the international response. Not to dictate political verdicts, but to make it impossible for us to remain unaware of our own patterns of selectivity. And second, we should strengthen safeguards against the political instrumentalization of United Nations, of United Nations mandates and institutions. Their credibility depends on transparent procedures, consistent criteria of scrutiny for all Member States. Distinguished delegates, the multilateral. The multilateral system was created to prevent power from replacing principle. We must not allow political convenience to reverse that relationship. So that principle becomes merely a language used by institutions when it serves political interests. The answer is not to weaken multilateralism, it is to protect it from instrumentalization. A United Nations that delivers for all cannot mean an organization that responds loudly to some crisis and quietly to others. If we want to speak credibly of the United Nations, that delivers for all, and we must be prepared to ask a difficult question does it really deliver for all? For those living through war. For those displaced by violence. For states. For states whose concerns receive little international attention. For families struggling to build a future. So, dear friends will restore trust when a crisis matters. Because human beings are suffering. Not be. Not because the politics surrounding it are convenient and will restore trust. When the institutions of multilateralism are strong enough to serve universal principles rather than political convenience. But restoring trust is not only about correcting what is wrong today, it is about deciding. It is about deciding what kind of international system we are willing to pass on. Those who come after us. A United Nations that cannot uphold its own principles has no standing to ask the world for its trust. What we owe the people of the world is not sentiment. It is an institution consistent enough and far sighted enough to be worthy of their trust. Thank you very much.
We listen with respect. We partner as equals and we protect what matters most. We engage across regions, listen to different perspectives, and we build trust. We champion the rights, sovereignty, and agency of all, particularly smaller and mid-sized nations. We are a reliable, practical and transparent partner, and we play our part to protect the people of the world by taking on the difficult challenges shaping their lives and the health of their planet. With innovative ideas and approaches Australia helped create the United Nations to bring an end to an era of destructive conflict, and to build something better for all of us. A world where prosperity is driven by shared opportunity and peace is secured by collective responsibility. Australia is stepping up to play our part.
State governors and representatives of the legislative branch. They will decide between democracy and denialism if Brazil will move towards a future with more opportunities, or go back to a past of exclusion. We shall have competitive and transparent elections where every candidate benefits from the broadest freedom of speech. We know that some abuse of this freedom to associate themselves with foreign interests against the country. We do not underestimate the challenge of misinformation networks that aim to distort public debate during the campaign. But we have a modern and robust election system under the watchful eye of a pluralistic citizenry and a free press. We will not allow the enemies of democracy, whether domestic or foreign, to undermine popular will. Brazilian democracy belongs to Brazilians. Brazil continues to be a sovereign country. Nobody, nobody will turn us away from this path. May God bless us all. And thank you very much.
Irregular migration is increasingly becoming a security issue, and it requires a coordinated international response. Ladies and gentlemen, if we want a United Nations that is more effective in terms of decision-making, more efficient in managing available resources, and up to date on technological developments, we adopt as its shared task to readjust the structure of the United Nations around the three pillars, and well as reassess how the United Nations operates. Estonia supports a system-wide reform of the UN 80 and humanitarian reset, which are both well underway and have already delivered some encouraging results. Now it's time to build on this momentum and to move decisively forward with reforms. We need ambition. For example, the humanitarian sector, alongside stronger data harmonization, could move towards a shared interoperability model that allows many systems to coexist while quickly and safely exchanging data. Estonian humanitarian organizations are already testing these solutions, from Palestine to Sudan. We also need determination. Above all, we need action. Action that strengthens the UN as the main actor responsible for multilateral cooperation and prepares it for future challenges. This year, the United Nations is set to make arguably one of its most consequent decisions: the selection and appointment of its next Secretary-General. As an active member of the Accountability, Coherence, and Transparency Group, Estonia has stood for a transparent, fair, and inclusive process. At this challenging time for the organization, we need a strong and principled leader with an impeccable track record in championing and upholding international law, human rights, and the principles of the Charter. Estonia also feels that after 81 years, it is time for the organization to be led by a woman. Allow me to take this opportunity to commend and express our gratitude to our current Secretary-General, Mr. António Guterres, for his steadfast commitment to the principles of the UN Charter, including his support for a just and lasting peace in Ukraine. With regard to the Security Council, it must be said that its inability to take timely and decisive decisions on some of the worst crises we are seeing today risks rendering the United Nations irrelevant. We have not seen unified and decisive council action on Ukraine, Sudan, or in Myanmar. The use of the veto and the threat of its use continue to loom over the Council and paralyze any of its attempts to take action. Estonia has strongly advocated for permanent members to refrain from vetoing resolutions aimed at ending mass atrocities, in line with the France, Mexico proposal, and the ACT Code of Conduct. It is also important to call on the Security Council members to start fully implementing Article 27(3) of the Charter once again, and to abstain in cases where members of the Council are a party to a dispute. The General Assembly resolution" United for Peace" gives the most representative and democratic body of the United Nations, a toolbox to act on matters related to international peace and security when the Council is unable to deliver. In concert, we must reinforce the role of the General Assembly when it comes to peace and security, and this will help us in collectively finding solutions where the Council is powerless. Ladies and gentlemen, Estonia firmly believes that respect of human rights is a prerequisite for peace, security, and prosperity. We stand firmly behind the United Nations human rights system and will continue to defend and strengthen it.
Fiji supports the UN reform agenda to make the organisation more coherent, efficient and effective. But reform must be judged by a single test. What improves for people and for member states? For Pacific small island developing states, efficiency must not mean distance. The Multicountry officers serving our regional, our region are essential bridges between global commitments and island realities. Reform must strengthen and not thin. Our capacity to deliver. To deliver where needed is the greatest. This assembly will also select the next Secretary General. Fiji asks for a process that is transparent and merit based, and for the Secretary General who understands the realities of small island states and more importantly, will act on them. For too long, our circumstances have been well diagnosed and poorly addressed. The promise to deliver for all must also be measured in development within. With 2030 approaching, too many sustainable development goals remain off track. National income alone cannot capture remoteness, disaster exposure and the repeated burden of rebuilding the Multidimensional Vulnerability Vulnerability Index must move from adoption to application. There is one measure of delivery that reaches Fijians households directly. Remittances.
It must become an instrument for the future. We need a Security Council that reflects the geopolitical realities of the 21st century, not the power structures of 1945. A council that embraces the immoral, the emerging multipolarity of our world, including permanent representation from Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean Mr. president, if the United Nations is to remain humanity's best hope, then this is not the hour to retreat from multilateralism. This is the hour to reclaim and to renew it For it is. In times such as these, when wars rage across borders, when the shadow of existential threats falls across the future of human civilisation, when the old certainties are dissolving before our eyes that multilateralism must rise, multilateralism rests upon the proposition that our destinies are bound together, that the security of one, the security of one cannot be at the insecurity of another, and that in an interdependent world, cooperation is a necessity. And where there can be no enduring prosperity, when inequality deepens and no just international order, when rules are applied selectively. It is to that truth that this 81st session of the General Assembly must recommit itself. But recommitment cannot mean merely repeating the language of yesterday. The world has changed and multilateralism must change with it. We need a new and invigorated multilateralism, one equal to the turbulence of our age. Sufficiently courageous to confront its trials, sufficiently imaginative to navigate its transformations, and sufficiently principled to defend the rule of international law. To make the United Nations fit for purpose. We must make it more transparent, accountable, and responsive. We must strengthen the General Assembly and give great and give greater weight to its deliberative and representative authority. We must bring greater coherence to a system too often divided by institutional rivalries, bureaucratic silos, and competing mandates. We must ensure that the resources of the UN match the responsibilities we have entrusted to it. But institutions do not reform themselves. They require leadership capable of seeing beyond the present and imagining the institution the future demands. The United Nations needs leadership that can bring its different organs, agencies and programs into greater unity of purpose, leadership that can build bridges where division has become habitual. Leadership that can defend the principles of the charter without fear or favour. The United Nations needs its next general Secretary to work with all Member States to restore confidence in the organisation, mobilise its energies and turn the language of multilateralism from aspiration into action. The reform of the United Nations, the restoration of trust and the need to manage transformation, is therefore inseparable from the question of leadership, and the choice of its next secretary general will be, in no small measure, a choice about the kind of United Nations we wish to leave to the generations that follow. It is in this spirit that Guyana has put forward the candidature of Her Excellency Carolyn Rodrigues Burkitt. For the office of Secretary General of the United Nations. She has served her country, represented the developing world and work within the multilateral system with a deep understanding of both its promise and its imperfections. We believe that our experience, her convictions, her record of service, speak directly to the kind of leadership this moment demands. Her candidature, therefore, requires special significance. Amid the profound challenges confronting the United Nations and international order. We need leadership capable of restoring trust without compromising principles, of listening, without surrendering conviction of building bridges across the widening chasms between north and south, between large states and small, between the developed and developing world. We need a secretary general who will defend the charter not only when it is politically convenient, but precisely when its principles are under pressure. On a personal note, Mr. President, Carolyn Rodrigues Burkitt. Come from every experience. Her very upbringing crossed every struggle, every aspect of our accomplishment defined and broke barriers. An indigenous woman coming from a small indigenous village defying the odds. The odds against indigenous persons, the odds against women, the odds against poverty. Defining every challenge and rising to the top amidst those challenges Her character is built on struggle, sacrifice, commitment her accomplishments are crafted in her humanity. This is an individual of extreme qualities not because she is a Guyanese, not because she come from Guyana, but because I know personally and many of you know this too, the permanent representatives sitting here in New York, you know, her character knew who? You know her integrity. You know her will. You know her commitment. You know her love for humanity. You know her love for this world. And I know that this world will be a better place. With Caroline Rodrigues as the secretary general of the United Nations. In the humblest of ways, I call on the P5, the Security Council and every member and every member here to look beyond the small country that nominated her. Look beyond the small country that nominated her. Caricom as a body has endorsed her. And let us rise to the challenge of giving this indigenous woman the chance of helping us craft together the United Nations we want to see succeed. The responsibility for recommending the next Secretary general rests in the first instance with the Security Council, and we therefore respectfully place before its members the candidature of Caroline Rodrigues Burkitt, endorsed by the Caribbean community. We invite all to consider her candidacy on its merits and to judge whether her vision, experience, expertise and record can help restore confidence in the United Nations at this critical moment Mr. president, the United Nations was conceived in hope, and that hope remains alive in the pursuit of peace, security and human progress over the perpetuation of division and war. This is why we must not abandon multilateralism because it is imperfect. We must renew it because humanity still needs it. Let us therefore build a United Nations that does not merely reflect the world as it is, but help create the world as it ought to be. A world where law restrains power, cooperation overcomes division, and every human being can look to the future with hope. Ghana believes that the choice remains ours as to whether the divisions of our age will define the future, or whether nations can summon the will to build a more peaceful, secure and prosperous international order. The United Nations must be at the heart of that endeavour, not as an institution. Looking back at the world it was created to serve, but as one helping humanity shape the world that is yet to come. May God bless all of you. May God bless our humanity. May God guide us to peace and keep our world safe, our children safe, and give us all the worth, all to build nations that are prosperous.
There, I appealed that it is essential for countries to acquire the capabilities to freely determine their own futures and resilience across economic, social and security domains. Japan places particular emphasis on following three pillars that embody this idea. First, Japan is engaged in strengthening the resilience of supply chains for energy and critical minerals. For global energy security, it is crucial to ensure free and transparent energy trade, engage in international coordination on strengthening oil stockpiling and enhance collaboration between producing and consuming countries. Japan has also launched the Partnership on Wide Energy Resources Resilience Asia POWERR Asia to strengthen energy and resource supply resilience in Asia, and has been promoting cooperation in areas such as stockpiling, capacity development and credit provision. Furthermore, Japan is currently formulating a comprehensive cooperation plan aimed at strengthening the economic and energy resilience of Gulf countries in the Middle East. Through this initiative, we will work to further strengthen the collaboration between the Asia Pacific region including Japan and the Gulf countries, to ensure a stable global energy supply. Moreover, concerns about arbitrary export restrictions are growing throughout the international community.
We would be remiss not to applaud the efforts, good offices and initiatives of the Secretary General aimed at strengthening multilateralism and that include initiatives such as UN 80 and the pact for the future, as well as the ongoing efforts to address global challenges, crises, conflicts, wars, climate change and terrorism, as well as the efforts to assist member states in order to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals and to strengthen international cooperation on artificial intelligence. We hope that these efforts will continue beyond the conclusion of the Secretary General's term in an in a manner to guarantee the continuity of work to reform and develop the organizations bodies to enhance its effectiveness and performance in discharging its responsibilities. In this context, we emphasize that Security Council reform and the Security Council is the body charged with maintaining international peace and security has become essential to keep pace with the significant increase in the number of member states and the changes in international relations since the establishment of the organization. There is an urgent need for the Council to become more representative, effective and transparent in carrying out its responsibilities.
And lasting reconciliation cannot be built on denial, selective approaches to justice, or the glorification of those convicted of war crimes. It requires respect for the judgments of international courts and equal dignity for every single victim, regardless of their identity or background. And in a world searching for proof that cooperation still works, Montenegro is contributing to the vision that the Balkans become that proof. Excellencies, the principle that guides us at home guides us here as well, in this very organization. Our engagement with the United Nations system is guided by the same principles. Montenegro is a reliable, credible, and predictable partner, committed to an effective multilateral system with the UN Charter at its core, aligned with the European Union's common foreign security policy, and working closely with our NATO allies and EU partners in support of international peace and security. And this commitment comes at a time when the United Nations itself is facing a profound test. Eight decades after its foundation, the challenges confronting this organization are increasingly complex and interconnected. Conflicts are eroding trust in the international system. Climate change is testing the resilience of states and of societies, and artificial intelligence and other emerging technologies are creating risks at a speed that national frameworks alone cannot adequately address. So the answer cannot be less multilateralism. It must be more effective multilateralism. And Montenegro, therefore, strongly supports the UN reform agenda and the ambition to build a United Nations that is more effective, more agile, more accessible, more financially sustainable, and fit for the challenges of our time. This reform must strengthen the UN's ability to deliver where it matters most: in preventing conflict, protecting human rights and freedoms, advancing sustainable development, and responding effectively to humanitarian crises. This responsibility also extends to the Security Council itself, which must become more effective, representative, accountable, and transparent. And the exercise of the veto must carry the weight of conscience above all when the world is confronted with mass atrocities and the large-scale loss of civilian life. The Charter of the United Nations must remain our common reference point, and Montenegro will be a constructive partner in those efforts. Excellencies, Montenegro remains committed to supporting Ukraine and welcomes all credible diplomatic efforts aimed at bringing the war to this end.
Within the framework of the National Development Plan 2025-2044, Mozambique is committed to transforming its potential into shared prosperity for the people through the valorization of resources and investing in human capital, especially in the youth and women, which are the majority. We also want to increase value to natural resources. We also want to modernize our agriculture, promote industrialization, develop tourism, expand access to energy, invest in infrastructures, education, health, science and technology, digitalization, and in the economy in general. Natural resources should contribute to the economic diversification of our economy, the mobilization of income, and investment in our biggest asset, which is the talent of the Mozambican people and the talent of the African people. Our location in the Indian Ocean, our logistic corridors, and our agricultural potential, energy, and minerals make Mozambique a strategic platform for investment and regional integration. We therefore seek partnerships that build national capacity, promote local content, respect the environment, and generate employment, especially for the young people and women. Mozambique will continue to diversify its partnership in a sovereign way, transparent, and mutually beneficial manner, working with all the parties in light of the national priorities. This is also Africa's ambition: to be the architect of their own destiny, to participate in setting the rules, and to fully benefit from the wealth it helps to create.
It is precisely at such times that we must honestly confront our setbacks, however profound, not with blame, cynicism or blind hope, but with action, sober reflection, clear-eyed realism and pragmatism. That is how we chart these turbulent waters. And that is how we rebuild trust in this institution, the central focus of this 81st session. (BRIEF PAUSE) So how do we build back trust? Trust is not given. It is earned. And we earn trust, I believe, in three ways. First, by being unapologetically realistic about where we are falling behind; Second, by taking a foundational look at the reforms of the Organization to deliver better; and Third, by making our work more inclusive and engaging all relevant stakeholders for effective delivery. Let me elaborate. (BRIEF PAUSE) On my first point, we must be frank about where the challenges lie and what needs to be fixed, even when the necessary changes may prove painful. Consider peace and security. Under the UN Charter, the Security Council bears primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. Yet when the Council is unable to act, Member States turn to the General Assembly. We saw this as early as 1950 with the “Uniting for Peace” resolution, and we have seen it more recently through the Assembly’s Veto Initiative. These two principal organs of our Organization are complementary, not competing. The Charter provides for an appropriate balance between them. Both chambers must do their respective part. To be fair, the Security Council, when it acts, proves its strength and effectiveness. It helped liberate Kuwait, ended civil war in El Salvador, supported Namibia’s independence, led rebuilding of Cambodia, and stabilized conflict-affected countries through peacekeeping. Yet when the Council is unable to act on important matters, the effectiveness of our Organization as a whole is called into question. In 1945, humanity placed its trust in the Council in good faith, giving it the extraordinary responsibility of maintaining international peace. The Council accepted that responsibility and entered into a compact. It must now hold up its end of the bargain. This is what the people of the world expect. And in their eyes, when the Security Council works, the United Nations works. The promise of 1945 still binds us today. I call on the Security Council to step up, to lead as we need it to lead and to act when we need it to act. Linked to this is the question of Security Council reform. I will support the General Assembly-led Intergovernmental Negotiations in its work to make the Council more representative, transparent and reflective of the geopolitical realities of our time. Ensuring fair representation for underrepresented regions must remain a priority. Nowhere is this more important, right now, than in Africa. After eight decades, the largest region by number of Member States and a key focus of UN Peacekeeping, is underrepresented on the Security Council. Africa needs to be at the table, not on the menu. Africa cannot be asked to wait indefinitely for its rightful place on the Council. Ending Africa’s underrepresentation, now, is a question of fairness, justice and, ultimately, the credibility of this Organization. (BRIEF PAUSE) Turning to development, and particularly the Sustainable Development Goals, we are right to focus on the challenges.
Hope has retreated, while cynicism and doubt have grown. Nevertheless, we hear the insistent calls for justice, peace, and for a rules based international order that applies equally to all nations. Mr. president, I come here for the first time representing my country, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, with a clear mandate and a commitment that governance must be transparent, that individual actions must consistently reflect integrity, and that public resources must be used to improve the lives of ordinary people. We are a small democratic Multi-island Caribbean nation committed to multilateralism and the peaceful resolution of disputes. Those principles serve us well and we believe should bind all of us in this chamber. We, in Saint Vincent and the Grenadines experience firsthand the vulnerability of living on the front lines of climate change, having experienced only two years ago the sudden destructive power of a category five hurricane. We also feel enormous strains imposed on small nations and our small, open economy by distant wars that have disrupted supply chains and by decisions made in places where our voice is never heard. Yet we will not let vulnerability define us or limit our ambitions.
Without sufficient transformation in their daily lives. New declarations and targets have value, but they cannot substitute for effective implementation. This is why this year's theme is both timely and necessary. Trust in the UN will not be restored through declarations alone. It will be restored when institutions act consistently, uphold international law, and produce results that people can see and experience. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the United Nations Charter is found on sovereign equality, territorial integrity peaceful coexistence, human rights and dignity of every person. The most important word in this year's theme is all not some. Not a selected group of nations, not only those with the greatest economy and military might. The promise of the charter belongs equally to every human being and every Member state. Yet the United Nations has increasingly become associated with political gridlocks in the Security Council, prolonged negotiations without tangible outcomes and a weakening capacity to mobilize collective action in response to the threats to international peace and security. This should concern all of us, not because the United Nations is not important, but precisely because it is indispensable and appears absent from the global solutions for peace and stability in this dangerous and unpredictable time. The Security Council must become more representative, transparent, and effective. Africa remains unrepresented in the permanent category and not represented enough in the permanent, in the in the in the permanent category as well. This historical injustice against the 54 sovereign states cannot be postponed indefinitely. Somalia supports the common African position and a meaningful African representation in both categories of the Council. Given that many of the discussions directly concerned Africa's African states, they have the right to full representation on equal par with all other permanent Security Council members. Reform is not an attack on the United Nations. Reform is necessary to protect its legitimacy, renew confidence in its institutions and ensure that it remains capable of responding to the realities of our time. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Somalia currently broadly serves as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council and as a member of the African Union Peace and Security Council. We carry these responsibilities with great seriousness, humility and determination in both institutions. Somalia works to uphold the principles of the United Nations Charter and Constitutive Act of the African Union, strengthening cooperation between the United Nations and the African Union, prevent conflict and support peaceful African led solution with global benefits, respect for national sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity is not an abstract principle for Somalia only. It is a foundation for peace and stability in our country, our region and the wider international community. Therefore, Somalia firmly rejects unilateral actions that undermine its sovereignty, unity and internationally recognized borders. This agreement is between nations must be resolved through dialogue and in accordance with international law, and not through actions that create new tensions or threaten regional stability.
These restrictions continue to inflict hardship on the Cuban people, contravene the human rights commitment of the UN, and run counter to the cooperative spirit of the 2030 agenda for Sustainable Development. The continuation of those economic sanctions deprive Cuba of essential development, partnership and support needed for recovery and future progress, and we call for the lifting of those sanctions. Tuvalu also support the call for necessary reform of the UN Security Council to ensure that it is more representative, inclusive, transparent and accountable and better aligned with the reality of the 21st geopolitical landscape. Mr. president, to conclude, I wish to assure this Assembly that Tuvalu stands in solidarity with the rest of the Member States to play its part in restoring trust and managing transformation to ensure the United Nations delivers for all.
However, the world is increasingly less integrated and more polarized. The world has taught us that some of the most solid democratic transitions of the modern world were not born from fracture or breakdowns, but from a transformation spearheaded with iron resolve by institutions themselves. This is our inspiration. We do not seek to reproduce a trajectory which belongs to another nation or the past, but we want to move forward on the basis of a universal idea: abiding by the law can serve as a path towards better, stronger law. A nation cannot only be reborn by rebuilding buildings; rather, it is reborn when it rebuilds trust in its institutions. Consequently, I wish to announce and reaffirm, in unambiguous terms, the pillars of this process. One, there will be an orderly legal transition and a transition of the judiciary. We have embarked upon an institutional review process to ensure the state can grow stronger and to provide legal security, which national and international investors require, but it is also required by our citizens. They must not feel trampled upon and dictated to by arbitrary powers. The judiciary must be at their service. We cannot postpone this process. There needs to be the responsible exercise of politics. Venezuela will guarantee that there can be real participation of all political forces in the country in political life. Democracy is not measured by the very existence of elections. Democracy is measured by the quality of the competition which occurs before the election. An election must serve as a solution, not a generator of irreconcilable conflicts. I wish to say the following loud and clear at this General Assembly: in Venezuela, there will be elections. And in that vein, we have begun a political dialogue with sectors of the opposition, which will lead to a process where everyone will compete on an equal footing. The Venezuelan people, with its age-old wisdom, will determine when the correct time for these elections is, and Venezuelan institutions will be prepared to guarantee this inclusive and transparent process takes place. Ours will be a country that is not submitted to economic restrictions of any kind, so that our right to development can be guaranteed.
The governance of strategic resources ought to be an issue of peace, development, and global security from now on. The energy transition, the electrification of transport, energy storage, as well as the expansion of digital and AI infrastructure are accelerating demand for copper, cobalt, lithium, nickel, and other critical minerals. As the largest global producer of cobalt and a major copper-producing power, the DRC is at the heart of this transformation. Congolese cobalt is already being used in batteries, power grids, digital equipment, and technologies that are crucial for the decarbonization of the global economy. It would be both unjust and dangerous for added value, jobs, know-how, and technologies to remain concentrated far away from the communities that are making these changes possible. We cannot build a decarbonized economy through blood-stained minerals. And we will not bring about a just transition by reproducing a greenwashed version of our past dependencies. The DRC, therefore, rejects the old model that limits producer countries to crude extraction while processing, research, technology, and the bulk of the profits are concentrated elsewhere. Our ambition is clear. We no longer wish to be simply the basement of the world's economy. We plan to become a workshop, a laboratory, and a sovereign partner. Nous voulons transformer. We'd like to further transform cobalt and copper, process more cobalt and copper on our territory, develop precursors for batteries and industrial components, train our engineers, support our researchers, and include our enterprises in global value chains. We'd like to build, together with our African and international partners, competitive regional businesses that create jobs, skills, and shared prosperity. This ambition, first and foremost, entails taking up our own responsibilities. The DRC is pursuing the modernization of mining governance through the transparency of contracts, extractive revenue, and effective beneficiaries, improving mining registries, the deployment of traceability mechanisms, and the fight against fraud. We're also accelerating the formalization of small-scale mining, the regulation of traders, organization of cooperatives, and by securing exploitation zones. The battle against child labor in mines, in this regard, is a moral and national obligation. Together with the International Labor Organization, UNICEF, and our other partners, we are strengthening our identification, monitoring, and remediation mechanisms, as well as the training of our inspectors, school attendance of children, and economic solutions for their families. Our goal is unambiguous. We need to achieve zero children in the mines. This responsibility is one that lies with the Congolese state, but it also involves businesses, traders, refiners, manufacturers, financial institutions, and destination markets. The real proof of a responsible supply chain is not the electric vehicle sold downstream. It is the child who no longer descends into the mines upstream. That is why the DRC proposes creating, under UN auspices and together with the African Union, as well as producer, processor, and consumer countries, a global framework for just, traceable, and resilient critical mineral value chains. Based upon the sovereignty of producer states, it ought to guarantee traceability of minerals, responsibility of economic actors, protection of workers and communities, as well as a more equitable sharing of added value thanks to local processing and technology transfer. The corridor of Lobito ought to become one of the tools to further this ambition. We commend the commitment of Angola, Zambia, the USA, the European Union, the African Development Bank, financial institutions, and the private sector to promote its implementation. The rehabilitation of railway links, the modernization of infrastructure, the facilitation of exchange and energy investments can connect our territories, reduce logistical costs, and stimulate regional trade. But our vision goes far beyond accelerating the export of our raw materials. A corridor that only shortens the path from the mine to the port only reproduces the past. The corridor of Lobito ought to become a real backbone for regional industrialization, with the support of investors, with the help of whom we hope to build transparent, sustainable, and mutually beneficial partnerships for the well-being of future generations.
The absence of education, health care, decent employment, and the loss of homes and livelihoods to climate change leave communities as vulnerable as conflict itself. Our understanding of security must therefore extend beyond the absence of war to include the conditions that allow people to live with dignity, opportunity and hope. Mr. president, in The Gambia, this understanding has guided our democratic journey from 2017 to date. We have undertaken the difficult work of rebuilding institutions, strengthening the rule of law, expanding access to justice and confronting the legacy of past human rights violations. Our transitional justice process continues through implementation of the recommendation of the Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission. We have strengthened institutional accountability, established the Special Prosecutor's Office to advance investigations and prosecution arising from the TRC process. We are proud of the progress we have made, but we remain conscious that democracy is never a finished project and requires continuous institutional strengthening, adherence to the rule of law, constitutional order, dialogue and consensus building on issues. On the 5th of December 2026, the government people will again exercise their sovereign democratic right to choose their president. This will be another important milestone in our democratic journey, and we need the support of the international community in this regard. Our government is committed to ensuring that the elections are peaceful, transparent, credible and inclusive, and conducted in accordance with our Constitution, national laws and democratic standards. This is the Democratic Party. Government remains committed to pursuing a path in which institutions are strengthened, citizens are heard, differences are resolved peacefully, and democratic gains are consolidated for future generations. Mr. president, on development, the government's recovery focused National Development Plan provides the framework for accelerating our socio economic transformation. We are investing in roads, energy, schools, healthcare, agriculture and digital infrastructure while promoting economic diversification, private sector investment and value addition. We are expanding opportunities for women and young people, improving lives, uncertainty, human capital upon which our future depends. I seize this opportunity to thank all the bilateral and multilateral partners of The Gambia for your continued support and partnership.
In accordance with the demands of the Accra Reset. Mr. president, excellencies, I agree that even as we demand the place at the table and call for a more equitable and just global order as African leaders, we must also do what is required to put our own houses in order. As the legal maxim goes, whoever comes into equity must come with clean hands. African leadership must be transparent and accountable. We must commit to the fight against corruption and ensure that every dollar of our people's money counts and is used efficiently in their interest. Ghana is arguably the most stable democracy in Africa We believe in the rule of law and have respect for human rights, and we are determined to demonstrate that democracy works. While progress in a democracy may be slow because it must follow constitutional processes, it is more sustainable because it is built through popular participation and consensus building. As Ghana addresses these global imperatives, we are leading by example at home through our transformative Resetting Ghana agenda.
Of machines, of the technology shaping all our lives. Yet the challenge of how we can manage to trust that technology and the organisations behind it is rapidly becoming the most pressing challenge of our age. The sheer spread and the sheer power, the sheer speed of artificial intelligence is mind blowing. It appears to be moving far too fast for anybody let alone governments, to manage to keep pace. It can seem, whether from the perspective of a leader, consumer or parent, to be overwhelming. There is no escaping that. This is the biggest change and the biggest challenge that any of us will experience in our lifetime. So much so that we barely have the words to describe how monumental a disruption it is proving to be. The usual phrases step change, paradigm shift just don't seem to capture the scale. And we should also be under no illusion that the currently existing rules, the traditional models of governance are in any way or manner up to grappling with the revolution that we are living through. Which is why, if we stand any chance of helping to build citizens trust in these advanced technologies, we need to begin by being honest and transparent that governments, just as individuals, we are still finding our way, that we don't have all the answers. What we do have, what we must have, is the will and determination to act and the right values to underpin those actions. And of course, it almost goes without saying that no state, however micro or mighty, has any chance of getting a grip if they try to go it alone. We only stand a chance as humanity. On getting a grip on technology that seeks to ape our humanity. If we collectively work together. Acknowledging that the rules need to be set globally and they need to be stuck to. Even as they develop, as the tech develops. If we are to stand any chance of securing public confidence that AI can enhance and not destroy humanity, we need a set of international rules that reflect international law. So Malta, my country, wholeheartedly supports the implementation of the global Digital Compact and wider UN efforts to strengthen international digital cooperation. To fragment is to fail, and that applies equally to fighting the new threats from the new frontline in global conflict and disruption. Cyber attacks, attacks on critical infrastructure, disinformation, the cutting of the underwater cables that connect us all to each other. These are not theoretical threats. They are constant and existential threats. For a small nation like Malta, a small island in the Mediterranean that relies on our connections to the rest of the world. They are, yes, existential threats. Tackling them must be a priority. The priority for this United Nations. We need to embrace every emerging technology that can help us fend off those threats and build our digital resilience today. The guardians of our democracy, of our freedoms are just as likely to be found coding at a keyboard as marching in uniform. Both must work in lockstep together. Security will always, of course be physical.
True leadership requires both. Prudence, in this case, means not only knowing what we want; it also is about, um, pursue of goal while calling aggression by its name, and also condemning those who disrupt the world order without turning a blind eye when they violate the rules. Ladies and gentlemen, for many years, representatives of my country have been trying, in this chamber and in the Security Council, to point out that a situation in which a permanent member of the council, Russia, attempts unsuccessfully, but with ruthless persistence, to conquer a neighboring state and destabilize the entire region is a violation of the principles we all uphold as signatories to the Charter of the United Nations. Russia is destabilizing the situation in Europe through open aggression, hybrid operations, acts of subversion and sabotage, and by ignoring successive resolutions of this Assembly. It displays the same imperial arrogance that, in the past, led to unimaginable suffering and the tragedies of two world wars. Contempt for international law must not become the norm. It is not too late to restore the primacy of international law and strengthen the foundations of a system in which principles matter, and in which the international community, acting jointly and in solidarity, opposes aggression, which is prohibited by the Charter of the United Nations. Ladies and gentlemen, the Russian Federation, guided by an imperial and neo-colonial vision of the world, is attempting to impose its will on others. In doing so, it is effectively challenging the right of every nation to determine its own destiny. Neo-imperial and neo-colonial policies are, in essence, an attempt to return to a world in which the borders, security, and future of states and nations would be decided not by the states and nations themselves, but by other states that consider themselves stronger and predestined to dominate. And there might would replace law. It is an attempt to return to the concert of powers. This cannot be accepted. It is the force of law that should decide, not the law of force. Poland is particularly aware of the consequences of Russian colonialism and imperialism. History has taught us that freedom and sovereignty cannot defend themselves. That is why we are determined to counter the threats that the Kremlin's aggressive policies are posing to us, with increasing audacity. As a representative of a country neighboring Russia, I want to make it clear: we are not the ones seeking confrontation. We are strengthening our alliances, developing our military, and modernizing its equipment, not to wage war, but to prevent it. Our goal is deterrence and defense, the defense of two values that also form the foundation of the United Nations Charter: freedom and sovereignty. We continue to view the North Atlantic Alliance as the guarantor of European security. NATO remains united in the overarching goal of defending our community on both sides of the Atlantic, in Europe and America, on its eastern flank and along its northern border. We therefore welcome with satisfaction the strengthening of security in the Arctic region, which is now becoming a reality thanks to the agreement signed yesterday between our allies. Ladies and gentlemen, we must, however, make it clear: modern security threats are not limited to classical military actions. Russia is carrying out actions aimed at undermining the foundations of international stability, striking at global food security through attacks on ports and ships transporting grain, as well as by deliberately provoking crises that affect millions of people outside of Europe. At the same time, a large-scale hybrid war is being waged, involving sabotage, cyber attacks, and destabilization operations on an unprecedented scale, including an artificially induced migration crisis. These are planned, coordinated, and consistently executed actions. Their goal is to weaken states, undermine public trust, and shatter the unity of the international community. We are not dealing with isolated incidents, but with a sustained, well-thought-out strategy. And that is precisely why the response to these actions cannot be ad hoc or half-hearted. It must be firm, consistent, and it must also be united. For if aggression, whether military or hybrid in nature, is not met with an adequate response, it becomes an invitation to repeat it. Ladies and gentlemen, even if today we have reservations about the effectiveness of the Security Council, we respect the achievements of the United Nations in maintaining and building peace in many parts of the world. The role of UN peacekeeping operations in preventing the resurgence of conflicts is undeniable. Poland advocates for stable funding of peacekeeping missions and for granting them more transparent mandates that also take into account tasks related to the protection of the population and support for the reconstruction of state institutions. Poland also fulfills its commitments to global security through its participation in UN peacekeeping operations as well. Polish blue-helmet soldiers are currently serving in Lebanon, carrying out their duties with dignity despite the difficult security situation throughout the region. We will support efforts to de-escalate conflicts, protect civilians, and uphold international humanitarian law, and work toward the implementation of a two-state solution, ensuring the peaceful coexistence of Israel and Palestine. Ladies and gentlemen, this is precisely why the response to contemporary threats cannot be limited solely to reacting to crises. It must be based on clear principles and reliable partnerships.
Climate. Artificial intelligence. These are the four great power tests of the future. And they are linked. War deepens inequality, destroys development and accelerates hunger. Inequality determines who has the means to face climate and other shocks and who is left exposed. The climate crisis fuels instability and displacement. Artificial Intelligence could help solve all these challenges, or make them worse. Excellencies, Across all four tests, the decisive issue is power. Power over force, money, energy, technology, rules and the future. That is why the UN Charter – and the work of the United Nations – matter more than ever. The United Nations exists because power requires rules – and humanity needs a place where power answers to principle. And the Charter leaves no room for selective reading. The Charter created an Organization rooted in three pillars. Peace. Development. And human rights. These are not competing agendas. They are one reality: There is no peace without development. No development without peace. And no peace or development without human rights. To pretend that peace can be separated from dignity, opportunity and rights is an illusion. But defending this truth does not mean defending the status quo. The Pact for the Future and the UN80 initiative are about making the UN: More responsive. More effective. More coherent. More transparent. More focused on results. More disciplined with resources. And more present where people need us. The world does not need a weaker United Nations. It needs a UN strong enough to face the world as it is – and determined enough to build the world as it should be. Excellencies, After ten years, I hold one conviction even more strongly than when I arrived: The greatest power is not the power to dominate. It is the power to build a future that works for everyone. Our shared future will be forged by whether humanity can govern power wisely. By upholding the law before impunity becomes normalized. By ending wars before they consume generations. By tackling inequality before societies fracture. By accelerating climate action before tipping points are crossed. And by governing artificial intelligence before it governs us. This is the challenge before this General Assembly, the United Nations, and humanity itself. Excellencies, In the face of global catastrophe more than 80 years ago, the United Nations was created as an act of defiance. The defiance of people who refuse to surrender the future to fear. The defiance against the self-defeating notion that might makes right. The defiance of countries that know our futures are bound together. The defiance of hope.
