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Madam President, excellencies, our world is undergoing a profound disruption characterised by great-power contestation, the wars in Ukraine, the Middle East, Africa. We're witnessing the rise of trade barriers, supply chain disruptions, worsening climate change, and a new industrial revolution driven by digital technologies, biotechnology and renewable energy. This means we face both great peril and great promise. Yet we are in a more polarised and fractured world, and one that may be unable to protect the global commons at precisely the moment that we need that protection. Our inter-state relations are increasingly dictated by raw power, where the outcomes are determined on the basis of size, leverage and coercion. And this poses obviously, a clear and present danger for smaller states like Singapore. But the point I wanted to make is that even the more powerful states would ultimately pay a price, because hard power on its own cannot secure supply chains, protect populations from pandemics, or stabilise a warming planet. Even big powers need partners to secure their long term national interests. The bilateral and regional arrangements can complement global frameworks, but on their own, they cannot replace shared rules that apply universally. A system built on individual coercive bargains would inherently be more volatile and more unstable. And therefore, our thesis today is that multilateralism offers a different bargain, one that is, in every state's enlightened national interest. These shared rules and norms provide predictability. They constrain the capricious exercise of power, and they maximize autonomy even when power is unequally distributed. Actually the multilateral system today still works more often than the headlines would suggest. A few examples. The World Food Programme feeds over 100 million people a year. The common ICAO standards enable 100,000 flights to operate safely every day. With the ITU, our telecommunications networks and the internet continues to operate safely, smoothly on a planetary scale. The question is, therefore not whether we need multilateralism, but how to make it fit for purpose. And I suggest three priorities. First, we all have to consistently comply with international law and the norms of multilateralism. Second, we need to reform existing institutions where needed. And third, we need to collectively formulate new rules and create new institutions for new technologies.
Ladies and gentlemen, in order to recover trust, we must make headway together on the key issues that benefit our citizens. World trade, without a shadow of a doubt, is one of the best expressions of the freedom to produce, transport, and trade products from one nation to another. We're proud of being a country that connects the world through trade. Having the canal that unites two oceans, that transports goods from all countries of the world without any distinction, that is an icon of integration.
For many years, we have engaged in dynamic trade in the free and open seas spanning the Pacific Ocean to the Indian Ocean, and together we have built a strong and prosperous region. This holds true also in the Atlantic Ocean and Mediterranean Sea. We wish to extend this to Africa as well, to turn it into a main artery for growth and prosperity. To that end, exactly ten years ago former Prime Minister Abe Shinzo advocated a free and open Indo-Pacific FOIP at the Tokyo International Conference on African Development TICAD held in Kenya. However, due to the recent intensification of geopolitical tensions, free trade has been hampered and stable energy supplies and supply chains in general have been disrupted. Amid this situation, in May this year, I announced the updated free and open Indo-Pacific FOIP.
Supply chains built up over decades of interdependence are being reorganized or fragmented as a result of geopolitical tensions. The multilateral trading system has been weakened, and the WTO can no longer fully carry out some of its essential functions. Yet what is at stake here is not merely a technical issue of trade policy. The question is whether relations between states will continue to be governed by common rules, or if they will increasingly depend on the weight and power of each individual state. For Switzerland, this is a fundamental issue. That is because my country is an open economy with few natural resources. A large part of its prosperity, therefore depends on trade, but also on the stability and predictability of the rules that make such trade possible. Economic resilience requires us to diversify relationships, forge new partnerships, and keep trade between different regions of the world as open as possible. This is particularly important for economies with fewer resources or limited market access. Access to markets knowledge and technology can create opportunities that would not otherwise exist. These abstract concepts encompass quite concrete realities a business that can take on an apprentice, a family that can secure a more stable income, a producer who can trade beyond their local market. Young people for whom the range of possibilities suddenly widens. That is also what we mean when we talk about a global economy. Trust is built when the rules offer everyone a genuine opportunity to participate.
We aim to build a strong state and a diversified and modern economy that keeps pace with global technological and digital transformations. And accordingly, we are working to employ all successful expertise and innovative experiences in the world of economics, finance and business, in service of a renaissance of economic and financial reform for my country We also do this to provide a safe environment for national and foreign investment. This vision is based on the great potential Iraq possesses. In terms of resources and investment opportunities in the fields of energy industry, agriculture, transport and technology. Not to mention Iraq's exceptional geographical location. Which connects its economy to the world. In this context. Our vision aims to move Iraq to a stage where it can be an effective production partner in the region by gradually reducing the role of the rentier economy. Strengthening open market policies. Developing production and export capacities. And investing in infrastructure and services. On this basis, we have developed the appropriate roadmap To support the private sector. Provide the necessary legal, tax and customs facilities and guarantees for the growth of business and foreign trade. And build effective partnerships with the global market to accelerate achieving sustainable development. In the field of global energy. Iraq's influence is prominent as our government is adopting an ambitious program to increase the production of crude oil in a manner consistent with the size of our proven reserves. Our government is also working to develop gas fields and expand refining capacities and our capacities to produce derivatives, and we are also working to improve our petrochemical industry capacities. Our ambition is for Iraq to be a global hub for energy production and to leverage its potential to promote regional and international security and stability in a sustainable manner. Nevertheless, we express concern regarding developments concerned with freedom of transport and maritime navigation. And the crisis this has caused in terms of the rise of global energy prices. In order to contain the subsequent risks and the consequences on our peoples, we are working to diversify our oil export ports and develop energy lines and corridors linking Iraq, Turkey, Jordan and Syria. In order to reach global markets with the aim of contributing to energy security and diversifying supply routes. Excellencies. Economic diversification on the basis of genuine partnerships is a central strategic objective of our economic policy.
I return to this issue of belonging at the end of my speech. But, Mr. President, last year, from this very podium, I made a solemn pledge on behalf of Africa and the global African diaspora to seek full international recognition of the transatlantic trafficking and racialized chattel enslavement of Africans as the gravest crime against humanity. Some cautioned that we were reopening old wounds, but we came not to provoke division or render empty judgment. We came to seek healing. And true healing requires truth, and truth requires acknowledgement, and acknowledgement must lead to meaningful repair. Mr. President, for centuries, this tragedy was rendered in the passive voice as though the millions of African men, women and children just vanished into the shadows of time. Mr. President, they did not vanish. They were hunted. They were captured. They were trafficked. They were bought, they were sold. They were exploited and exchanged for profit. They were ripped from their families and communities they belonged to. Their unpaid labor built the cities, industries, banking institutions, and empires of the modern Western world. Meanwhile, the African continent was left depopulated, split families, structural disruption and generational trauma. Mr. President, on 25th March this year, the International Day of Remembrance of the Victims of Slavery and the Transatlantic Slave Trade, Ghana had the honor of tabling resolution 80/250 in this very August Assembly. Mr. President, 123 nations voted to affirm this fundamental truth that the transatlantic slave trade and chattel enslavement were the gravest crimes against humanity. I stand with respect at this podium to thank every nation that voted for justice, and am deeply grateful to our brothers and sisters in the African Union, the CARICOM, CELAC and our partners across the Global South. That resolution was not a mere gesture. It was adopted because the structural legacies of those historic crimes continue to fuel systematic racism, economic marginalization, and a global financial architecture that is weighted against Africa and people of African descent. Since the passage of the historic resolution, we welcome the positive overtures from many countries and institutions that have joined the dialogue on reparative justice. The Netherlands, Germany and France have all made positive moves to join the conversation on Reparatory justice. Mr. President, real repair demands structural transformation. It requires dismantling the persistent engines of exploitation, unfair global trade, predatory resource extraction, discriminatory credit ratings, unsustainable debt burdens of the global South, and the continued export of raw materials from Africa, while real value addition and job creation occur elsewhere. Mr. President, the injustices of the past remain embedded in today's power structures.
Mr. president, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. The deadline for agenda 2030 is fast approaching and we are able to observe that despite remarkable efforts, there is still a ways to go in order to reach the SDGs that we all chose for ourselves and the resources to reach the Sustainable Development Goals are nevertheless available throughout the world, and therefore we must improve the conditions to access them and use these resources. This is why financing for development should not be considered as some kind of alms or kindness. It is an investment in stability, shared prosperity and collective security. For this reason, Cameroon calls for the diligent and comprehensive implementation of the commitments made in Seville in July of 2025 on the issue of financing for development, and this specifically implies engaging in the necessary reforms of the international financial architecture and the multilateral financial architecture in order to give countries of the Global South a more fair shot. We should also give new impetus to international trade, industrialization, and transforming raw materials locally, as well as strengthening regional integration. And it is this energy that guided the work of the 14th Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organization, WTO, which Cameroon had the privilege of hosting from the 26th to the 29th of March 2026.
With this in mind, I propose that we take the following four steps. First, we should safeguard the postwar international order and foster lasting peace based on common security. The world wants peace not war. The international system centered on the UN and the international order, underpinned by international law that emerged after World War Two must be upheld. We should turn into action the vision of common, comprehensive cooperative and sustainable security and reject the Cold War mindset and block confrontation. We should settle differences and disputes through dialogue and consultation, and oppose unilateral military actions that violate the UN Charter and circumvent Security Council authorization. Major countries shoulder special responsibilities for safeguarding international peace and security, and they should take the lead in complying with the rules, upholding the rule of law and doing what's right. China holds that the sovereignty and security of countries in the Middle East, including the Gulf should be respected. International industrial and supply chains should be kept stable and unimpeded, and global trade should be safeguarded. China calls for advancing the governance of the West Bank and the post-conflict reconstruction of Gaza, in accordance with the principle of the Palestinians governing Palestine. It also calls for bringing the Palestinian question back onto the right track of the two state solution at an early date. On Ukraine, President Xi Jinping has put forward four points on what must be done, which are the fundamental guidance for China in playing a continued constructive role in its own way for achieving a political settlement of the crisis. China urges the relevant country to immediately stop using threat of force against Cuba, and immediately and completely lift the blockade and sanctions against Cuba. Second, we should address the global development predicament and promote prosperity for all through openness and cooperation.
Thirty-seven years ago, the Maldives asked this Assembly to face a simple truth: that “Small States can be highly vulnerable to external threats and acts of influence.” In response, this Assembly adopted resolution 44/51, an initiative led by the Maldives, affirming the importance of protecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of small States. That was true then, and it is true even today. But the threats have evolved. Insecurity now travels through sea lanes, supply chains, financial markets, digital networks and new technologies. Today, sovereignty can be weakened without a single border being crossed. It can be undermined when external powers limit a State’s freedom to choose. This is why the Maldives comes before this Assembly with a clear message: “Every State, large or small, must have the freedom and capacity to shape its own future.” A sovereign future. And that future begins with peace.
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No. 10
Saudi Arabia09/26 · first at about 3 min5 mentions
Crises arise not so much from an absence of resources and opportunities, but rather from a lack of commitment to the principles agreed upon by the international community. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the countries of the region have been subjected to flagrant Iranian attacks, targeting their security resources and civilian and economic facilities. The Kingdom reiterates its full right to protect its security and sovereignty, its citizens and residents, and its national resources. We call upon the international community to shoulder its responsibilities in confronting all threats to international peace and security. The security of the Gulf region is part and parcel of the security of the region and the world at large. The stability of this vital region is directly linked to global energy security, the steadiness of international trade, and the resilience of global supply chains. Mr. President, safeguarding international navigation and the resilience of global supply chains is a shared responsibility that requires serious international cooperation to prevent risks that could affect the global economy. In this regard, the Kingdom stresses the importance of ensuring freedom of navigation in all international waterways, foremost among them the Strait of Hormuz, the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. We must restore the situation in the Strait of Hormuz to its pre 28th of February status, without the imposition of any fees or restrictions. The Kingdom rejects the use by any party of these vital waterways as an instrument of pressure, threat or harm to the interests of states in accordance with international law and relevant UN resolutions. Mr. President, efforts to restore security and stability in the region and to build sustainable relations among its countries cannot be based on domination, influence or exploitation of crises. Rather, they must be founded on mutual respect, common interests, good neighbourliness respect for the sovereignty of states, and full compliance with international law and international humanitarian law. In this vein, the Kingdom supports efforts and initiatives that contribute to de-escalation, foremost among them the efforts of Qatar, Pakistan and other sisterly and friendly countries. This would contribute to restoring stability to the region and creating conditions conducive to dialogue and diplomacy. We stress the importance of ensuring that any arrangements on the regional security must be comprehensive, effective and sustainable. They must clearly address the root causes of threatened instability. We stress the need to ensure that the entire region is free of weapons of mass destruction, and that peaceful nuclear programs are subject to international oversight, verification and safeguards. As such, we would enhance confidence and safeguard regional and international security. The continued suffering of the Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, and the targeting of civilians by Israeli occupation, the obstruction of humanitarian assistance, attempts at forced displacement and the continued expansion of illegal settlements all constitute serious violations of international law and international humanitarian law. The Kingdom rejects any attempts at forced displacement or changing the status quo of the Palestinian territories. We stress that a just and lasting peace can only be achieved through the implementation of the two state solution and the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital. The Kingdom stresses the need to support efforts aimed at reaching a comprehensive political solution that will ensure the stability of Yemen and alleviate the suffering of those brotherly people. We have provided humanitarian and development assistance to the Republic of Yemen, amounting to more than 29 billion USD. We were the first among humanitarian donors to the Republic of Yemen in 2025. The Kingdom in this regard welcomes the statement issued by the members of the Security Council including the condemnation of the missile and drone attacks carried out by the Houthi terrorist militia against the Kingdom and against commercial vessels. The Kingdom calls upon the international community to reject and condemn all the Houthi terrorist militia's aggressions and criminal acts that threaten the security of navigation in the Red Sea and Bab el-Mandeb Strait. With regard to Sudan, the Kingdom stresses the importance of Sudan's stability, territorial integrity and unity while maintaining its natural resources and institutions. The solution to the crisis must be an intra Sudanese political solution that respects the sovereignty and unity of Sudan. It must be based on supporting Sudanese state institutions, thus fulfilling the aspirations of the Sudanese people, alleviating their humanitarian suffering and enhancing their security and stability. The Kingdom supports all efforts aimed at strengthening Syria's security and stability and preserving its territorial integrity. The Kingdom welcomes the USA's announcement of removing Syria from the list of states sponsoring of terrorism, in view of its contribution to strengthening stability and reconstruction and development. And we have to condemn and reject any effort at undermining efforts to restore security and stability within Syria. In Lebanon, the Kingdom reiterated support for the Lebanese state and its legitimate institutions, the implementation of the Taif Agreement, the restriction of arms to the state and preservation of its sovereignty security and stability. We also attach importance to Iraq's role in promoting cooperation and stability in the region, and support all efforts to contribute to achieving security and stability and prosperity. And we have to ensure that weapons will only be restricted to the state to ensure security and stability in Iraq.
It is exactly these principles that are guiding our efforts for peace and stability in the South Caucasus. Even though the decades long conflict with Armenia brought immense tragedy to our people and left deep scars across our land, Azerbaijan has chosen to look ahead and turn the page of enmity. We offered Armenia peace fully in line with norms and principles of international law, based on mutual recognition of and respect for each other's sovereignty and territorial integrity. Our normalization efforts produced historic results at the Washington Peace Summit last August, where the leaders of Azerbaijan and Armenia signed a joint declaration witnessed by President Trump of the United States of America. Through this declaration, both sides confirmed the end of the conflict and their will to jointly chart a peaceful and prosperous future. The sides also initialled the agreement on Establishment of peace and inter-state relations. Today, we have achieved de facto peace. Moreover, by unilaterally lifting transit restrictions, Azerbaijan facilitates transportation of goods to and from Armenia. We have also established bilateral trade. Azerbaijan provides strategically important oil products to Armenia on a regular basis despite increased volatility in markets and growing international demand for these commodities. As we proceed with the peace agenda initiated by Azerbaijan, our entire region is now turning into a promising anchor of stability, connectivity and tangible economic dividends. To make this process irreversible, it is of crucial importance to eliminate the remaining obstacle, which will allow finalization of the normalization process through the signing of the already initialed bilateral agreement. Excellencies complementing the regional normalization process, Azerbaijan's post-conflict rehabilitation agenda aims to ensure that hundreds of thousands of Azerbaijanis can eventually exercise their right to a safe and dignified return to their homes. Due to large scale reconstruction efforts taken by the government, life is now returning to our liberated territories. Azerbaijan is rebuilding the entire region through smart cities and smart villages powered by green technology. Areas that were once rubble and ashes are now rising as modern settlements. Today, more than 90,000 people live, study and work in the liberated territories. Regrettably, a massive contamination of the territories of Azerbaijan with landmines and other explosive devices remains a serious obstacle. This significantly obstructs the reconstruction and return process. Since the liberation of occupied territories in 2020, more than 400 individuals, including women and children, became victim to landmines. The cumulative toll of landmines over the past 30 years exceeds 3500 persons. Given the scale of the problem, Azerbaijan considers mine action an essential prerequisite for fulfilling human rights and has formally declared humanitarian demining its 18th National Sustainable Development Goal. Similarly, the need to clarify the fate and whereabouts of nearly 4000 Azerbaijanis who went missing due to the conflict is essential not only for accountability and the rights of the victims and their families, but also for post-conflict reconciliation and normalization. Mr. president, in the face of increasingly complex global challenges, our collective response must be inclusive, equitable, and universal.
Beyond the immediate human tragedy, these conflicts exert a heavy economic toll. They divert resources that are urgently needed for development into military expenditure. They also drive up energy and transportation costs, disrupt global supply chains, and exacerbate the rising cost of living felt by people everywhere. Peace remains the indispensable foundation upon which all development is built. Where there is war, development is reversed. Where there is instability, investment withdraws. Where there is fear, human potential is lost. The Kingdom of Eswatini remains deeply concerned by the continued conflicts and humanitarian crises affecting various parts of our world. We call for the continued pursuit of diplomatic and political solutions to these conflicts. While war may create temporary victors on the battlefield, only through dialogue can sustainable peace be established. The United Nations must remain the place where the door to dialogue never closes. On the African continent, continued instability validates the urgent need to strengthen African-led peace processes. There is also a need to support the capacity of African regional organizations to prevent conflict, mediate disputes, and build sustainable peace. The Kingdom of Eswatini believes firmly that peace in Europe, the Middle East, and Africa must be anchored in preventive diplomacy, fully supported by the United Nations. We call upon the UN to ensure that countries respect peace agreements that have been signed to avoid drawing back on the gains already made, thus causing more destruction to infrastructure and innocent lives. The UN should provide oversight to ensure follow-ups and monitor compliance on these agreements to last forever.
Thirteen reached the scale of war. Nearly a quarter of a million people were killed in organized violence. Interstate conflicts doubled for the second consecutive year. Their number quadrupled from two to eight. One-sided violence against civilians reached levels not witnessed since 1994, the year of genocide in Rwanda. From Europe to the Middle East, from Sahel to the Horn of Africa, civilians are paying the ultimate price. Cities are destroyed. Families are displaced. Hunger deepens. Supply chains are disrupted, driving up the cost of food, fuel, and essential goods far beyond the battlefield. Children inherit wars they did not begin and cannot understand. Too many disputes are no longer being settled; they are being frozen, deferred, or decided by force. This is precisely what the charter was created to prevent. It did not ask the United Nations merely to describe war, or count victims, or organize relief after diplomacy has failed. It gave this organization, the United Nations, a duty to prevent conflict, defend peace, and make collective security real.
Own country · at 2 min · 3 mentions in this passage
I will switch— The same principles that underpin international law, human rights, the rule of law, and democratic governance are the principles that helped transform my country. Romania's evolution over the past 37 years proves the crucial importance of upholding these principles. Millions of Romanians know, from their personal experience, the difference between a communist system that oppressed them and stifled their initiative and freedom of choice, and a democracy that rewards work, innovation, and personal responsibility. This choice has turned Romania into one of Europe's most dynamic destinations in Europe for investment and industrial development. Romania has aligned itself with the standards of the OECD: leading global companies have established manufacturing, engineering, technology, and service centers in my country, attracted by our conducive business environment and highly skilled workforce. Our most important strategic asset is our people: Romanian scientists, engineers, physicians, and technology specialists are shaping the industries of the future—artificial intelligence, cybersecurity, defense technologies, advanced manufacturing, and robotics. Moreover, Romania is strengthening Europe's resilience: we are developing significant reserves of natural gas, critical minerals, and other strategic resources essential for securing supply chains and reducing dependence on unpredictable energy sources. Next year, we will begin extracting and exploiting 100 billion cubic meters of natural gas in the Black Sea. Romania is a gateway between Europe and the rest of the world, located at the intersection of the Danube, the Black Sea, and major trade corridors. My country serves as a strategic hub for trade, energy, and transport. Economic growth is all the stronger when it is based on partnership. Our message is simple: Romania is open to business and innovation.
These values have long underpinned our domestic and foreign policies. As Iran continues its occupation of the three Emirati islands Greater Tunb, Lesser Tunb and Abu Musa, which we reject, the United Arab Emirates has consistently called for a peaceful settlement of this conflict, whether through direct negotiations or by recourse to the International Court of Justice. Amid growing threats to navigation in our region and beyond, my country has continued to emphasize the principles of freedom of navigation and the right of transit passage. We stress the need to secure and protect the safe flow of supply chains, trade and energy in accordance with international law, including the law of the sea and the principle of state sovereignty, recognizing these as pillars of food security, development, and prosperity of nations. We have continued to support every sincere effort to achieve peace, particularly in Yemen, Libya, the Sahel, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Myanmar, Haiti and elsewhere. We have also supported efforts to reach a sustainable political solution to the question of the Moroccan Sahara, based on the Moroccan Autonomy Initiative, while affirming the sovereignty of the Kingdom of Morocco over the Sahara. Furthermore, we have advocated for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine in accordance with international law and the principles of the UN charter, including respect for sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. We have remained steadfast in our role as a trusted international mediator, successfully conducting 26 mediations that facilitated the exchange of nearly 8000 prisoners between Ukraine and the Russian Federation, ensuring their return to their homelands and families. The UAE has also stood ready to support nations undergoing positive transformations, such as Syria and Lebanon, as they move towards a secure and stable future. Regarding Sudan, my country has underscored the need to end the humanitarian catastrophe, securing a permanent and unconditional ceasefire that would bring an end to the civil war. This includes launching a comprehensive and credible political process led by civilians, which would culminate in the formation of a civil government independent of both parties to the conflict and from extremist groups. It is crucial to ensure that neither side of the conflict has a role in the new civilian government. The future of Sudan must be decided solely by the Sudanese people, and the international community must press the leaders of Port Sudan authorities and those of the Rapid Support Forces as parties to the conflict to engage seriously with international initiatives. As for Gaza, the UAE was among the first to support the framework established by the international community to end the horrific war. We have stressed the need to fully implement the comprehensive plan of President Trump to end the conflict in Gaza and the associated roadmap, including the withdrawal of Israel from the Gaza Strip, the disarmament of Hamas, and the advancement of a serious political horizon, leading to a just and lasting settlement of the Palestinian question based on the two state solution. This entails the establishment of an independent sovereign Palestinian state, living side by side with Israel in peace and security. We also underscore the importance of ensuring the unification of Gaza and the West Bank under a Palestinian Authority that, once reformed, will be capable to fulfill its responsibilities and ensure that arms remain solely under its control. We further underscore the urgent need to halt Israel's dangerous escalation in the West Bank and its settlement activities, accompanied by the rise of settler violence, terrorism and the siege of Palestinian village, as well as the ongoing violations in East Jerusalem and at the holy sites and the attempts to impose a new historical and legal status quo on the ground. My country strongly condemns all these actions.
Second we stand for international cooperation that is peaceful, fair and based on equality. A new nationalism would be a misguided path. Whatever its prophets may preach, the truth is that it would make our lives narrower, poorer and less secure. Instead, global trade relations need to be diversified and deepened in the framework of a fair trading order. No country should have to accept raw materials being used to force obedience or supply chains becoming instruments of pressure. None of us is powerless in the face of this. Where we cooperate, we free ourselves from one sided dependencies and open up new spaces of freedom. With our partners in the European Union, we have begun this work through new trade accords, cooperation agreements and partnerships. These partnerships are built on mutual respect, on common rules and a shared respect of international law. They also take into account the fortunate fact that many countries of the Global South are developing with extraordinary success. The same principle for partnership and cooperation also applies for technology. Access to computing power, data, expertise and infrastructure will increasingly shape who can innovate and who merely has to accept the rules set by others.
When Africa speaks with one voice, it advances the international agenda and inspires the world and opens new perspectives. Three major initiatives by my country illustrate this the United Nations Decade for Afforestation and Reforestation 2027 to 2036, which was promoted by my country, the Republic of the Congo. Resolution 80/250 on the transatlantic slave trade, recognizing it as a crime against humanity, which was promoted by Ghana and the correct the Map resolution promoted by Togo. These initiatives show that Africa contributes towards defining the international agenda.
This painful fiscal trade offs come at the expense of investment in the education and health, which should never be the case. For millions of vulnerable people, global development can sometimes appear to be moving from one framework to another framework, one set promises to the next, without sufficient transformation in their daily lives. New declarations and targets have value, but they cannot substitute for effective implementation. This is why this year's theme is both timely and necessary. Trust in the UN will not be restored through declarations alone.
This is what we expect from a statesman. Yasser Arafat and Yitzhak Rabin were statesmen. They challenged the past to envision a future of peace. They were defeated by hatred. Generations of Palestinians will carry the pain and trauma left by the genocide of women and children perpetrated by Netanyahu government in Gaza. Israeli civilians pay the price for radicalism and intolerance of Hamas terrorist acts. Persecuting the International Criminal Court and its members encourages these crimes to go unpunished. The U.N. special rapporteur, Francesca Albanese, must not be silenced for telling the truth. Illegal settlements in the West Bank are making the two state solution increasingly unviable, essential for Israelis and Palestinians to live in safety. Threatening civilizations with extinction will not bring stability to the Middle East. The Strait of Hormuz has become a battleground, when it should have remained a vital passage for international trade. Families around the world are paying for the rising the price of fuel, fertilizers and food. The war between Russia and Ukraine has dragged on for five years in a humanitarian drama that continues to claim lives. We all know that there will be no winners on the battlefield. Diplomacy is the only option. Initiatives such as the Friends of Peace Group, created by Brazil and China, revealed that there are forces in the international community willing to work towards dialogue.
Wars and conflicts are engulfing the world. They are claiming lives, tearing families apart, turning thriving cities into ruins and giving rise to ever more waves of mass forced migration. Global supply chains are being disrupted. The energy crisis is entwined with the food crisis, and all of this hits the most vulnerable segments of the population the hardest.
We must also empower Africa to play a more active role. Africa, with its 55 states and more than 1.4 billion inhabitants, cannot remain on the margins of the bodies that shape the rules of global trade. On behalf of the African Union, I reiterate our continent's call for full and equitable representation within the World Trade Organization. This is not a favor we are seeking. It is a demand for justice. It is also a guarantee of progress for the entire multilateral trading system. With the African Continental Free Trade Area, our continent has already demonstrated its capacity to develop rules and to integrate markets. It is now up to global trade governance to draw on this.
So while others have talked, I have acted. While others have spoken of peace, I have made peace. While others have ignored threats, I have confronted them. While others have talked of courage, America has shown it. While others have promised strength, I have used it to make America the most powerful country in the world. Working with many nations in this room, we are solving decades of intractable challenges, and we are settling years of unfinished business. And we're doing it well. There is no better example of a danger that was allowed to gather strength at the world's peril than the number one sponsor of terror, the Islamic Republic of Iran. For 51 years, the fanatical Iranian regime has ruled by bloodshed and mass murder, spreading death and carnage and chaos across the entire Middle East and beyond. They were the bully of the Middle East, but they are the bully no more. From the first day I entered the political arena, I've been unwavering. I will never allow Iran to have a nuclear weapon. Upon taking office last year, I immediately opened negotiations with Iran and offered them full economic cooperation in exchange for ending their nuclear program and support for terror. But they refused. They absolutely refused. That was a big mistake. Then in Operation Midnight Hammer, the U.S. military obliterated their nuclear program beneath mountains of rubble. And again, I urged Iran to make a deal. And again they refused. The regime continued building a vast missile and drone stockpile that threatened the security of every American service member in the region and everyone else in the region. They also made a missile that was capable of hitting Europe, and they were very proud of it. I hope the Europeans realize that Iran's goal was to complete their mad dash to a nuclear bomb from behind this conventional ballistic missile shield. If they had succeeded, that wicked regime would have been free to spread terror and death forever, knowing that any attempt to stop them would face an arsenal of nuclear annihilation. In America, we just marked the 25th anniversary of the worst terror attack in history, September 11th, which killed 3000 people just a few miles from here. It was an unbelievably terrible time. In two weeks, we will mark the third anniversary of the October 7th attack in Israel, where terrorists funded by Iran tortured, mutilated and killed 1200 very innocent civilians, including dozens of Americans and many babies, babies, little tiny, beautiful babies. Iran's supreme leader celebrated that massacre and called it a service to humanity. The same regime slaughtered over 72,000 of its citizens this year. Recently, 10,000 were killed for protesting. Just imagine such a vile regime were ever empowered to carry out large scale terror attacks from behind a nuclear shield. This was the reality we had to confront, a reality that far too many preferred to ignore. They all ignored it. Many presidents and many others just wanted to ignore it. They were unwilling to do anything about it, but they knew the problem. After giving Iran every chance for a deal, I took action to ensure that neither the United States nor any nation in this hall would ever have to face such a nightmare, such a catastrophic problem. As a result of Operation Epic Fury, all 159 ships of their navy are now lying at the bottom of the sea. Likewise, their air force is gone. Their radar is gone, their anti-aircraft equipment is gone. Their missiles and drone manufacturing capacity is almost gone. Their economy is gone. The only thing that isn't gone is inflation, which is destroying their country and is now well over 300%. Yet even after we agreed to a cease fire for nuclear discussions, Iran promptly violated it with brazen acts of terrorism against civilian ships from other countries. I want to thank the U.N. Security Council for voting overwhelmingly to pass a resolution condemning Iran's despicable terrorist attacks on commercial shipping. Thank you very much. That resolution, I'm pleased to say, received more co-sponsors from U.N. member nations than any Security Council resolution in history. That's something. Now, we must be equally united in maintaining pressure. The United States Navy has recently escorted more than 1 billion barrels of oil out of the Strait of Hormuz, and more oil is flowing than at any point since the start of the war. We're taking 22, 25, 30, 32 and 37 ships out, respectively, every single day, every single night. But I have a big decision to make. Will a deal be made with Iran that lets them rebuild and create a far greater country than it ever was before? Maybe one of the greatest in the Middle East, or even the world. Or do I annihilate the Islamic Republic and do it quickly, never giving them a chance to kill and destroy people and countries again? Do I drive them into hell with no chance of survival and no hope of future greatness or generations? But I believe we'll make a deal right after the election, because it doesn't make sense for them not to. They're waiting to see how I do in the midterm election. What they don't realize is that I'm not running. I did that already and won in a landslide. We won in a giant landslide, and I'll be here for two and a half years. The Republican Party is running and I'll be helping them, but I am not running. I gave absolutely no credence and will not give credence to the election. When it comes to Iran, it doesn't even enter my mind. The only thing that does is that Iran will never have a nuclear weapon. The cowards and traitors. Thank you. Thank you. The cowards and traitors would love to say the United States is low on munitions, but that's not true. We have more munitions than we could ever possibly even think of using, and we're building them at levels that we have never done before. We are adding to our stockpiles faster than we have ever been able to do before. Top of the line stuff. In addition, in the very near future, massive munition plants will be opening. There are 18 of them being built by the greatest defense companies in the world right now 18 under construction. Some of them very quickly will be completed. They're almost there. And that rapid construction will be leading to very rapid deployment of missiles of every type and ammunition of every type, and will be able to supply our allies at a much faster rate than we're doing right now. I call on all nations to join us in enforcing the complete economic isolation of Iran, until they stop their attacks on commercial shipping, relinquish their nuclear ambitions, and cease their support of terror. The terrorist regime is behaving badly, not because they are strong and confident, but because they are weak and desperate. If we stand united, we will soon see a world free of the last 51 year menace of Iranian terror. And oil prices will come plummeting down even lower than they were at the start of the conflict. And they were very low in the United States. They were really low. With courage and resolve, anything is possible. Big changes can happen and happen fast. One year ago, when I addressed the great leaders in this hall, the war in Gaza was still raging brutally. The hostages were still deep in Hamas tunnels and there was no end in sight. It was never going to be resolved. But here on the sidelines of the General Assembly, we took the first steps. That changed everything. A few weeks later, we ended the war in Gaza, saving untold thousands of lives. We also brought home all remaining hostages, both living and dead. Every single one of them. Thank you. Thank you. Everyone thought it was a miracle that we were able to do so. And people celebrated in the streets. I want to express my gratitude to the United Nations Security Council for their unanimous endorsement of our 20 point Gaza peace plan, and for officially approving the Board of Peace. Going to be a very significant group of people. Nearly 30 countries have joined the board, which I am honored to chair, and we're thankful to many of those member nations for contributing billions and billions of dollars to relief. And it goes right to the rebuilding and relief. Morocco, Bahrain, these are the countries that gave Qatar, Kuwait, Kazakhstan, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Uzbekistan, and many more. That money goes right to the source, right where they need it, and they desperately need it. And those countries are very have been very generous, and others also are stepping up at numbers that nobody would even believe because they want to see people live. They want to see the humanitarian thing happen properly. They've been fantastic. I also want to thank those who have committed troops police and training to help stabilize Gaza, including Indonesia, Morocco, Albania, Kosovo, Kazakhstan, Egypt, Jordan and more. Since I took office, it has been my great honor to settle eight wars and in so doing, become friendly with the leaders of many of those countries. It was a great honor to do it. Numerous of these wars have gone on for many years and even decades. The reason I was able to make these settlements was the use of my relationships. Very special relationships to this day, very, very special trade, the use of tariffs and the threat of tariffs and various other reasons depending on the country. Among them, terms of settlement, Cambodia and Thailand, Kosovo and Serbia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda, Pakistan and India, Armenia and Azerbaijan. And of course, the war in Gaza, which, as I stated previously, includes the return of all hostages, both living and dead. Almost every one of these countries wrote me a letter of thank you. The Prime Minister of Pakistan, terrific man, said that Donald Trump was responsible for saving 30 million lives, and probably many more than that. The president of Azerbaijan said President Trump in six months, did a miracle. It was an absolute miracle that nobody thought could be done. The Prime Minister of Armenia said this breakthrough would simply not have been possible without President Trump's personal engagement and his resolute commitment to peace. A president of Cambodia stated President Trump's extraordinary statesmanship, marked by his commitment to resolving conflicts and preventing catastrophic wars through visionary, innovative diplomacy was most recently demonstrated in his decisive role in brokering an immediate and unconditional cease fire and peace. This timely intervention which averted a potentially devastating conflict, was vital in preventing a great loss of lives and paved the way towards the restoration of peace. The president of Rwanda said when President Trump saw the opportunity to contribute to peace, he immediately took it. This conflict has lasted for 32 years. Millions and millions of people have died. We got it settled. We've seen countless mediations and efforts, but none has succeeded in resolving the underlying issues. President Donald Trump issued a new and effective statement that really has brought great peace and space through really a breakthrough that we thought was impossible. We're working very closely with the leaders of Russia and Ukraine, and we will get that one done. It's going to happen, I think, more quickly than people understand. They've had it. 25000 young people, mostly soldiers a month, are dying 25000 a month. And I look at those battlefield pictures and I really don't want to see them anymore. It's so horrible to see 25,000 a month. Both sides. In addition, the United States and Iran will definitely get it done. We will get it done one way or the other. It's going to be done. It's going to be done fast. A lot has happened since we last gathered here one year ago. In January, at my direction, the United States military conducted a massive military operation penetrating deep into the Venezuelan capital, Caracas, descended on a heavily defended and fortified military base, one that was supposed to be flawless against attack, and arrested the outlaw dictator, real criminal Nicolás Maduro.
It must reach the people living in our occupied historic regions as well, who remain and will always remain part of our shared future. The challenges facing our country also remind us that national stability and success cannot be separated from the wider regional context. We believe that the South Caucasus should not be defined by the divisions of the past. We have consistently sought to act as an honest broker in regional initiatives, fostering cooperation and contributing to peaceful solutions. Today, we see a genuine opportunity to turn a new page and build a more peaceful and interconnected region based on shared commitment to a better future. This spirit of cooperation must also translate into tangible economic opportunities for the region. As an integral part of the South Caucasus and the Middle Corridor, Georgia is well positioned to strengthen connectivity between Central Asia and Europe. Our strategic location and direct access to the Black Sea facilitate trade and investment linking landlocked countries in our wider region to global supply chains.
It is the only realistic way to address the problems of today. Alone, no country can prevent the pandemic, stabilize the climate, secure resilient supply chains regulate artificial intelligence, ensure financial stability, or deliver sustainable development. Alone, no country, however powerful, can build lasting peace. And this is why our message is clear we need multilateralism, multilateralism that is strong, effective, representative and capable of delivering for people, multilateralism that protects human rights, strengthens democracy and advances gender equality.
We stand at the dawn of an unprecedented technological era. Harnessed responsibly, frontier technologies and AI can accelerate sustainable development, optimize resources and bridge deep global divides. But AI also presents profound and systemic risks. Without robust governance and enforceable ethical standards and strong legal guardrails, it could deepen inequalities and become an existential challenge. We echo the growing call across industries that we need robust AI governance with enforceable standards, and we need it now. Advanced capabilities must never be allowed to pose unacceptable risks to human lives, human rights or democratic integrity. Effective governance must also address deep developmental asymmetries. We are not entering the AI era from the same starting point. Managing this revolution requires closing critical gaps in digital infrastructure, computing resources and technical expertise so that developing countries are not left behind. We need AI systems that uplift the vulnerable, strengthen national resilience, promote gender equality, and foster human centered partnerships, not exclusion and fragmentation. Put a face to the tireless migrant workers and seafarers who keep the global community afloat. Millions of migrant workers leave their homes to search for a better life, contributing immeasurably to the sustainable development of countries of origin, transit and destination. They are entitled to full human rights and fundamental freedoms, regardless of status, and deserve steadfast protection from trafficking and exploitation along perilous migration routes. Among them, our seafarers form an indispensable lifeline of global commerce. Nearly 90% of world trade moves by sea, supported by close to 2 million seafarers, more than 25% of whom are Filipinos. They are essential workers, yet increasingly vulnerable to conflict and attacks at sea. Just recently, an incident in the Strait of Hormuz claimed the lives of Filipino seafarers and injured many others.
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No. 26
Turkmenistan09/28 · first at about 7 min3 mentions
We regard the confidence placed in us as both a great responsibility and an opportunity to work together with the states of the group to give fresh impetus to the practical implementation of the programme of action in such priority areas as transport and energy connectivity. We proceed from the need to translate the agreements reached into concrete infrastructure, trade and investment projects. We propose considering the establishment in Turkmenistan, under the auspices of the United Nations of International Centre for Sustainable Trade, Logistics and Custom Cooperation. Such a centre could serve as a practical platform for harmonizing procedures, exchanging best practices, digitalizing transit and expanding developing countries access to global markets. Our country also proposes the establishment, under the auspices of the United Nations of Transregional Transport Corridor, linking South and Central Asia with Europe through the Caspian Sea Middle corridor. We are confident that its development would help diversify routes, strengthen connectivity, expand trade and promote global economic ties among the regions. Excellencies, distinguished delegates. Environmental security, climate change and the sustainable use of energy resources are integral components of common security.
This strategic maritime passage is a vital artery for international trade and any obstruction to free movement of shipping could seriously affect supply chains and energy security. Although Djibouti has observed no disruption to passage through the strait to date, my country's authorities remain particularly watchful with regard to the current tensions affecting the region. Mr. president, the climate emergency is one of the most pressing challenges facing our international community. For Djibouti as an African coastal country, this emergency is indivisible from development.
Mr. President, one of the greatest obstacles to sustainable development is inadequate financing. Many developing countries devote substantial resources to debt servicing at the expense of education, healthcare and infrastructure. Nigeria, therefore, calls for reform of the international financial architecture, wider access to concessional financing and debt sustainability frameworks that recognize developmental needs. We also support innovative financing through private capital, blended finance, South-South cooperation and strategic partnerships for sustainable development, climate adaptation and resilient infrastructure. Nigeria further recognizes the African Continental Free Trade Area as one of the continent's most transformative opportunities. It can strengthen regional value chains, expand intra-African trade, promote industrialization, and attract investment.
This is where regional cooperation has a vital role. The United Nations must remain the centrepiece of the multilateral system, but we cannot expect it to do everything. It cannot settle problems when member states are not willing to act. Regional institutions can help turn that willingness into cooperation. They bring countries together around shared challenges and translate global principles suited to local realities. In this way, regionalism becomes a building block of effective multilateralism. ASEAN has demonstrated this for almost six decades. It has grown from 5 to 11 member states. We do not always agree, but we have learned to manage differences and preserve space for cooperation. For my country, Thailand, that practical cooperation means serving as a trusted platform. We want to leverage our strengths as a logistical hub and manufacturing base to connect markets and supply chains across our region. Our conviction is that together, we should combine Asia's diversity for co-creation, bringing together the different strengths of our countries to promote shared prosperity. The same thinking should also extend beyond Asia. Thailand continues to pursue free trade agreements with partners across region, and to expand trade and opportunities for both sides. Additionally, our Thailand Africa initiative seeks to deepen political, economic and development cooperation to build partnerships of equals across our regions. Mr. President, excellencies.
In the economic realm, Canada is focused on what we can control building a stronger economy, diversifying our trade and catalyzing $1 trillion of investment in Canada over the next five years. We are exploring new opportunities with partners in the Indo-Pacific, the Gulf region and Latin America. This includes building renewed partnerships with large economies like India and China. We are strengthening ties between Canada and Europe alongside the European Union. We are building an alliance for the future. Thanks to our strategy for Africa, we are boosting our trade links with our African partners. We are making concrete progress. Canadian exports to markets outside of North America have significantly increased this year. Canada has secured more than 20 new economic and defense partnerships. And at the first ever Canada Investment Summit earlier this month, we secured nearly $500 billion in new financing commitments to investment in Canada. As an energy superpower we are providing energy supplies to many of our partners around the world while supporting the transition to a more environmentally sustainable future. Because in a rapidly changing world, Canada is a reliable partner. And we are ready to work together. We are also ready to work together on enhancing international security. Canada's stepping up and taking greater responsibility for our own defense.
My dear colleagues, this evening I want to talk about the need for nations to work together on the new challenges that we face climate change, emerging technology and the breakdown of international rules. Eight decades ago, the citizens and leaders of our nations made a solemn promise to future generations. Having known the untold sorrow of two devastating global conflicts in their lifetimes, they vowed to work together to prevent another. The pioneers who built this institution from the ruins of war, proud Australians among them, were also coming to terms with two terrible truths. The horrors of the Holocaust and the unprecedented horror of nuclear weapons. A depth of evil and a scale of destruction beyond imagining even a decade earlier. Yet rather than recoil from that reality, our leaders stood together to face it, learn from it, and most importantly, guard against its return. And instead of surrendering to fear or dealing in retribution, or abandoning their fate to a world governed by force alone, they came together to renew and affirm their faith in humanity, in the essential and equal dignity and worth of every individual, in the sovereignty of every nation and in the capacity and indeed the responsibility of all of us to give the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, life and weight and real meaning by engaging in the dialogue that builds trust and deepens understanding and backing those words with actions. In this moment, we need to lean in and strengthen and modernise the fundamental parts of the UN system that help to build peace and promote economic development and sustainability. Sovereignty, prosperity and peace are never guaranteed. They must be created, nurtured and protected by each generation, supporting the jobs, homes, schools and healthcare that represent the fullest expression of the UN's commitment to the economic and social advancement of all peoples. We know that the surest way to minimise the potential for conflict is to create the prosperity, opportunity and economic justice on which lasting peace depends. That means cooperating on the urgent challenges that confront each of our sovereign nations, and creating solutions that work for our citizens. This was the founding purpose of the United Nations. And for the leaders who have gathered here this week, this remains the test of our time. A test we can and we must pass. Whether it is climate change or artificial intelligence, there is always the temptation to say that our generation is being confronted by issues that our predecessors could not possibly have imagined while dealing with the world they would not recognise. But for all the transformation the past eight decades have brought, the fundamental stakes haven't changed. And just as its values, our values, our ideals, our commitment to dialogue and cooperation proved equal to that task then, we can rise to meet these new challenges now. We can reaffirm our national sovereignty and our shared humanity. We can seize and share and shape the opportunities this moment holds in the interests of our citizens. But we can only do it together. From the very first days of this forum, Australia has always known that. We understand that the UN mission cannot be entrusted solely to the great powers or the biggest countries, or even the loudest voices alone, nor can it be subcontracted to the world's richest companies, or dictated by the pace of technology. Then now and always, shaping a secure, peaceful and prosperous world is a task for all of us. And that world must be driven by the values and aspirations of all of us. We all have a part to play. And that is why Australia is seeking a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council for 2029-2030. The world faces tough times and Australia wants to respond to partner and to make a difference. Should our Security Council bid prove successful, our purpose and approach will be consistent with how we have always conducted ourselves at the UN. We will listen with respect. We will partner as equals. And we will protect what matters most. Mr. President, a safer world is one governed by rules, not by power and force alone. It is a world in which all countries have the freedom to decide their own future. And all countries have their decisions listened to. As a member of the UN Security Council, Australia will safeguard the rules that protect us all by upholding international law, including the UN Charter and the sovereignty of all states. We will amplify the voices of small states and middle powers to ensure a wider range of perspectives shape the Council's decisions. We will work to prevent crises, resolve conflicts and protect civilians through diplomacy, peace building and practical action. Our objective will be to support a more effective, representative and responsive UN that is equipped to address the fast growing challenges of today. Listening, partnering, protecting. Colleagues. The world is changing rapidly. New issues are becoming international issues demanding our full attention. Climate change, where the science foretold of the increase in frequency and intensity of extreme weather events that we are now experiencing. Emerging technology, including artificial intelligence, which is evolving at a furious pace, and the breakdown of trust, civility and social cohesion, which is promoting conflict within and between countries. Clearly, the multilateral system we have all known and benefited from is under immense strain. To promote the peace, to create a world of human dignity, to do justice to the UN's mission, we must embrace change and we must embrace reform. Australia supports the rules and institutions that underpin open trade and connectivity. That order, based on agreed rules and institutions, faces massive disruption. This doesn't mean abandoning multilateralism, it means working to reform it, so it's up to the challenges ahead and building beyond multilateralism, with new coalitions and partnerships to address and solve complex problems.
These pressures unfold alongside armed conflict, disrupted supply chains, declining official development assistance, and rising debt. Households face higher food and energy bills, governments face higher borrowing costs. Countries striving to finance the Sustainable Development Goals must absorb shocks they did not create and cannot fairly insure against. Artificial intelligence adds a further layer. Well governed, it can widen access to knowledge and improve public services.
This is indispensable as we make it more democratic and effective and closer to its peoples. As is well known in Cuba, we are facing a multidimensional aggression from the United States government, a permanent, abusive and ruthless hostility that has lasted for almost seven decades. Since January 2026, this aggression has strengthened and become more cruel and more dangerous with the imposition of an energy blockade that, by resorting to intimidation and coercion, prevents any country from exporting fuel to Cuba, an equivalent to a naval blockade which is classified under international law as an act of war. Through the adoption of successive measures, the government of the United States has been applying new prohibitions on all countries with regard to products and services that cannot be exported or transported to Cuba. More than 7000 containers remain stranded in different ports, many of them loaded with foodstuffs, medicines and medical devices, and some of them have even been paid for by private Cuban companies. It is an unusual and unprecedented action. A superpower unilaterally deprives all states of their right to export the commodities that they wish to the country that they wish to export them to, and continuously and comprehensively violates freedom of trade and navigation. Added to this is the intimidation of entrepreneurs of different countries so that they abandon against their will their investments and businesses in Cuba. The obstacles and tricks to prevent the arrival in Cuba of absolutely legitimate commercial shipments, the pressures to prevent the entry of visitors and tourists, and the efforts aimed at restricting as much as possible Cuba's legitimate access to financing, technology and markets.
Emerging technologies such as drones are rapidly transforming warfare and posing serious challenges to human rights and the international law based order. Tensions surrounding the Strait of Hormuz are undermining the fundamental principles of free and safe navigation, and heightening the vulnerability of energy supply chains. Quote, The United Nations was not created in order to bring us to heaven, but in order to save us from hell. End of quote.
Hope has retreated, while cynicism and doubt have grown. Nevertheless, we hear the insistent calls for justice, peace, and for a rules based international order that applies equally to all nations. Mr. President, I come here for the first time representing my country, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, with a clear mandate and a commitment that governance must be transparent, that individual actions must consistently reflect integrity, and that public resources must be used to improve the lives of ordinary people. We are a small democratic multi-island Caribbean nation committed to multilateralism and the peaceful resolution of disputes. Those principles serve us well and we believe should bind all of us in this chamber. We, in Saint Vincent and the Grenadines experience firsthand the vulnerability of living on the front lines of climate change, having experienced only two years ago the sudden destructive power of a category five hurricane. We also feel enormous strains imposed on small nations and our small, open economy by distant wars that have disrupted supply chains and by decisions made in places where our voice is never heard. Yet we will not let vulnerability define us or limit our ambitions. We will be resilient, and we will work individually and collectively to transcend our vulnerability. So, Mr. President, we come to this august assembly not as mere petitioners, but as partners to play our part in making our world a better place. I come at this point in the debate, having had the privilege of listening to other leaders who spoke before me. And Mr. President, I must tell you, I was moved by the hopeful vision, the fiery passion, the boundless generosity and caring of many of the speakers. They lifted my spirit and I am determined that that is where my spirit shall remain.
Zambia continues to salute His Excellency Antonio Guterres for reminding us that the answer to a more divided and multipolar world is not less multilateralism, but a stronger fairer and more representative United Nations. The theme of this session Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all is both timely and necessary. Trust is the foundation on which international cooperation is built upon. Yet today, trust in institutions, trust amongst nations, and most importantly, trust between the institutions that serve the people is under strain. Trust means that the founding principles of the United Nations Charter must be respected. For Zambia, trust begins with keeping promises. Trust means that international agreements must be honoured. Trust means that development commitments must be financed. Trust means that the voices of developing countries matter in word and in deed. Trust means the global system must not protect the interests of the powerful at the expense of the vulnerable. And trust means that when the world agrees on a goal, we must have the commitment to implement it. The world is undergoing profound transformation. Technology is changing economies and societies. Climate change is reshaping livelihoods. Geopolitical competition is altering global trade and investment patterns. Conflicts are causing massive displacements and humanitarian suffering. And yet developing countries continue to confront a financing system that does not adequately reflect and respond to their development needs. The question before us is therefore not whether transformation will happen, but it is rather how we manage transformation, who benefits from it, and whether our multilateral institutions are capable of delivering meaningful results for ordinary people. For Zambia, the answer is clear we must restore trust by achieving results, and we must manage transformation by ensuring that no country and no one is left behind. Zambia's democratic journey and the 2026 elections. Mr. president,
We meet at a time when the Arab Gulf is facing a security situation of a severity not witnessed in decades. The states of the Gulf Cooperation Council and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan have been subjected to waves of unjustified Iranian attacks involving ballistic missiles and drones targeting civilian infrastructure, residential areas, ports, airports and energy facilities. This came in flagrant violation of international law and the charter of the United Nations. These are indiscriminate attacks without justification under any law. My country also condemns the attacks carried out by the Iran backed terrorist Houthi militia against civilian objects and Islamic holy sites in the brotherly kingdom of Saudi Arabia. We also condemn their threats to freedom of navigation in the Bab el Mandeb and the Red sea. Allow me to put the facts before you in figures. Our countries have been subjected to nearly 7000 attacks at the hands of Iran, involving 1700 ballistic missiles, 80 cruise missiles and 5220 drones. 2000 cargo vessels and tankers with 20,000 seafarers on board have also been detained, while 72 commercial vessels have been targeted, resulting in the deaths of 22 seafarers. These are not merely numbers. Behind every figure is a ship, a port, a market and families waiting for those that provide for them to return home. Commercial vessels have been targeted in the Straits of Hormuz. Mines have been laid in an international shipping lane. Restrictions on passage have been imposed in contravention of international law. The consequences of all the above extend far beyond the Arabian Gulf. It affects energy and food prices, shipping and insurance costs, as well as supply chains across the world. As the kingdom renews its full solidarity with the brotherly countries subjected to these attacks, it commends the professionalism of the Bahrain Defence Force and the Air Defence Forces of brotherly countries, and their readiness in confronting these attacks. We reaffirm the right of all states to take all lawful measures to defend their sovereignty and territorial integrity, pursuant to article 51 of the UN charter and the Joint Defense Agreement of the GCC states. All the same, we continue to exercise the utmost restraint, seeking to ensure that security and peace prevail for the benefit of the people of the region. Mr. president, the position of the Kingdom of Bahrain is grounded in international law, the rights of peoples and. The Strait of Hormuz is an international strait, and the right of transit through it is established for the vessels of all states under the UN convention on the law of the sea. That right may not be suspended or obstructed, nor may it be subjected to conditions imposed unilaterally by any state. Accordingly, the Kingdom categorically rejects any permit or fee regime imposed on the passage. It rejects the use of international waterways as instruments of pressure or economic coercion, or any attempt at the seizure of vessels. Such actions would set an extremely dangerous precedent, because what is accepted today in one strait may be demanded tomorrow in every international waterway upon which global trade depends. Alternative routes cannot be treated as a solution to conduct that violates international law. Mitigation measures are an emergency response. They should not be used as a pretext to claim that the strait is no longer necessary, or to accept a new status quo. The right of passage does not cease to exist because alternatives are available. Nor does the violation cease just because those affected have found ways to reduce the loss. This threat is not confined to the Strait of Hormuz. Security Council Resolution 2817 also referred to Bab el Mandeb, recognising that a threat to one waterway is a threat to navigation through all waterways. The security of navigation in the Red sea, the Gulf of Aden and the Bab el Mandeb is part of the same system. We are now not only defending a regional interest, but a rule that applies to every international waterway, and if it does apply to our strait alone, it wouldn't have been a rule. The Kingdom of Bahrain has not only stated its position in principle. On behalf of the Gulf Cooperation Council states and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and by virtue of its current presidency of the GCC and its non-permanent membership of the Security Council, Bahrain led efforts resulting in the adoption of Security Council Resolution 2817, with a historic and unprecedented support of 136 countries. The resolution condemned the attacks against our countries, reaffirming their sovereignty and rejecting any action intended to close the strait or obstruct navigation through it. The Kingdom also introduced a draft resolution under chapter seven of the charter to protect commercial navigation. The resolution, adopted by the Council of the International Maritime Organization on the 19th of March, together with the Human Rights Council resolution 61/1, both have further demonstrated that the international rejection of such conduct extends beyond the Security Council. We stress the need for the full implementation of these resolutions to ensure that those responsible are held accountable, and there are compensation for the damage caused. On the 17th of this month, the Kingdom convened an Arria-formula meeting of the Security Council dedicated to freedom of navigation. In this session, we heard from 53 affected states, the maritime transport sector and relevant international bodies. And we heard a conclusion expressed by all delegations. That is, the freedom of passage through international straits is a prerequisite for global economic prosperity. The Kingdom contributes to the protection of a rules based maritime order across an area exceeding 3,000,000mi² through its hosting in Manama, of the headquarters of the Combined Maritime Forces. This comprises 47 nations. We welcome the establishment of the Multinational Maritime Defence Alliance, led by the brotherly Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The Kingdom is proud to participate in the alliance as a founding member in support of efforts to safeguard international trade routes and global energy supplies in accordance with international law. As efforts continue in the Security Council, this General Assembly has an equally important role to play as the forum in which all states stand equal. From this podium, we call upon Member States to support a firm collective position which upholds freedom of navigation and the right of transit passage in accordance with international law.
And few examples are more powerful than the United Nations Convention on the law of the sea. With 172 parties, UNCLOS provides the binding legal framework within which disputes can be managed peacefully rather than through force. And from the Strait of Hormuz and the Red Sea to the Indo-Pacific, strategic maritime routes are increasingly becoming arenas of geopolitical confrontation. Commercial vessels are being targeted and vital trade routes are used as instruments of pressure, with grave consequences for supply chains, for energy markets and for future food security worldwide. Freedom of navigation and uninhibited passage through international straits, as guaranteed by international law must be championed globally, and it is our collective responsibility to uphold these principles in practice and to safeguard commercial shipping. And as a leading maritime nation, Greece actively contributes to maritime security through the operation of the European Union Aspides in the Red Sea, and this topic will remain a high priority when Greece assumes the presidency of the Security Council next month. We intend to place particular attention to the challenges posed by emerging technologies. Ladies and gentlemen, Greece's geography grants it the natural role of serving as a bridge between Europe and its wider neighbourhood to the east and the south.
And this year, again, hundreds of millions of people need humanitarian assistance, while the resources available to help them are shrinking. When funding runs out what do we tell the mother, who has walked for hours to reach a clinic with a sick child, that the doors are closed? What do we tell to a family waiting for food? That there will be no delivery tomorrow? We cannot ask humanitarian workers to give those answers, because we have chosen to cut their funding. This is not the time to treat humanitarian aid as an optional expense. It is neither a reward nor a bargaining chip. A hungry child is not responsible for the position taken by his government. That child has the right to eat, the right to receive care and the right to be protected. That is why I urge every one of us not to cut humanitarian funding. International law does more than contain violence. It is also enables trade exchange and movements. That brings me to a freedom that may at first sound rather technical: freedom of navigation.
The absence of education, health care, decent employment, and the loss of homes and livelihoods to climate change leave communities as vulnerable as conflict itself. Our understanding of security must therefore extend beyond the absence of war to include the conditions that allow people to live with dignity, opportunity and hope. Mr. president, in The Gambia, this understanding has guided our democratic journey from 2017 to date. We have undertaken the difficult work of rebuilding institutions, strengthening the rule of law, expanding access to justice and confronting the legacy of past human rights violations. Our transitional justice process continues through implementation of the recommendation of the Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission. We have strengthened institutional accountability, established the Special Prosecutor's Office to advance investigations and prosecution arising from the TRRC process. We are proud of the progress we have made, but we remain conscious that democracy is never a finished project and requires continuous institutional strengthening, adherence to the rule of law, constitutional order, dialogue and consensus building on issues. On the 5th of December 2026, the Gambian people will again exercise their sovereign democratic right to choose their president. This will be another important milestone in our democratic journey, and we need the support of the international community in this regard. Our government is committed to ensuring that the elections are peaceful, transparent, credible and inclusive, and conducted in accordance with our Constitution, national laws and democratic standards. This is the democratic path The Gambia remains committed to pursuing: a path in which institutions are strengthened, citizens are heard, differences are resolved peacefully, and democratic gains are consolidated for future generations. Mr. president, on development, The Gambia's recovery focused National Development Plan provides the framework for accelerating our socio economic transformation. We are investing in roads, energy, schools, healthcare, agriculture and digital infrastructure while promoting economic diversification, private sector investment and value addition. We are expanding opportunities for women and young people, improving lives, uncertainty, human capital upon which our future depends. I seize this opportunity to thank all the bilateral and multilateral partners of The Gambia for your continued support and partnership. The global economic environment remains particularly difficult for developing countries, with declining official development assistance, high borrowing costs, disruptions to international trade, inflationary pressures and food and energy insecurity, narrowing fiscal space and threatening development gains. With only a few years remaining to achieve the 2030 agenda, the time for implementation is now. Following the fourth International Conference on Financing for development, we must translate the Sevilla commitments to tangible action. Developing countries need greater access to affordable long term finance, meaningful reform of the multilateral development system, sustainable solutions to debt, stronger international tax cooperation and decisive action against illicit financial flows. We also need stronger and more resilient supply chains, greater investment in productive capacity, and a global economic system that gives developing countries a fair opportunity to transform their economies. Trade must remain an engine of development and developing countries must be enabled to participate more effectively in regional and global value chains.
Relations among the major powers increasingly shape trade, technology, energy, critical raw materials, transport routes and digital infrastructure. What we called economic interdependence yesterday, we increasingly see today as a matter of national security. Globalization is not disappearing. It is being reshaped. Supply chains are changing. Production is once again becoming a geopolitical question. States are asking not only where something can be produced more cheaply, but who can be trusted, not only where energy comes from, but whether it will be available when crisis strikes. Not only who develops the next generation of technology, but who will set the rules under which it will operate. Alliances, too, are changing under the pressure of this same world. Macedonian citizens know where they belong. We are a NATO ally.
Wars can disrupt food, fuel, energy, trade, supply chains far from the battlefield. Economic decisions made in the world's largest economy can reach an ordinary family in a small developing country. A mother buying food can feel the consequences. A farmer buying fuel can feel the consequences. Our small businesses facing higher transport costs can feel the consequences. And the developing countries trying to build roads, schools and hospitals can feel the consequences. This is why leadership in powerful nations carry responsibilities beyond your national borders. With great power comes great responsibility. Papua New Guinea respectfully asks leaders of the world's major powers to remember the ordinary people whose lives can be affected by decisions made far away from them. When wars disrupt food, fuel and trade, families far from the battlefield can experience higher prices and economic uncertainty. When climate changes, communities that have contributed little to global greenhouse gas emissions can nevertheless face rising seas, extreme weather, threats to food security, and damage to lives livelihoods. Mr. president, my appeal to leaders everywhere is really simple. Put human welfare ahead of war. Put humanity ahead of narrow geopolitical interests.
This need for inclusiveness is particularly important in the Gulf of Guinea, a maritime area whose importance to international trade is growing by the day. Consequently, Gabon calls for a substantial strengthening of security in this strategic area, which represents a foundation for shared prosperity. Mr. president, Gabon, in its capacity as member of the African Union's Peace and Security Council, stresses the urgent need to implement UN Security Council Resolution 2719 on the financing of peacekeeping operations on the continent. Fulfilling this commitment would help consolidate peace in Africa and strengthen cooperation between the UN Security Council and the AU's Peace and Security Council. Trust also depends on honouring commitments made at the regional level.
For some, security means protecting borders; for others, it means food, water, energy, or the future of their children. And many countries face all of these challenges at once. That is why a world ruled mainly by power rather than by rules would be dangerous for everyone. For small countries such as Slovakia, this is especially clear. But no country, large or small, is truly safe in a world where international law is ignored and institutions are weakened. Sadly, we no longer need to imagine such a world. We can already see parts of it around us: trade is becoming less predictable, security cooperation is more fragmented, the idea that every country should have a voice is under pressure. And when rules are weakened, when cooperation is replaced by confrontation, all of us become more vulnerable. But we still have a choice. The international system we have built is not perfect. It can be slow. It can be frustrating. At times, it does not deliver as quickly as people need. But the solution is not to destroy it. The solution is to make it work better. Slovakia is firmly anchored in the United Nations, NATO, and the European Union. We believe in cooperation. But we also believe that institutions must produce real results. Over the past year, Slovakia has hosted several international meetings and offered space for dialogue. Where we can be useful, we are ready to help bring parties together and to support diplomacy within the UN framework. Because when diplomacy stops, confrontation fills the space. That is why, when we speak about the United Nations, I believe in evolution rather than revolution. The world has changed, and the United Nations must change with it. The Security Council should better reflect today's realities and give a stronger voice to countries and regions that are still underrepresented. Countries from the region often understand a crisis best. Giving them a stronger voice can help us act earlier and prevent escalation. Slovakia sees its engagement in UN reform as a part of its responsibility to this Organization, including through UN80 and the implementation of the Pact for the Future. Our responsibility to the wider international order is also reflected in our candidacy for the Security Council for 2028 and 2029. We would be, of course, grateful for your trust and support. If elected, Slovakia will focus on four priorities: international law and the UN Charter, accountable security institutions, the protection of strategic resources and critical infrastructure, and the security challenges linked to digitalization and artificial intelligence. I fully share the concern of the United Nations about the inequalities that can be created by unequal access to artificial intelligence. It is in our common interest that innovation benefits all of humanity, not only the strongest economies or the biggest companies.
Mr. President, Ethiopia has diligently worked to promote cooperation and regional integration through infrastructure development, trade, and people-to-people relationships in the Horn of Africa. We have achieved notable progress with several of our neighbors, in spite of attempts by reckless external actors who are habitually engaged in fueling instability. Despite continued interference in our internal affairs by adversarial elements, we have exercised immense restraint and remained by the firm conviction of becoming one of the most prosperous and dynamic development engines in the Africa. Our message to forces of destruction and mayhem is loud and clear: we urge them to respect the sacred right of the people of the Horn of Africa to live in peace and prosperity.
193 states that have signed up to the UN charter that have signed up to one essential principle that relations between states are not governed by sheer power, but by rules. Today, this commitment is being tested by conflicts, by shifts in power, by new technologies. And our global institutions are struggling to keep pace. So let me ask you a simple question that I believe sits underneath everything we are discussing this week. Who decides? Who decides whether a border is a line to be respected or a target to be crossed? Who decides whether a human being or a machine pulls a trigger? Who decides who gets heard and who is left waiting outside the room? For more than 80 years, this organization has stood for one answer. Power must be bound by rules agreed together. That answer secured Austria's sovereignty and our prosperity. It still does. We are a nation of 9 million people, an open, liberal democracy, and we are proud of it. Alone we cannot. We cannot keep trade routes open, stabilize energy markets, or prevent wars. Like most countries in this hall, we depend on a world in which borders are respected, agreements are kept, and strength is bound by law. When that order weakens, the gravest price is paid by those least able to bear it, by countries already in crisis, by populations heavily dependent on food imports and by people caught in conflict.
Mr. President, excellencies, at the outset, allow me to extend my warm and heartfelt congratulations to you on your election as president of the 81st session of the General Assembly. Your election reflects the confidence of Member States in your steadfast commitment to multilateral system and your vision for a United Nations that is responsive, effective, and capable of delivering for humanity. As you embark on this important journey, my delegation reaffirms its unwavering commitment to working closely with you and all Member States to ensure a productive and successful session. I also pay tribute to your predecessor, Her Excellency Ms. Baerbock, president of the 80th session of the General Assembly, with whom my delegation had the honour to serve as Vice President. Her dedicated leadership, zeal and tenacity of purpose in strengthening multilateral cooperation during a period of profound global uncertainty gave us hope that the future of this organization can be secured when all nations work together for the common goal of leaving no one behind. To the secretary general, Antonio Guterres, whose tenure is approaching an end, my delegation commends his exemplary leadership and commitment to the ideals of the United Nations. During his term the world confronted unprecedented challenges from the COVID-19 pandemic to the eruption of new conflicts, the catastrophic effects of climate change, and unstable trade regimes. Throughout these crises, he remained the moral force and steady anchor of the organization. We salute him for his distinguished service and will fondly cherish his historic visit to the Mountain Kingdom in December 2024, during which he witnessed firsthand the dividends of the UN's contribution to Lesotho. Mr. president, the theme for this session Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: A United Nations that delivers for all, resonates deeply with Lesotho's aspirations for a more inclusive, transparent and result oriented multilateral system capable of advancing respect for international law, maintaining global peace and security, accelerating sustainable development, protecting human rights, driving climate action, and implementing long overdue institutional reforms.
Excellencies ladies and gentlemen. This summer, the Republic of Moldova turned 35. For much of that time, the world described us as a country caught between East and West, a place where others decided. I stand here as the new Prime Minister of a country that has decided. Small countries do not choose their geography or their size. But small does not mean powerless. Nations like people, are shaped by the choices they make, whom they trust, whom they elect, whom they call friends, and how they respond when things turn against them. For a long time, others made many of those choices for us. Soviet authorities deported our families to Siberia, forced our Romanian language into another alphabet, and told us it had another name. After independence, Moscow used gas and trade restrictions as leverage over our country. Step by step, we began choosing for ourselves. Romanian is again written in Latin and spoken freely. Governments change peacefully at the ballot box and when our democracy was threatened, Moldovans have defended it through elections and civic action. We also reduced Russia's economic leverage on us. We diversified our gas purchases. In just five years, renewables grew from nothing to around 30% of our energy supply. Our electricity system is increasingly integrated with Romania and the European grid, and our companies sell on some of the most demanding markets in Europe and the world. But the Kremlin kept trying. Moldova faced illicit financing, disinformation, cyber attacks and vote buying. Russia spent the equivalent of nearly 2% of our GDP trying to influence last year's elections. Moldovans answered that their home is not for sale. Each of these choices carried a cost, but each taught us the same lesson. We cannot control everything around us, but what we do still matters. That is the source of our optimism. Our future remains in our hands, and nowhere is that choice clearer today than in our European path.
Your excellencies, we see the cost of that neglect every day. In my region, from Lebanon to Yemen to Sudan, protracted conflict is deepening humanitarian suffering. And if anyone had any doubt that a crisis in our part of the world stays there, just look at the energy and grocery bills of ordinary families, from Mumbai to Madrid to Minnesota. The Iran war has shown how quickly instability can disrupt trade, investment and lives beyond the region. And then there is Gaza. For decades, I've stood before this assembly and warned of the dangers of leaving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict unresolved. But the international community chose to manage the conflict, not confront it. And every new Israeli violation was treated as temporary, diverting attention from the reality being created on the ground until temporary became permanent and permanent became policy. Of course, this is not the world's only injustice, but one of the world's longest running occupations forces a basic question if international law can be ignored for decades, then what exactly is that law worth and how can we enforce it if we won't even call out its violations? In Gaza, the evidence is overwhelming. In the first 300 days of the so-called cease fire, at least 300 Palestinian children were killed. Jordan's field hospitals have also been targeted. President Trump has pushed hard for peace and a path to end this war. But this Israeli government keeps moving the goalposts, continuing its attacks and destruction of civilian infrastructure, refusing to withdraw and squeezing Palestinians into barely a third of Gaza. This can no longer be dismissed as temporary military measures or a consequence of war. Accountability begins when we call things for what they are, an attempt to erase Palestinian life and impose a new territorial reality in Gaza. And while the world has been focused on Gaza, something extraordinarily dangerous is unfolding in the West Bank. Some may think we have seen this before settlements, violence, displacement, more of the same, but it is not. Nor is it simply an escalation. This is a fundamental shift. What was once a creeping process has exploded into something far more aggressive. Settler violence is rampant. Palestinians are being beaten, shot and terrorized, homes torched, property destroyed, families driven from their land and Israel is tightening its grip on more of the West Bank, seizing land, expanding settlements and pushing the Palestinians out. It is time to see what is happening for what it really is, because when the language is sanitized, the actions become normalized. Demolishing Palestinian homes to expand illegal settlements is not law enforcement. It is forcible transfer. Appropriating occupied land is not land registration. It is de facto annexation. A choking network of checkpoints and barriers is not security infrastructure. It is a system of subjugation. Systematic attacks on Palestinian communities are not settler unrest. The Israeli government criticizes the violence before the international audiences. They call those responsible a handful of rioters. They assure us that Israel is a country governed by law. Yet what's happening on the ground says otherwise. Israeli soldiers stand by as settlers attacked Palestinians, often protecting the attackers or joining them. They have blocked ambulances from reaching the injured. They have targeted international journalists who are trying to say the truth. And when soldiers watch, enable and sometimes even participate in violence against civilians, this is no longer about a handful of rioters. And the question is no longer whether a few extremists are breaking the law. The question is, is this the behavior of a democratic state governed by law? What is unfolding across the West Bank is not a series of isolated acts. It is elements of a single policy to compel an entire population to leave their land. And there is a name for that forced displacement, and that is a war crime. Your excellencies, if we are to resolve the Palestinian Israeli conflict, the world must abandon some illusions. The first is that Gaza and the West Bank are separate stories. They are not. They are two fronts of the same Israeli strategy. In both, Palestinians are being killed. In both, the reality on the ground is being remade. Gaza through destruction. The West Bank through de facto annexation. The objective is the same to make a viable Palestinian state impossible. Another illusion is that this Israeli leadership's rejection of Palestinian statehood is a position that might yet change. It is not. It is cemented on the ground. This government has been accelerating settlements and land seizures, but it began long before. Since Oslo, the map has changed piece by piece, settlement by settlement, and the most dangerous illusion that the Arab world never sought peace. The Arab Peace Initiative of 2002 offered Israel normalization with 57 Arab and Muslim states, including Iran and Iraq at the time, in exchange for peace and Palestinian statehood. For over 20 years, that offer has stood. The obstacle hasn't been the absence of a partner for peace, but the absence of an Israeli government willing to accept it. This Israeli government understands the power of attention, and lately it has not liked the attention it's been getting. When confronted with evidence of wrongdoing, rather than change the course, it opts for distraction, discrediting its critics. It has also tried to cast this conflict as a war of religions Islam on one side, Judaism and Christianity on the other. It is not. This is about whether Palestinians, Muslims and Christians are entitled to the same rights as everyone else. Distractions will not fly anymore. People across the world are paying attention. The question now is, will we act? Because the world's political inaction is not for lack of options. So let's call it for what it is a choice. We have tools, sanctions, asset freezes, embargoes, diplomatic isolation, and we have a record of using them elsewhere. Yet with Israel, resolutions end where they began on paper. The result is a state without restraint. This government's sense of impunity has reached terrifying levels. It no longer feels compelled to ask, can we get away with this? It already knows the answer, and that is precisely why no one in this assembly should assume its ambitions stop at Palestine. This Israeli government's expansionist appetite is now a regional threat. And today Syria is the warning the international community is choosing not to see. Repeated incursions, creeping territorial expansion, new facts imposed on the ground, including around vital water resources, step by calculated step, Israel is testing how far it can go, and every time the international community looks away, Israel learns that it can go even further across borderlines and legal limits. For Jordan, there is no ambiguity, any threat to our northern border or our water security is a threat to our national security. Jordan will not look away. We will protect our security, our water and the interests of our people. And the question here is, if Israel continues its antagonistic approach in southern Syria, will the international community stand by and let that happen?
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No. 50
South Africa09/24 · first at about 6 min2 mentions
Dealing with the root causes and challenges of irregular migration is a shared responsibility of all countries of the world. We approach our leadership of a regional bloc that is home to a quarter of Africa's population, the Southern African Development Community, with a firm resolve to champion greater regional integration, industrialisation and trade. We want to increase trade amongst our countries so that our citizens can share in the prosperity of our region, and our economies are better prepared to absorb the shocks of unilateralism.
For that solidarity, Antigua and Barbuda thank him. But excellencies, gratitude for the past must now match by courage in shaping the future. The next Secretary general of this institution will inherit a United Nations confronting wars and conflicts that devastate lives and undermine international stability. Deep geopolitical divisions will exist. Financial constraints, the climate emergency and declining trust will test our organization's capacity to respond. Excellencies, the choice before us is about more than selecting an individual. It is about the future direction of this organization. That is why Antigua and Barbuda has nominated María Fernanda Espinosa to serve as the next Secretary general. We believe that she is the right leader for this moment. After more than 80 years, no woman has ever served as Secretary general. The time is now. Our case for Miss Espinosa rests not on gender. It rests on competence, experience, independence and leadership. At a time of fragmentation, the United Nations needs a credible bridge builder capable of restoring confidence in multilateralism. Antigua and Barbuda believes that María Fernanda Espinosa demonstrated that when she was a leader here of the General Assembly. We believe that she can provide the leadership we need now. Mr. president, multilateralism is under profound strain. Economic uncertainties continue to grow. Technology is racing ahead of governance. Artificial intelligence offers extraordinary possibilities, but it also raises profound concerns about who will control its development and share in its benefit. Small island developing states must not be left out as spectators, nor can we accept an international system in which rules are binding upon the weak but negotiable for the powerful. International law must apply equally. Sovereignty cannot depend upon power, nor justice upon one's friends. Antigua and Barbuda commands neither a great army nor large markets. International law, cooperation and multilateralism are fundamental to our security and stability. For us, the United Nations is not optional. It is essential to our survival. We support a more efficient, coherent and accountable United Nations. But efficiency cannot become another word for retreat. The UN reform process must be judged by whether this organization serves people better. For SIDs, that means protecting the development pillar, advancing implementation of the Antigua and Barbuda agenda for SIDs, ABAS, and bringing effective support closer to those who need it most. Mr. president, trade disputes, tariffs and economic fragmentation raises the cost of food, transport and the development. Too often, small island states pay the price for disputes we did not create. We call upon the major economies to choose dialogue and cooperation.
Mr. President, last year from this very podium, Italy's Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni recalled that 56 armed conflicts were raging across the world, the highest number since World War II. Today, those same sources put that figure at 61. It's the stark truth of the numbers. Pope Leo XIV issued a warning that Italy has made its own: we must never grow accustomed to war, because first we'll become accustomed to the words, then to images, and finally to the victims. When war becomes something we grow accustomed to, peace itself risks becoming a mirage. We will not give up. Against the law of the strongest, we choose the strength of the law; against the politics of force, we choose the force of politics. This is the message Italy brings today to the United Nations. This is the mission of Italian diplomacy: to build bridges, open new paths, and keep dialogue alive even when it seems impossible. To work for peace, prosperity, and growth, because growth creates prosperity, and prosperity in turn consolidates peace. Ukraine, the Middle East, the Gulf, Sudan, and the Sahel are not separate crises, nor are trade wars, AI competition, hybrid attacks, and their economic and social repercussions, nor is terrorism in all of its many forms, which we continue to fight in every corner of the world.
Excellencies, Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, can we speak of development when international peace and security are being tested by multiplying crises around the world and persistent tensions? Restoring trust requires the United Nations to maintain and to restore peace. We must be concerned that the multilateral system is struggling to contain escalating tensions fueled by geopolitical rivalries. These crises now affecting different regions of the planet, have consequences for our states. They directly impact our economies and the daily lives of our populations through disruptions in energy supply chains and difficulties in the delivery of essential goods. These are all factors which further aggravate the vulnerabilities that we already face.
We also call for the strengthening of the rules based multilateral trading system and for fair, transparent and equitable mechanisms for resolving trade disputes. Mr. president, the rapid evolution of digital and emerging technologies, including artificial intelligence, is already shaping economic, social and institutional developments across the globe. We support the General Assembly resolution establishing the Global dialogue on AI governance, and we welcome the work being done by the Independent International Scientific Panel on AI. For Mauritius, digital innovation is a developmental imperative.
It has become possible for an international waterway through which nearly a quarter of the world's energy trade passes to be closed. It has also become possible for the lifelines of the global economy to be turned into tools of pressure and bargaining with people on every continent bearing the cost, despite being far removed from the causes of the conflict. This is a crisis that drives up the prices of food and medicine, and affects the livelihoods of peoples who have nothing to do with any of this.
As President Putin said the dictatorship of one hegemon is spiraling out of control. It's dangerous for everyone else. At the start of this year in contravention of all norms, including moral norms, the US invaded Venezuela, resulting in the abduction of President Maduro and his spouse, held in an American prison without trial. And this despite the fact that international law clearly states that the highest ranking public officials of any state should enjoy immunities. We insist that the Venezuelan leader and his spouse be liberated immediately, and that such excesses do not come to be repeated. It is unacceptable the fact that force was used to kill the Supreme Leader of Iran Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and members of his family, members of the military and political leadership of the Islamic Republic of Iran. We're particularly disquieted by the fact that the U.S. and Israeli aggression, which began in June of last year, also seeks to target the civilian infrastructure in Iran and civilian nuclear infrastructure under IAEA safeguards. This dealt an irreversible blow to the authority of the agency and the entire nuclear non-proliferation system. Repeated armed confrontations in the Persian Gulf and the Strait are ongoing, despite the fact that this is dealing a blow to global navigation and trade. We need the prerequisite for the settlement of this crisis. We need trust in the relationships between the Gulf states, the Arab states and Iran. We need stable regional architecture. This is what drives our concept for collective security in the Persian Gulf. Russia, together with other responsible states, stands ready to constructively contribute to stabilizing this strategically important region. We stand convinced that it's time to resolve the main issue in the Middle East ensuring Palestinian statehood on the basis of countless UN decisions. Almost a year ago, the Security Council approved the peace plan for the Gaza Strip. But peace does not reign there. Older persons, women and children continue to perish. The humanitarian situation is critical. The situation in the West Bank continues to deteriorate, where Israel is stepping up its settlement activities. If the situation continues, it won't be possible to set up a Palestinian state. There won't be any room. But if that were to be the case, Israel's security would also be constantly under threat. Experts understand this full well. The UN and all its member states absolutely need to think outside the box so as to buck these unfavorable trends in the Middle East and nearby areas. I'm not just referring to Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, Yemen, Iraq, Sudan, Somalia, South Sudan, and other countries in Africa where conflicts rage. We need urgent measures to be taken to address the terrible humanitarian situation in Cuba, which is under extreme, unprecedented pressure on the part of its northern neighbor. We stand in solidarity with the Cuban people and its government. We insist that the U.S. lift its siege on the island of freedom and lift all restrictions on trade with Cuba striking it off the list of that vile list, list of state sponsors of terrorism. This is a stark example which requires the attention of the international community. But there are many other issues as well. The use of force and double standards espoused by the West are destabilizing the situation all over the map. In the Balkans, the EU is flagrantly ignoring U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244, compelling Serbia to accept the fact that it has lost Kosovo, part of its history, and Belgrade is basically being forced to impose sanctions against Russia in exchange for nebulous prospects of Euro integration. There are attempts for Bosnia and Herzegovina to be unitarist the Serbs to be unionized and forced to give up their constitutional powers, which were guaranteed by the Dayton Agreement, together with the Security Council. In this spirit of running roughshod international law and security, there are reckless actions being taken in Ukraine in order to supposedly constrain Russia. The US has destroyed the European security system and created a russophobic regime in Kiev. Understanding how vain this is, Europe is doing everything it can to thwart peace talks in which the Trump administration is interested. The West is pumping the Ukrainian regime full of weapons, helping Kiev to target drones and missiles to target them at civilians and civilian infrastructure. The West aspires to inflict strategic defeat on Russia, but these aspirations will result in the warmongers being led into a strategic dead end. Colleagues. A year ago, we marked the 80th anniversary of the victory over German Nazism and Japanese militarism. Next week, on the 1st of October, we'll be marking the 80th anniversary of the completion of the work of the Nuremberg Tribunal.
They are not two separate issues, but one and the same. Supporting the Yemeni government and strengthening its economic, security and military capacities is an investment in international peace and security. Protecting this strategic waterway is a shared regional and international responsibility which Yemen cannot shoulder alone. It is the responsibility of every economy that depends on secure supply chains, energy security, and freedom of navigation. In this regard, we commend the initiative of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to establish a multinational maritime defense coalition. This initiative reflects a deep appreciation and understanding of collective responsibility to protect navigation, deter threats and combat smuggling. The path to a secure at sea requires a stable Yemen. There is no stability in Yemen without restoring the state, sustainable peace cannot be achieved while an armed militia remains above the law and outside state authority, restoring the Yemeni state is not just a national interest, it is a direct contribution to regional security and stability and to the protection of one of the world's most vital maritime corridors. Ladies and gentlemen our Yemeni people aspires to peace, but our people will not abandon their state. Our government is committed to peace, but it cannot accept that the armed coup becomes a fait accompli. There is no peace with arms outside state authority. Peace requires deeds, not words. 12 years of an incomplete peace have left millions of people enduring hunger, injuries, displacement. Every statistic in Yemen's tragedy carries a human story.
Mr. president, excellencies, nowadays we are witnessing a downgrading and violation of the rules governing international relations with the logic of force, intimidation and imposition of values stemming from unilateral vision by certain countries in defense of their exclusive interests. Instability being experienced in various regions of our continent is a direct consequence of that stance, as it can be seen in the conflicts currently unfolding in Europe, in the Middle East, in the Persian Gulf and in Africa, while tensions is mounting in the Asia-Pacific region. From what we have observed, we do not discern encouraging signs regarding the likelihood of reaching any peace agreement in the near future in the wars between Russia and Ukraine, in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the Middle East, and in the Persian Gulf. We condemned the genocide against defenseless population, the elderly, women, children, bedridden patients, health professionals, journalists and workers of international humanitarian organizations who are often deprived of access to most basic human rights and to essential goods for life, such as water, food and medicines. The expulsion of Palestinians from their homes and lands through expansion of Jewish settlements in the West Bank must elicit the strongest international outrage and condemnation. Attempts to dominate entire countries and regions of the globe by force of arms, are leading the world towards a catastrophe. The food security and energy and humanitarian situation of countries and the world in general, has deteriorated considerably following the outbreak of wars against Ukraine and more recently against Iran. The toll of these wars is disastrous, judging by the consequences arising from the strangulation of freedom of maritime navigation through the Strait of Hormuz and Bab al-Mandab, a situation that has created serious risk of disruption to logistic supply chains in general, and to food and energy supply chains in particular, with devastating effects on the most vulnerable countries.
What has changed is the world around it. What has changed, first and foremost is Chile. For the vast swathes of the 90s and until the beginning of the 2000, Chile was a success story and a model for many regions and nations. Our country implemented economic policies that prioritized economic stability, openness to trade, and private investment in the Latin American context in which many nations were facing inflation crises and external debt. Chile distinguished itself because it continued to show fiscal responsibility, display high rates of growth and poverty reduction. What happened then? Chile ground to a halt. Things stagnated. It took bad decisions. Public policies were implemented that increased taxation, regulation and obstacles to entrepreneurship. We also weathered a very difficult juncture. In October 2019, Chile then fell to its knees in our streets. For months, there was an outbreak of violence. Chaos reigned and disorder prevailed. All of that brought consequences. With it, investment plummeted, employment ground to a standstill and homicide levels rose to an extent that Chile had never seen in modern history as a result of the rising tide of organized crime. And that all happened until very recently. Until now. Distinguished. I've come to this forum to tell you that Chile is back, and that is no slogan. It is the very reality of a country that today begins to stride towards development. Our government took office with one conviction. Order does not run counter to freedom. Order is one of the preconditions of freedom. The freedom to walk home worry free and to not be a victim of crime. The freedom to run a business and not be stymied by the action of the state. The freedom to invest and not find ourselves in a situation where the rules of the game are continually changing. We have been in government for six years and we're getting our house in order. Today, Chile is a safer, more competitive country and a nation with far less red tape.
Economic uncertainty, disrupted supply chains, and rapid technological change, and an information environment corroded by disinformation. These crises do not remain where they begin. Conflict raises the cost of fuel and food far beyond its borders. Carbon emitted from the Pacific takes our shorelines, our homes and our sacred places. For small island developing states, decisions are no longer insulated from the global shocks. Too often, it magnifies their cost. Trust, therefore, is not restored by declarations alone. It is restored when commitments are kept and when international law is applied consistently, and when institutions listen, and when people can see and feel the results of multilateral action in their daily lives. Mr. President, Fiji reaffirms an enduring principle. The international law is not optional and peace cannot be secured by power alone. For small states, the principles of the charter sovereign equality, territorial integrity and peaceful settlement of disputes are the safeguards against the world in which the size or military strength decides whose rights matters. When the world asks small states to choose between competing power blocs, Fiji chooses principles and we choose the charter.
My third observation is that a new economic world order is taking shape. Instruments once used for economic integration, such as trade, technology, energy investment and supply chains, have become instruments of geopolitical competition. There was perhaps, at times, a naive belief that interdependence would bring about stability and peace. Now the focus on opportunities has been replaced by the focus on threats. We've entered a world of coercion where dependencies are vulnerabilities. Countries seek choke points that can be weaponized to pressure others. But dependencies are complex. No nation, not even the biggest ones, can go it alone. All coercive actions come at a cost. And even if a mightier state dominates in one domain, a smaller state can respond in another. In the new geopolitical environment, the economic order of the post World War II era is seeking new forms. A new order must be based on a realistic understanding of the power balance in the world. We in the West must acknowledge that the global South and East are an expanding economic and political force. Many nations around the world have made remarkable advances in competence and know how. We should put this collective expertise to work for the global common good. Countries are right to be wary of dangerous dependencies, but our focus on the threats should not lead us to abandon cooperation. We should strive for an economic world order built on institutions and agreements. Multilateralism is also needed in the global economy. Now, this was the first part. It's all good and well to diagnose the problem.
At all of these times, I have been compelled to reflect upon the major issues concerning humankind, as well as their aspirations and concerns. These are peace, development, equality, the climate crisis, free trade, energy security, and, more recently, artificial intelligence. Where these challenges are concerned, Venezuela has always held, and continues to hold, very clear positions. One, we adhere strictly to the notion of peace and repudiate violence; understanding and dialogue must triumph over conflict. We firmly believe in the power of understanding and dialogue. Venezuela, who today knows exactly what it is to lift its children from the rubble, extend its solidarity—indeed, its wholehearted solidarity—to all peoples suffering from war. We reaffirm, in the most unambiguous terms here, that peace, a just, lasting peace underpinned by dignity for all parties, is not a naive ambition; rather, it is the only truly humane solution to conflict. Our second, unwavering stance: inclusive development with social justice, to alleviate poverty and mitigate the suffering of hundreds of millions of people that are primarily located in the Global South.
There's another doctrinal concern that I wish to raise just as honestly globalism. Allow me to begin by clarifying what I mean by that. I'm not talking about international trade or cooperation among states, nor am I talking about a humanity that shares common problems and responsibilities. All of those things are absolutely necessary. I'm talking about a concept according to which national sovereignty, distinct identities, traditions, and the values of peoples are obstacles that gradually give way to increasing political and cultural uniformity decided by supranational bodies. I don't share in that doctrine, which I consider perverse and harmful. For me, multilateralism isn't about dissolving nations, but rather about facilitating cooperation among them. Loving one's homeland is compatible with respecting others. Defending history, culture, values, and traditions doesn't mean disparaging those of another. International cooperation is richer when those who sit around this table know who they are, where they come from, and what the people in whose name they speak represent. Several of the questions that I've asked are not unfamiliar to this organization. The UN80 Initiative has placed on the table issues of duplication, fragmentation, administrative burden, and the way mandates function as part of an effort to make the United Nations more efficient and more effective. President, Secretary-General, heads of State and government. Excellencies. Acknowledging an institution's imperfections doesn't mean overlooking its value. On the contrary, it might be a way of strengthening it. It has never been my style to hide behind political correctness or to tell my interlocutors what I imagine they want to hear. I'm not looking to please anyone, but rather to set out the position of the Republic of Colombia respectfully, cordially and clearly. No human institution is perfect. All can be improved perfected, and the United Nations is no exception. There is one specific area that Colombia wishes to reflect on further. That is the international fight against terrorism.
We cannot call upon security in and of itself to bear the burden of peace. Economic recovery needs to be the other pillar. This is why we welcome the decision taken by the administration of President Donald Trump to extend through 2028 the trade preference known as HOPE/HELP. We are deeply grateful for this gesture of friendship, which is an important step for our economic recovery, and we call for it to be extended by ten years. We also want to extend our gratitude to the United Kingdom for the Developing Countries Trading Scheme, and we call upon more countries to put in place similar mechanisms that are capable of transforming access to markets and to opportunities for trade and investment. Haiti needs investment to craft its future. This is why today Haiti is calling for a paradigm shift. We need to move from aid to investment, from assistance to production, from dependency to partnership, and we must gradually transform resources mobilized in order to manage the crisis into investments that can create jobs and sustainable opportunities, in particular for our young people and our women. Because when you no longer hear the sound of the guns, you need to hear the sounds of peace: engines that are starting, construction sites that are beginning work again, bustling markets, women that are running businesses, young people that are working, the laughter of children that are playing, and our streets that again, are rediscovering the rhythm of our music and our life. Those who have had the privilege of knowing Haiti know that this country exists behind the images of crises. There's a people that is welcoming and has a vibrant culture with unique knowledge, with stunning beaches and heritage, and exceptional richness. We need to recreate the conditions so that the world can come to Haiti again to discover it, invest in it, do business there and stay there and come back.
Mongolia welcomes the convening of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly under the theme Restoring Trust Managing Transformation a United Nations that Delivers for all, reaffirming its belief in the central role of the United Nations in fostering mutual trust, mutual respect and cooperation among the nations and peoples of the world. Mongols say if you do your best, fate will do the rest. The United Nations is an organization based on the trust and commitment of each member state, and the UN is strengthened by their dedication and sustained efforts. Therefore, it is incumbent upon us, Member States to uphold the mission of the United Nations with a sincere heart. Rather than simply expecting support and assistance, we must remain deeply conscious of our own responsibilities and duties and dedicate our wholehearted efforts to strengthening the United Nations. It is through trust and hope, dedication and commitment and engagement and participation of every Member State that we can strengthen the United Nations. A stronger United Nations, in turn, will deliver more efficiently towards global peace, security and sustainable development, thereby creating conditions for all Member States to benefit. As the conflicts and confrontations flash across the world, the walls of distrust rise higher and the chasm of misunderstanding grows deeper, it is becoming crucial to shape and develop international relations, not through a form of multipolarity that risks driving the world toward division, but through a multi-pillared principle that respects the pluralism inherent in each nation's history, culture, civilization, core national interests and chosen path of development. Eight centuries ago, our ancestors established the great Pax Mongolica, promoting, for the first time the idea to the world that nations could mutually recognize one another's values, and that peoples of diverse civilizations and faiths could coexist. This historic contribution of the Mongols to the advancement of humankind continues to be recognized by the international community. Let us strengthen multilateral cooperation through the multi-pillar principle, inspired by the ideas of Pax Mongolica, so that we may restore our trust and hope through shared responsibility, reform the United Nations with a common purpose and build a better, more peaceful world through the strength of our collective action. Mr. President, despite the remarkable heights of development and progress humanity has reached, our planet is currently confronted with more than 90 armed conflicts, around 30 of which are international, demonstrating that global peace and security remain unstable and that geopolitical and geostrategic competition continues to intensify. This results in the disruption of global economic supply chains, a rise in the prices of energy, fuel, raw materials and food, as well as economic strains on nations around the world. All of this is weakening the international order established since the Second World War, changing the universally recognized norms of international law and undermining the stability of multilateral relations and cooperation. Mongolia shares the view expressed by United Nations Secretary General Antonio Guterres in his annual report on the work of the organisation that in a world marked by turbulence, division and uncertainty, the United Nations is more necessary than ever. Hence, Mongolia underscores the tangible progress made under Secretary General's UN80 initiative to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of the United Nations in response to the challenges of our time and reaffirms its active support for this initiative. The effectiveness of the United Nations, the decisiveness of its actions, and the ability of nations to unite their efforts will ultimately depend upon us, the Member States. Mongolia is confident that the soon to be appointed Secretary General will steadfastly uphold the principles and purposes of the United Nations and international law, ensure that the voices and positions of all Member States are equally heard and reflected, and provide strong leadership in restoring trust and managing transformation within the UN. Believing that reform of the Security Council should be at the core of broader United Nations reform, Mongolia maintains its principled position in support of expanding the number of both permanent and non-permanent members of the Security Council ensuring equitable representation of developing countries in the Council, and promoting greater openness and transparency in its work. Mongolia is one of the 58 countries that have never served as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. Therefore, Mongolia aspires to actively participate in the work of the Security Council and contribute to finding collective solutions to the problems and challenges facing the international community. In manifestation of this aspiration, I officially announce from this rostrum today that Mongolia is presenting its candidature for a non-permanent seat of the UN Security Council for the term 2048 2049. Mr. President, on behalf of the people of Mongolia, I extend my heartfelt gratitude to the United Nations and its system organizations for their valuable contributions to our country's development and progress and their long standing, constructive cooperation over the 65 years since Mongolia's accession to the United Nations as a full fledged member. Mongolia has been contributing with honor to the efforts on strengthening international peace and security, advancing social and economic development and protecting human rights, the core pillars of the United Nations.
Excellencies, we are gathering in this hall of nations, countries, large and small, some insanely rich, too many shockingly poor, but all enjoying equal voting rights. Yet we know equality is an illusion. Some possess non-threatening antiquated guns, while few others have perfected their nuclear arsenals, now 100 times more destructive than the ones dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945. As primitive as they were then, these experimental bombs incinerated two cities, almost all living beings in them. Those unfortunate ones who survived the blast died long, painful deaths. Russia, U.S., China, France, the U.K. —all members of the NPT— were joined by four countries not members of the NPT: Israel, India, Pakistan, North Korea. Yes, North Korea had a nuclear arsenal estimated to be around 100. And North Korean leaders seem to have learned lessons from Libya, Ukraine, and the ongoing Iran-Israel-US war. Dismantle your nuclear capabilities and you lose the only deterrence you have against a nuclear power deciding to bomb you into submission. On June 30, 2019, President Trump traveled to DMZ in the Korean Peninsula. The mysterious Swiss-educated leader of North Korea, half the age of the American president, walked halfway, and the two leaders engaged in an embrace that promised peace. This is what leaders do to advance peace: they show courage, audacity. President Trump, you did the right thing. Friends are friends. We cherish and embrace our friends, never ignoring them or excluding them from the table. But we talk to adversaries so that we don't become enemies. We talk to enemies to prevent wars, and perhaps we become partners in peace. Those countries amassing nuclear weapons keep us all living near imminent catastrophe. One day, any day, by accident, miscalculation, computer error, madness, or foolish strategic design, we could become the last human generation. All the while, the brandishing of these weapons reinforces adversity and fear, which create a high barrier to achieving rational cooperation necessary to fulfill our responsibility to future generations. Trillions of dollars are invested in perfecting forms of death instead of investing a fraction of these trillions in clean water: food, schools, clinics. No thought was given to the tens of millions of fellow human beings pushed back to extreme deprivation by COVID-19, Ukraine-Russia war, and as if innocent bystanders on the periphery had not suffered enough, we are presented with another catastrophe: the Iran war and disruption of vital waterways for trade. We know the madness of Iranian leaders seeking regional supremacy, pouring fuel into the fire of religious extremism in neighboring countries to destabilize wealthy, stable monarchies. Iranian leaders launch unwarranted attacks against neighbors, destroying civilian industries, infrastructure. Iran's rationale for these attacks is that those countries host American bases. So is Iran going to launch waves of drones and missiles against U.S. bases in Europe? Can we change course? Can we stop sleepwalking into wider wars? My invitation to President Trump: be audacious, be unpredictable, be visionary. Invite all nuclear powers and all major conventional military powers and industries, without exception, to a summit somewhere, maybe a town in Portugal, to talk on no first strike. Enhance regular communication between leaders of the nuclear powers. Commitment on reduction of nuclear weapons toward total deactivation and destruction of nuclear arsenals over a decade. Be yourself, be President Trump, be audacious, be unpredictable. Do the unthinkable, and you will gain worldwide gratitude and respect.
Sanctions, support packages, our joint weapon production, all of these matters. Of course matters. All of this makes us stronger. When someone gives Russia more money through trade, they give this war more time. That is exactly why we insist on limiting trade with the aggressor and why we are burning Russia's revenues ourselves. Many of you here seen more than once how the abuse of the veto at the UN weakens the world and pushes peace further away. When Russia has money, it always says no. No to diplomacy. And this is also a kind of veto on peace. Not an official right, but real. And when someone in the world weakens sanctions, weakens sanctions against Russian oligarchs, it may make life more comfortable for rich Russians, but it also gives the war more time. More time for Putin to send poor people into the kill zone. So Russia's revenues must remain a target. Russia's budget deficit is now bigger than in any other year, and most Russian regions are already bankrupt. Russia planned major operations on the front this summer. All of them failed.
It is now ten years since Brexit. My country has lived through the disruption it brought, and it has given us a unique perspective that I want to share with you today. Britain is back. We are restoring our stability, building a more dynamic economy a nation that wants to trade with the world and work together to solve the shared problems we face. But we have also learned that we need to adapt to meet the challenge of these times. We need to rebalance power in our country and bring it closer to people. We need to work harder to fight the forces of division and instability which threaten us not just through hard power, but through softer, slower means that sow fear and despair. We need to do more to help people with the everyday cost of living, and seize the opportunities that give them hope for the future. And we need to embrace the incredible potential of technology to improve people's lives.
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No. 69
Burkina Faso09/28 · first at about 10 min2 mentions
It's in light of this and what's taking place in the Sahel that we are taking part in these deliberations. For the Confederation, rebuilding trust must go hand in hand with the immediate interest of dealing with state support for terrorists, because terrorism must not continue to be a tool of foreign policy on the part of certain powers. The Confederation of Sahel States does not just face a simple sum of isolated terrorist groups. We face a persistent enterprise of destabilisation, supported by considerable means and focused against the right of our peoples to live in peace, to choose their leaders and to have control over their resources and fully exercise their sovereignty. The terrorist attacks, in particular the ones perpetrated on the 25th of April and 4th of July in 2026, in the Republic of Mali, on the 18th of June, and the 29th and 30th of August 2026 in the Republic of Niger, fully illustrate this phenomenon. And let us call a spade a spade and say things clearly. The supply chains, the technical capacities and coordinated use of conventional means do not come out of nowhere. Behind the murderous acts of these terrorists, there are structured support, including state support. And we call on the international community to look at this clearly, to investigate seriously, and to condemn without any geopolitical calculations, all actors that finance arm and provide intelligence to and protect terrorists.
Mr. President, few situations illustrate so painfully the gap between international commitments and lived reality as that of the East of the DRC. For more than three decades, millions of Congolese have been suffering attacks, forced displacement, and bereavement. Territories have been occupied, families dispersed, women and girls have suffered sexual violence, while children are recruited by armed groups or deprived of education. At the same time, the looting of our resources continues to fuel international trade. My country continues to face a war of aggression led by Rwanda through its proxy, the AFC M23, in violation of its sovereignty, our sovereignty, and our territorial integrity, as documented by the UN. The atrocities committed by other armed groups, especially the ADF and CODECO, are exacerbating this humanitarian crisis even further. To combat this challenge, the DRC has chosen the path of diplomacy without ever abandoning its rights. The peace agreement signed in Washington on June 27, 2025, the commitments made as part of the Doha process, and the roadmap coordinated by the African Union have opened up prospects that we have constantly supported. I commend the United States, Qatar, the African Union, African facilitators, regional partners, and all those who are sincerely striving to restore peace. However, for the sake of truth, we must recognize that for millions of Congolese, this peace remains only a promise. Resolution 2773 of the Security Council has laid out an unambiguous path. It calls for an effective cessation of hostilities, the withdrawal of Rwandan forces from Congolese territory, an end to all support for armed groups, the disengagement of the AFC M23, the dismantling of parallel administrations, the restoration of state authority, unhindered humanitarian access, and the safe and dignified return of displaced persons and refugees. But we don't need new texts to replace those that have already been adopted. What we need is their implementation. With regard to the issue of the Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda, the FDLR, long cited by Kigali to justify its military presence on our territory, the DRC is shouldering its responsibility. The protocol signed by the political and military leadership of the FDLR on May 30, 2026, provides for the disarmament, demobilization, and containment of their combatants, with a view toward their repatriation or resettlement without prejudice to potential judicial prosecution for serious crimes, until the movement is disbanded. The repatriation on September 8, with the support of MONUSCO, of 120 persons associated with the FDLR, is a first testament to the protocol's implementation. The issue of the FDLR, therefore, should no longer serve as a pretext for maintaining foreign military presence in our territory. The coordinated implementation of the mechanisms of Washington, Doha, and the African Union must be subject to a precise time frame, independent verification, regular information exchange, and clear consequences in case of violations. In this context, MONUSCO maintains a vital role in protecting civilians, monitoring the ceasefire, and supporting agreed-upon mechanisms. Any change to its presence must be determined by the conditions of security on the ground, the strengthening of national capacity, and the guarantee that no vacuum of power will remain to the detriment of populations. The DRC, for its part, will continue to fully shoulder its responsibility, especially through pursuing reforms of its defense and security institutions, through bolstering state authority, and through reconstruction on territories affected by the conflicts. And because the peace sought after in the subregion ought to go hand in hand with cohesion within our nation, the President of the DRC launched on August 28 a national dialogue for peace, cohesion, and the rebuilding of the state. This dialogue is open to the political and social forces that are committed to the Republic, our constitution, our territorial integrity, and to the rejection of violence. It does not aim to circumvent institutions nor to distribute power. It ought to help us address the structural causes of our vulnerabilities, to consolidate national unity, and to build a state that is more just, more involved, and more protective. Our hand remains outstretched toward all of the children of Congo that choose peace, Republican debate, and loyalty to their homeland. We Congolese speak to each other with frankness and responsibility, but no internal dialogue can transform an external aggression into a simple domestic dispute. At the same time, no external aggression should absolve us of correcting our own weaknesses. National cohesion and the defense of our territorial integrity are not mutually exclusive but mutually complementary. Because the peace that we seek cannot be limited to a ceasefire, it ought to also help our country regain full control of its future by transforming the wealth that has too often gone to fuel conflict into tools for development and shared prosperity. Mr. President, it is another paradox that my country's experience is showing the world, that some of its resources that fuel conflicts on its territory are also those that a growing proportion of the transformations of the global economy depend upon.
Mr. president, over the past year, the international community has faced many challenges. Protracted armed conflicts, an energy crisis and disruptions to global trade have been compounded by destabilization orchestrated by those who pursue their own selfish ambitions. For small island economies, these are not distant events. Every rise in the price of fuel is felt in the cost of shipping, electricity, food and essential services, placing a heavy burden on communities that have no buffer against external shocks. These tensions confirm what Solomon Islands has long understood. Peace and security are inseparable from development. Neither can be secured without the other. There are no winners in war, only graves, orphans and the long labor of rebuilding what conflict has torn down. There is no substitute for dialogue, diplomacy and peaceful negotiation. Solomon Islands calls on all parties to armed conflict to protect civilians and return to the negotiating table and act in full respect of international law. And it is why the world needs a stronger, more agile United Nations, one equipped to respond to the realities of today. Mr. president, the Pacific faces a grave and growing threat.
The will of peoples always finds its way and ultimately prevails. Such is the law of the universe and the course of history. Tunisia will remain steadfast in its support for the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, which are not subject to prescription, foremost among them, their right to establish an independent and fully sovereign state on the entirety of Palestine, with Al-Quds al-Sharif as its capital. Mr. president, Tunisia follows with deep concern the continuing escalation in the Middle East and its dangerous repercussions at the security, political and economic levels. Tunisia believes that the continuation of this situation will further complicate matters and could lead to catastrophic consequences for all countries of the region and the world. Tunisia renews its call for an immediate cessation of military operations, for wisdom and reason to prevail, and for a return to dialogue and negotiations giving absolute priority to political and peaceful and diplomatic solutions as the only means of resolving existing disputes in a manner that strengthens the foundations of security and stability in the region and prevents further escalation. Tunisia also reaffirms its commitment to freedom of navigation and maritime security, in accordance with the principles and provisions of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea and customary international law, while preserving global energy security, international supply chains and the economic rights of states. Mr. president, given the bonds of brotherhood and good neighbourliness that unite the Tunisian and Libyan peoples as well as their shared interests and common destiny, Tunisia supports every sincere Libyan effort and every serious UN initiative aimed at ending the crisis on the basis of a Libyan led and Libyan owned solution founded on dialogue and consensus among all parties preserving Libya's unity, sovereignty, territorial integrity and the aspirations of the brotherly Libyan people for security, stability and a unified state. Tunisia reiterates its full solidarity with the Lebanese Republic and stands by the Lebanese people. We are committed to Lebanon's sovereignty and independence, and we condemn the repeated violations of the cease fire agreement in this brotherly country in a flagrant violation of UN resolutions. Tunisia calls for the United Nations to be enabled to fully discharge its mandate in the brotherly country of Lebanon. Tunisia also condemns the repeated Zionist attacks targeting the Syrian territory and the resources of the brotherly Syrian people. We express our hope that the Syrian people will succeed in preserving the unity, independence and sovereignty of Syria over all its territory. Likewise, Tunisia follows with grave concern the continuing war in Sudan, and we renew our solidarity with the Sudanese people. Tunisia calls upon the United Nations to support all efforts aimed at achieving an immediate and permanent cessation of hostilities, in the hope that Sudan may restore stability and security, turn the page on conflict and focus on reconstruction and recovery. Tunisia also hopes that the Yemeni brothers will reach a comprehensive and lasting political settlement that restores security and stability to the Yemeni people and preserve the country's territorial integrity.
Too often, the United Nations has been more effective at responding to crises than anticipating them. This is true of pandemics, of climate shocks, of technological disruption, and it is nowhere more costly than in conflict. Eastern DRC is a clear example of that. For more than three decades, the FDLR has spread genocidal ideology, committed grave abuses in Eastern DRC, and directly threatened Rwanda's security, including through cross-border attacks. It now operates alongside Burundian troops and DRC-sponsored militias and mercenaries, in violation of the 1989 UN Convention and the 1977 OAU Convention against mercenaries. And this does not happen overnight. The roots of the conflict in Eastern DRC are political, and they lie in long-standing grievances, exclusion, and failures of governance. So the solution, too, must be political. Rwanda fully supports the diplomatic efforts underway to reach such a solution. We commend the Washington Accords between Rwanda and the DRC, and the Doha Process between the DRC and AFC M23, as steps in the right direction. We are grateful for the relentless efforts deployed by President Donald Trump, His Highness the Amir of Qatar, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, and the African Union mediator, President Fore Nyasimbe of Togo, in advancing these processes. And we remain committed to a region where all countries can coexist peacefully, where they can trade and develop together. Rwanda calls on all actors, including the Security Council, to support this same peace effort fairly and to encourage all parties to honor their commitments. There is no lasting peace without confronting the root causes of the conflict and addressing the legitimate concerns of all those affected. Excellencies, the value of prevention extends beyond conflict. It also means addressing the conditions that leave countries vulnerable to poverty, economic shocks, and exclusion from opportunity.
Distinguished heads and members of the delegations, honourable delegates. At the beginning of this year, our region witnessed a war that could have been avoided. Subsequent events have shown that the escalation has extended to threaten the security of the countries of the region, and paralyze navigation and trade through the vital Strait of Hormuz, affecting energy security, price stability and confidence in the current international order. The Sultanate of Oman once again reaffirms its steadfast commitment to continuing its efforts aimed at safeguarding navigation in the Strait of Hormuz, in accordance with the principles of international law and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. We also call upon all parties to cooperate with Oman in these efforts aimed at safeguarding the interests of all parties relying on transit through the Strait of Hormuz. The Sultanate of Oman renews its solidarity with all neighbouring countries including the member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council, in the legitimate measures they take to maintain their security and protect their sovereignty and territorial integrity. At the same time, we call upon all parties concerned to settle their outstanding disputes through pursuing a policy of self-restraint and foresight, and through engaging in dialogue to reach consensual political solutions and sustainable understandings for the benefit of all. The government of the Sultanate of Oman renews its support for reaching a political solution to the crisis in Yemen, one that preserves the unity, stability and territorial integrity of this great country one that meets the aspirations of all components of the brotherly Yemeni people. One that puts Yemen on the path of reconstruction, development and prosperity. In this context, we renew our call upon all parties to cooperate with one another, to engage positively with one another, to reach a just settlement to this crisis, one that preserves the rights and dignity of the Yemeni people, one that preserves the independence and territorial integrity of Yemen, and one that ensures stable relations with neighboring states in the region. The Sultanate of Oman reaffirms its firm rejection of the ongoing Israeli attacks against numerous Arab states. We also express our condemnation of the crimes of the Israeli occupation and its increasing violations against the Palestinian people, which have compounded the suffering of the Palestinian people in its struggle to obtain its legitimate rights and liberate its land within the borders of June 4th, 1967, based on the two state solution and relevant United Nations resolutions.
Therefore, the success of an economy is not measured only by how much production grows, but rather how much it's able to reduce poverty. It's measured in young people with decent jobs and children with a better education, in citizens who are able to build their future with dignity. And this also must guide the agenda of international development. Middle-income countries face vulnerabilities that income per capita does not reflect. We ask that access to cooperation and financing be defined using more fair vulnerability criteria, and that the international financial architecture support the efforts of those who are undertaking reforms. We believe in open, predictable, and equitable trade. When a producer can export, innovate, and grow, there's a family behind that can be lifted out of poverty. The best social policy is policy that generates opportunities.
In short, a United Nations that delivers for all. If multilateralism is to deliver, it must first secure the peace upon which all human progress depends. Without peace, sustainable development is an illusion. Conflict destroys lives, uproots communities, and diverts vital resources away from health care, education and climate resilience. We must reject the normalisation of perpetual conflict and the selective application of international law. International law must apply equally to all, without exception, bias or double standards. This principle is vital to maritime security. The oceans are the lifeblood of global trade. When maritime routes are threatened by piracy geopolitical friction or armed aggression, the shocks ripple far beyond regional waters, devastating vulnerable island economies. Freedom of navigation and maritime security must be preserved under international law. Small and vulnerable states like ours should never bear the collateral economic costs of conflicts in which they have no part.
This applies particularly to permanent members of the UN Security Council. China has the power, influence, and responsibility to help prevent conflicts, de-escalate tensions, and contribute to ending wars. This includes using its influence to help bring Russia's aggression against Ukraine to an end. That aggression was launched and continues to be waged by another permanent member of the UN Security Council, Russia, in violation of the UN Charter and fundamental principles of international law. Russia's aggression continues to inflict enormous suffering on the Ukrainian people. Civilians and civilian infrastructure continue to be attacked indiscriminately. And the risks are growing day by day. Russia's aggressive posture poses a direct threat to European security as a whole. The immediacy of that threat was starkly illustrated by the recent attempted Russian drone attack on Leipzig/Halle Airport in Germany, only 150 kilometers from the borders of the Czech Republic. The consequences of aggression reach far beyond Europe. Russia's war has undermined global food security, disrupting agricultural production, exports, and supply chains. Its effects are felt in my country, but even more acutely in parts of Africa and elsewhere, particularly in countries that depend on stable and affordable food supplies. While we need to raise costs of war for Russia, we must give serious diplomatic efforts a genuine chance. Diplomacy matters most not between friends, but between adversaries. That is where the United Nations remains indispensable as a forum for dialogue, even when agreement seems very distant. The UN was founded on principles. These principles matter in Ukraine. They matter in the South China Sea and across the Taiwan Strait. And they also matter in the Middle East, in Sudan, or DRC. The current developments in Yemen and Saudi Arabia demonstrate what happens when rules give way to force and coercion, when might replaces right, and how a regional conflict can, in an instant, have consequences for the entire world.
Addressing these challenges is allowing us to focus on the future. Honduras is a conscientious country, a country of law, a country in which we invite you to invest. Anyone who invests in Honduras will be offered opportunities, order, transparency, and clear rules. We are adhering to the International Monetary Fund guidelines. In the seven months that my country has been in office, we have increased our international reserves to the tune of $1.3 billion, and that is an increase of 13%. We returned to the International Center of Arbitration, CIADI, on the 6th of March 2026. We'd been members of that center since 1989, and we returned to resolve our problems with a sense of solemn responsibility. With these steps, we sought to reiterate that in Honduras, rules apply to everyone, and rules are followed. On that basis, Honduras can offer concrete investment opportunities in logistics, industry, energy, infrastructure, agroindustry, mining, tourism, to name just a few sectors. We are the center of America. We stand between two oceans. We are optimizing Puerto Cortés— that is a port in our Caribbean-Atlantic area— and it is the port with greatest potential for growth in the country, and one of the largest, most important ports in Central America. We are investing to strengthen our road infrastructure so that we can create a logistics corridor to join the Atlantic with the Pacific. This project and its location means that we can offer to the world safe, reliable, and efficient supply chains. Honduras is one of the world's key textile exporters. We manufacture the clothes of well-known brands. We also manufacture cable harnesses and automobile parts that are sold around the world. They've come from Honduran factories. Around 200,000 Honduran people work in those industries. These factories, maquilas, and other forms of industry require stable energy at competitive prices. It is for that reason that the National Congress recently adopted a reform to our electrical energy law. That reform had been championed by the Presidency. In light of the above, we invite both national and foreign investment: investment in the development of Honduras's energy sector, investment in the generation, transmission, and distribution of energy. Our land is fertile land.
Guided by our sovereign and self-reliant economic policy, the Lao PDR has adopted its 10th national socio economic development plan for the period of 2026 and 2030. The 10th National Socio-Economic Development Plan focuses on six core national outcomes. First, executing a sovereign and self-reliant economic policy, aiming for steady annual GDP growth of 6% or higher. The second, developing high quality human resources capable of driving technology transition. Third, improving living standards, ensuring balanced urban rural development and alleviating poverty. Fourth, protecting natural resources, building climate resilience and mitigating disaster risks. Fifth, enhancing regional and global economic integration and connectivity. And six, strengthening the efficiency and transparency of public administration and governance. Central to this strategy is the transforming the Lao PDR from the landlocked countries into land-linked regional gateway. Strategic infrastructure including the Lao China Railway the Laos Vietnam Railway Project, expanded transit corridors and access to the sea via Vung Ang International Port are actively driving regional trade and integration. Our long term vision towards 2055, aims to firmly establish the Lao PDR as an upper middle income nation with sustainable, inclusive growth at its core. Mr. president, this year marks a landmark milestone in our national development.
You can count on Latvia's support. I am looking forward to working together for a stronger United Nations and a safer world. Excellencies, for the past year we have heard it again and again: the world order is breaking down. The rules-based order that brought stability is under growing strain. Something new is taking shape. What comes next is not certain, but one thing is certain: the world has changed. International trade, mobility, technology—what happens far away is no longer far away. Instability travels. Conflicts cross borders. What happens in Ukraine does not stay in Ukraine. What happens in the Middle East, in the Red Sea, in Sudan—does not stay there. The same is true of other global threats.
But today a new source of power have emerged. A handful of private actors now control how billions of people communicate, work, transact and consume information. Artificial intelligence is changing how economies operate, how societies function, and how governments make decisions. The opportunities are enormous, but so are the risks. We must therefore ask a simple question who governs the transformation? Technology must serve humanity, never the reverse. And the answer cannot be that small number of companies or countries decide the rules for everyone else. The United Nations must continue to empower global South countries who are likely to be more greatly affected by inequitable AI development, to participate in global discussions on AI. The global South cannot simply become a destination for data centers while decisions about AI are made elsewhere. We must be partners in innovation, not merely customers and markets, and not merely destinations for investment partners involved in the decisions that will shape our future. Equitable decision making and equitable development. That means managing the enormous demands that tech infrastructure places on water, energy, land and other resources, so that the benefits of AI can be shared more broadly across the borders. Mr. president, in our hyperconnected world today, indeed, very few things stay where they begin. Technologies are rapidly shared, and they can just as rapidly disrupt. Similarly, war can also travel beyond borders. Across West Asia, escalating conflict threatens some of the world's most important routes for energy and trade, including the Strait of Hormuz and the Bab el-Mandeb.
Mr. President, when Sweden joined the UN in 1946, the world was emerging from the devastation of war. The lesson from that catastrophe was clear peace must not be taken for granted. Defence of sovereignty and territorial integrity has been at the heart of Swedish foreign policy ever since. Eight decades later, these principles are once again being challenged. Bad faith, conflict and utter contempt for the common rules are weakening the institutions that we built together. These are times of upheaval. The number of armed conflicts is growing and civilians are paying the price. In Ukraine, Sudan, Yemen, Palestine, Lebanon, Myanmar, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and many other conflict zones, millions are suffering. Mr. President, Russia's aggression against Ukraine is a blatant violation of international law. It strikes at the heart of the very principles upon which the United Nations was founded. Sweden's support for Ukraine is felt deeply throughout our entire society. It comes from our people, our civil society and the business community. We will support Ukraine for as long as it takes. Russia has not only violated the UN charter, it has repeatedly violated international humanitarian law and human rights law. Attacks targeting civilians, forcible transfer of and deportation of children, conflict related sexual violence and torture, the list is far too long. Ensuring accountability for these violations is crucial. If there is anything that we have learned from history, it is that there cannot be a just and lasting peace without accountability. Sweden stands firmly behind the ICC, its independence and integrity and recognises its vital role, not least in Ukraine. Russia must also be held accountable for its breaches of the Chemical Weapons Convention, both on and off the battlefield. Russia's war of aggression against a peaceful neighbour is one of the biggest strategic mistakes and moral failures of the 21st century. Four and a half years after launching its full scale invasion, Russia has failed to achieve its objectives. Its economy is under strain and its casualty numbers are devastating. Ordinary Russians are withdrawing their funds from the bank, and a substantial share of Russia's young people are dying on the frontlines. The impact of Russia's war of aggression extends far beyond Ukraine. Russia intensified its systematic attacks on civilian infrastructure and on vessels in the Black Sea this summer. This has once again disrupted global food supply chains, exacerbating an already dire situation for vulnerable people across the globe. To President Putin and Mr. Lavrov, I say this the path to peace is clear. The choice should be easy. Withdraw your troops.
Mr. President, Botswana supports reforms that strengthen the effectiveness, coherence, and responsiveness of the United Nations system. We also believe that efficiency gains should be redeployed to strengthen the capacity of the organization to prevent conflict, address emerging security threats, and deliver meaningful results in program countries in line with the UN80 vision. It is in this spirit that Botswana accords the highest priority to its partnerships with the United Nations Office of Counterterrorism, UN-Habitat, the International Trade Center, the International Organization for Migration, among others. We particularly recognize UNOCT's leadership role in strengthening the United Nations' collective efforts to prevent and counter terrorism and violent extremism, and in translating international commitments into practical support for member states. Botswana remains committed to further deepening its cooperation with UNOCT and the wider United Nations system through capacity building, technical assistance, knowledge sharing, and the exchange of good practices. Such partnerships demonstrate that a responsive United Nations can build trust, strengthen national capacity, and foster peace and security. Mr. President, no reform agenda, including UN80, is complete without addressing the long-standing inequities within the Security Council. In this regard, Botswana reaffirms its support for comprehensive Security Council reform and aligns itself with the common African position as articulated in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. We believe that a Security Council that continues to exclude Africa and Latin America from permanent membership cannot credibly claim to reflect contemporary geopolitical realities. We also call on the United Nations to continue to explore the creation of an inclusive international framework on emerging technologies, including artificial intelligence. We recognize technology as a bridge that narrows global inequality. This extends to critical minerals, rare earths, and energy resources that power the technological revolution, many of which come from developing countries. Therefore, developing countries must have a meaningful voice in setting the standards and safeguards that will govern these technologies, ensuring that they expand opportunities, support decent work, and strengthen public services while protecting human dignity, rights, and security. Mr. President, I wish to reaffirm Botswana's commitment to multilateralism. We believe that shared challenges require shared solutions. We also believe that implementing the Pact for the Future, together with the UN80 initiative, offers an opportunity to translate our shared commitments into practical improvements in the functioning of the United Nations. In conclusion, Mr. President, I reemphasize that restoring trust, managing transformation, and delivering for all are interconnected. We restore trust when we uphold our commitments, respect the UN Charter, and apply international law consistently. We manage transformation when change creates opportunity rather than deepens inequality, when developing countries have a meaningful voice in shaping the systems that affect their future, and when technological and economic progress serve humanity as a whole. And we deliver for all when our decisions translate into tangible improvements in peace, security, development, health, and human dignity.
One person out of 17 in my country is today a refugee. From this rostrum, I would like to solemnly reiterate and reaffirm Chad's position regarding the Sudanese conflict. Our country has observed since the very first day of the war strict, absolute and unchanged neutrality. I would like to say this very firmly my country does not support any of the parties to the conflict in Sudan, and in no way authorises the use of its territory or its infrastructure to their benefit Chad reiterates its commitment to peace in Sudan and reiterates its support for all initiatives, including those of the quad and the quintet, seeking to establish a ceasefire and to promote dialogue between the warring parties. Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, I cannot now remain silent regarding the serious nature of that which is directly affecting our sovereignty over recent days. The Energy East Province within our country has been the theatre of airstrikes linked to the conflict in Sudan. Chad condemns in the strongest possible terms these new incursions. They are an unacceptable violation of our territorial integrity, and Chad reserves the right to take all necessary measures in line with international law to protect its population and its sovereignty. If this occurs again. Mr. President, Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. I would also, from this rostrum, like to stress how concerned my country is with the crisis in the Gulf region and the repercussions of this on the global economy. Loyal to the principles of the charter, Chad rejects any act of aggression against a sovereign state and condemns. To this end the airstrikes against the Islamic Republic of Iran. And along the same lines. She very firmly condemns the Iranian attacks against the fraternal fraternal countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council and Jordan, as well as the drone attack on the 29th of July in the Egyptian port of. We would urge all parties to demonstrate restraint and to promote dialogue regarding the Middle East. Chad remains seriously concerned by ongoing violence and humanitarian suffering in Gaza, sticking to its unwavering position, my country reiterates its unfailing commitment to the right of the Palestinian people to have their own state in the 1967 borders, alongside a state of Israel that lives in peace and security. As we do each year on this same occasion. We call once again for the lifting of the economic and trade embargo imposed on Cuba and on its people. Mr. president, Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the theme Restoring Trust, Managing transformation.
If any of them are undermined, peace will inevitably be weakened. After eight decades of the UN, this should have become a second nature. Instead what we are actually seeing is a weaponisation of everything. A mindset of extreme competition has set in undermining institutions and establishing choke points. It extends from the world of finance to constricting market access, disrupting supply chains and withholding technology. Resources and connectivity have become particularly subject to leveraging. As a result, nations are now more focused on de-risking and diversifying. Now, while this may secure their interests to varying degrees, the overall atmosphere is no longer that of trust or goodwill.
Mr. president, digital transformation and artificial intelligence offers significant opportunities to improve public service delivery diversify economies, expand markets access, and advance climate resilient development. As we are advancing digital connectivity, private sector development and trade opportunities without adequate investment, capacity building and appropriate governance, these technologies may increase inequalities and further heightened exposure to cyber security threats, misinformation and risk to data privacy. We therefore, call upon international community to strengthen resilient technical and digital infrastructure with ethical and effective guardrails and governance framework. Mr. president and excellencies, in closing, the priorities before us mentioned earlier are interconnected tests of whether the United Nations can deliver for all.
The Russia-Ukraine war is a painful reminder of the tragic human toll that occurs when diplomacy gives way to conflict, and how challenging it is to de-escalate tensions once violence erupts. The Strait of Hormuz situation demonstrates how quickly disruption in an important waterway threatens international stability, energy security, and trade worldwide. Reaffirming the primary responsibility of the UN Charter to maintain global peace and security, we uphold the sovereignty of Bahrain, Jordan, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE, and condemn the actions of Iran to jeopardize maritime security and aim to obstruct, close, and interfere with international navigation through the Strait. At our Pacific leaders' meeting in Palau, leaders expressed deep concern that China's ballistic missile test overflew several Pacific nations without adequate notice. Let me remind you: our region must never be treated as an empty expanse for strategic competition or test of military power. The Pacific is home to peoples, communities, cultures, fisheries, and ecosystems. It is the foundation of our security and the source of our nourishment and lifeline for the global community. In the face of these risks, the Pacific way is to address tensions before they become crisis, make room for dialogue before disagreement becomes conflict, seek inclusion rather than isolation, and uphold respect, restraint, and international law. The Pacific is our home, not a theater for geopolitical competition. It must remain an Ocean of Peace where nations meet in cooperation, international law is respected, and the security of the Pacific peoples is never compromised. In Palau, we say we are a friend to all. We choose our partners based on our shared values of democracy, human rights, and a rules-based international order, principles that underpin our friendship with Taiwan, a trusted partner that can contribute even more fully if given the space to do so.
Distinguished guests. Ladies and gentlemen, the world is undergoing a profound shift in the international order, with many risks and uncertainties. The tendency towards the threat or use of force, and the arms race, especially the modernization of nuclear weapons and the development of new technology weapons, are heightening the risk of confrontation, miscalculation, conflict, and even of large scale wars. At the same time, the global economy is becoming increasingly fragmented amid mounting barriers to trade, investment and technology, supply chain disruptions and economic instability, and narrowing development opportunities for many countries. Climate change, natural disasters, pandemics and emerging technological risk continue to pose direct threats to the lives of the people and their livelihoods, and to the development and stability of many nations. The shift in the balance of power and development inequalities are placing growing strains on international relations.
The balanced and balancing foreign policy adopted by Armenia stems from the logic of multipolarity, which is one of the key principles of the United Nations. In recent years we have established strategic relations with Georgia, France, China, the Netherlands, Kazakhstan, Germany, Luxembourg, the United Kingdom, Bulgaria, Croatia, Lithuania, the United States of America, and the European Union. Today, by the way, the European Commission approved the decision to adopt autonomous trade measures for Armenia, which is yet another manifestation of the new quality of Armenia-EU relations. Our relations with Russia are in a transformation phase, and this is a natural process because throughout the entire preceding period, the largest factor influencing relations between Armenia and Russia was the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict. Now that we have established peace with Azerbaijan, Armenia-Russia relations will naturally change and it is our desire that these relations develop on the basis of the principles of friendship and mutual respect. We will, of course, continue to develop our relations with partners located closer to or farther from Armenia. And in this regard, I would like to highlight the countries of Central Asia with which our relations are also highly dynamic. But I also cannot but emphasize that the normalization and deepening of relations with our neighbors are nevertheless of key importance for our foreign policy vision. I have already spoken about the dynamics of our relations with Azerbaijan. We have a high-level dialogue with Turkey, and I want to confirm the words expressed by President Erdogan from this podium the other day, that we are resolutely pushing forward the process of normalizing Armenia-Turkey relations. Our relations with our two other neighbors, the Islamic Republic of Iran and Georgia, remain of exceptional importance to us, and our good neighborliness continues to develop and deepen. The Republic of Armenia considers its contribution to the region's stability and development to be our key task in international peace, stability and development. Honorable President of the 81st session of the UN General Assembly. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. This October, Armenia will host the 17th conference of the parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity, the COP17.
Applying the approach of practical diplomacy, we are preparing an initiative under which it will strive, together with countries of the region and all interested parties, to reach an agreement and collective action to ensure the freedom and security of navigation in the Black Sea. We are convinced that this issue deserves the UN's attention as well. Bulgaria calls for the Black Sea to be transformed from a zone of heightened risk and threat into a zone of shared security, one of security, free transport, energy, trade, digital corridors, tourism, a zone in which different cultures, religions, and political systems can peacefully coexist. The Middle East also needs political solutions and de-escalation. A new cycle of destruction, humanitarian crisis, and violence cannot be allowed to take root in Gaza. Distinguished colleagues, ladies and gentlemen, today I commemorate Captain Marin Marinov, who lost his life in Gaza but who accomplished his humanitarian mission. It is crucial to create the conditions needed for stabilization and reconstruction, credible security assurances for Israel, and an effective Palestinian governance. Bulgaria condemns the terrorist acts of Hamas and insists on its complete and unconditional disarmament. Hamas has no place in the government of Gaza. We remain convinced that the only sustainable solution is one in which the two states, Israel and Palestine, live side by side in peace and security. This is the only way in which the two peoples can look forward to a decent life and a peaceful future.
And for small states, this is existential, not simply of a matter of principle. Not at all. Russia's brutal war against Ukraine is a clear example. Russia invaded a sovereign neighbour, seeking to change borders by force and deny another nation the freedom to determine its future. Ukrainians have paid an unimaginable price. Behind every destroyed home is a family. Behind every casualty is someone who was loved. Iceland's position remains clear. Very clear. Ukraine has the right to defend itself to sovereignty and territorial integrity, and to a just and lasting peace on the basis of international law. Our support for Ukraine defends a principle on which all our countries' security depends that no nation gets to decide the future of another. This principle must apply everywhere including in the Middle East. In Gaza, we continue to witness repeated violations of the cease fire and continued suffering among civilians, despite the adoption of the 20 point Comprehensive Peace Plan and Security Council Resolution 2803. The suffering of Palestinian civilians cannot become a background noise. Children are still being killed. Families are still losing their homes, and parents are still trying to keep their children alive. Again and again and again. We cannot accept Gaza being repeatedly destroyed and rebuilt while the underlying cause remains unresolved. And in the West Bank, illegal settlement activity continues to expand. Palestinian civilians face settler violence too often enabled by impunity, inflammatory rhetoric and permissive policies. Earlier this month, Iceland joined 11 other states in addressing restrictions on trade in goods from settlements that are illegal under international law. Our objective remains clear a viable Palestinian state alongside Israel, with both peoples able to live in security, dignity and peace. We have heard the words moral cowards from this podium. To me, moral cowards are those leaders of the world who refuse to sit down and negotiate a just and lasting peace. Those leaders who deny access to humanitarian aid for people in desperate need and moral cowards, are those leaders of the world who repeatedly go against and disrespect international law. Madam president, we must not allow the horrors in Ukraine and the Middle East to make other crises invisible. In Sudan, years of civil war have brought atrocities, mass displacement, and grave violations of international humanitarian law. As humanitarian leaders have reminded us, Sudan does not suffer from a lack of analysis. It suffers from a lack of action. Acts that may constitute war crimes and crimes against humanity cannot be met with indifference. We created the International Criminal Court to ensure accountability for the most serious crimes. So thus accountability matters. We have to bear that in mind, and so does adherence to international law beyond the battlefield. To be clear, Iceland stands with the ICC. Obstruction of lawful international transit through the Straits of Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb threatens not only countries in the region, but global energy markets and food security. Disruption falls hardest on the most vulnerable. The freedoms codified in the United Nations Convention on the law of the sea are not optional, not at all.
We remain deeply concerned about Ukrainian crisis, which continues to take lives, erode global trust, and undermine international security. Even the most difficult conflicts must ultimately be resolved through diplomacy and negotiation. Beyond the tragic loss of life, Kazakhstan strongly condemns the repeated drone attacks against Kazakh crude oil export infrastructure, including against commercial vessels in the Black Sea basin. Such incidents endanger civilian navigation, disrupt international trade and threaten the stability of global energy supplies. We call on all parties to uphold international law and take all necessary measures to protect critical infrastructure and ensure the safety and continuity of civilian commerce. Political and diplomatic means remain the only viable path towards ending hostilities and achieving sustainable resolution of the Middle East crisis. The ongoing escalation carries serious implications for regional and international peace and security, as well as for economic stability, transport, connectivity and energy security. A just and lasting peace in the Middle East requires an independent, sovereign and viable state of Palestine, living side by side with Israel in peace and security. We support the New York Declaration as a framework for tangible, time bound and irreversible steps toward the two state solution. My country stands ready to support every effort aimed at maintaining unhindered humanitarian assistance, protection of civilians, and recovery of Gaza. Kazakhstan calls for the full and good faith implementation of the Comprehensive Plan to End the Gaza Conflict and Security Council Resolution 2803. As a member of the Board of Peace, President Tokayev has committed to contribute to the stabilization of Gaza by supporting civilian reconstruction, ensuring food security and providing digital government solutions. Kazakhstan's peacekeepers in UNDOF and UNIFIL reflect our readiness to assume practical responsibility and contribute to the international mandated stabilization forces in Gaza. Kazakhstan formally announced its intention to join the Abraham Accords. We see them as an additional platform to reinforce the UN brokered political process towards the two state solution. The long term stability of Afghanistan remains inseparable from the security and sustainable development of Central Asia. Humanitarian assistance remains indispensable, but it cannot by itself break the cycle of poverty, displacement and dependency. Kazakhstan supports pragmatic, coordinated and step by step international engagement with Afghanistan, with the UN playing the central role. Finally, we have watched with growing concern in recent years the erosion of protection of civilians in conflict zones.
Economic transformation and sustainable development are impossible without a healthy population. The vulnerabilities exposed by recent global pandemics continue to linger, reminding us that global health security is only as strong as its weakest link. Malawi is making strides towards a universal health coverage and strengthening our primary health care system. However, systemic global inequities in healthcare access, medical manufacturing and vaccine distribution remain glaringly unresolved. True global health security demands decentralised pharmaceutical manufacturing capabilities, unrestricted technology transfer and intellectual property waivers during health emergencies. My delegation appeals to all of us here to finalize a robust, legally binding pandemic treaty that guarantees equity, solidarity and immediate resource sharing for the Global South. We also call for collaboration in efforts to build long term resilience against pandemics through investment in our domestic pharmaceutical manufacturing capacity. By producing essential medicines within Africa, the entire world gains through stronger health security and stable supply chains, especially through faster outbreak response.
COVID-19 and the subsequent disruptions in the supply chains of food and energy, as well as the conflicts and wars, demonstrated how the interests of states are interconnected along with their peace and security. Migration is at the core of such common challenges. People's mobility strives for a better future, better job opportunities, better, better development. However, the high influx of migration and their complexity reveals the reality that should be analyzed without any exaggeration, exaggerations, and it should also preserve the unity of societies. We need an effective response to this challenge through cooperation between the countries of origin transit and destination. We have to ensure a fair share of the responsibilities and burdens and address the root causes of irregular migration, while combating human trafficking and smuggling. To contain such influxes and ensure at the same time the dignity of migrants and their rights. The solution is in our common responsibility and solidarity.
Nevertheless, this protection is today under assault. Rearmament is accelerating throughout the world. We are seeing the use of force once again as being another political tool for some. Trade is breaking down and we are seeing a race to capture critical resources. The private sector is also part of these power relations. We are now in the era of the geo economy, and this is fertile ground for disinformation, which undermines people's trust in their institutions and leads them to question verifiable facts. Our belief has never been tried to such an extent since 1945 in Ukraine, the Middle East, Sudan, the Sahel in many other places out of the media spotlight. Civilians are paying the price for conflicts which have discarded the most basic rules of humanity. And never, since 1945 has the very legitimacy of states and multilateral bodies such as the UN, been called into question to such an extent. Given this danger, let us recall our mission. In the words of Dag Hammarskjöld, the second Secretary-General of the UN: The UN was not created to take mankind to heaven, but to save humanity from hell. That is the exact scope of our task, and that is why we do not have the right to give up. First in Ukraine for almost five years, a permanent member of the Security Council has been waging a war of aggression against a sovereign state in flagrant violation of the charter. From the very outset, Monaco condemned this aggression unambiguously and unreservedly. We voted in favour of all of the General Assembly's resolutions calling and demanding for Russian forces to withdraw. We took all restrictive measures aligned with EU measures, and we also provided our humanitarian support to the Ukrainian people and hosted people displaced by the war. Our support is unwavering and it will remain so. Monaco will never recognize any annexation of territory obtained through force. Allowing this for one state would be tantamount to allowing it for all. The principality welcomes the ongoing diplomatic efforts and hopes that they will lead to fair, comprehensive, lasting peace, respecting Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity. Next to the Middle East, Monaco was greatly relieved by the cease fire, which entered into force in Gaza, and the fact that the hostages were freed. Nothing can ever justify the acts of terror of the 7th of October, but nor can anything justify the price paid by the civilians in Gaza. The principality calls on all parties to strengthen the fragile ceasefire and to respect every stage of it, ensuring full, safe, unhindered humanitarian access. We support efforts to rebuild Gaza, and we are concerned about the ongoing violence in the West Bank, in the occupied territories which ride roughshod over human rights and dishonor democratic values. Our belief remains the same. The only viable option is the two state solution Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace and security, within safe and recognized borders. Any policy that makes that scenario less likely through settlement building, or sowing terror makes peace less likely too. In Lebanon, too, Monaco supports de-escalation efforts and calls on all parties to fulfil their commitments, first and foremost Security Council Resolution 1701. The people of Lebanon have the right to a fully sovereign state in peace throughout its territory. In the Persian Gulf, finally, tensions around Iran remain a source of deep concern. Monaco pays tribute to all the civilian victims of the conflict and reiterates its solidarity with the countries of the Gulf who have been affected by the attacks. Here again, only negotiations can lead to a global agreement on the Iranian nuclear program and will prevent further escalation. Above and beyond these crises, Monaco will continue to contribute to international cooperation focused on the least developed countries through its support to the International Committee of the Red Cross, the High Commissioner for Refugees and the World Food Programme, through development aid geared towards the health, education and empowerment of women and girls. Restoring trust also means changing the organisation itself.
From the forgoing and in the spirit of the charter for a United Nations that delivers for all, the UN has a responsibility to protect and facilitate the participation of its all members and observers in its work. Mr. President, the adoption of the United Nations Resolution on the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade in March 2026 is the beginning of a journey—a journey towards truth, acknowledgment, healing, and justice for millions of Africans and people of African descent whose lives were forever changed by slavery, colonialism, and other historical injustice. As we commemorate the 25th anniversary of the Durban Declaration and Program of Action, we are reminded that racial discrimination must not have any place in our societies, and that restorative remedies, including reparations, must be put in place to address those historic injustices. Mr. President, Namibia, congratulate the outgoing Secretary-General, Mr. António Guterres, as he nears the end of his tenure.
We commend and thank him for his sincere and positive leadership of this organization. In the same vein, Saint Lucia wishes to express its endorsement of the candidate of the Republic of Guyana, Ms. Caroline Rodrigues-Birkett, for the post of Secretary General. Her distinguished record of public and international service speaks directly to the kind of leadership this moment demands. On 25th March 2026, the General Assembly approved one of its most historic and consequential resolutions that declared the trafficking of enslaved Africans and racialised chattel enslavement of Africans as the greatest crime against humanity. This resolution, and the subsequent establishment of the High level Global Advisory Council on Reparatory justice is a very significant step in the search for reparations for the transatlantic slave trade and the enslavement of Africans in the Americas and the Caribbean. I want to thank the President of Ghana for spearheading and championing this resolution. Saint Lucia congratulates the Government of Jamaica on its successful petition to the British monarch for him to refer three questions to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council over the legality of the enslavement of Africans in Jamaica. Mr. president, reparations are not about vengeance. They are about truth, acknowledgement, repair and transformation. Reparations are not about seeking charity or revisiting history for its own sake. History is not behind us when its consequences remain embedded in wealth, power, institutions, and opportunity. Reparations are about addressing the continuing effects of slavery and colonial exploitation, restoring dignity, advancing development, and building more equitable
Bangladesh is awaiting graduation from the list of least developed countries. For Bangladesh, as well as for all other countries undergoing this process, sustained support in areas such as assured financing greater market access, technology transfer and capacity building is essential to make the graduation process sustainable. In the present world order, all countries are interdependent. Bangladesh believes that, particularly at the regional level, we can help one another achieve prosperity through the facilitation and expansion of trade, effective connectivity and meaningful cooperation.
Bolivia wants to enter partnerships, to compete, to learn, and it is also open to contributing. This historic moment has seen a discussion that we can no longer postpone the transition to energy diversification. It's not so much a transition in and of itself, but rather diversifying our energy. The world needs cleaner energy sources, but it also needs minerals lithium, copper, other critical minerals. It needs new supply chains. And it needs to do that in a responsible way. And Bolivia wants to be a part of that conversation. But we would like to raise a question. Can energy, the global energy diversification, really be just if the countries that possess strategic resources continue to primarily export them as raw materials? No. That is why we want to enter into partnerships and open ourselves up to the world. But as a society, as partners, and not just as a source of raw materials. The energy transition also needs to represent productive diversification. It should create opportunities for producing countries. It should generate local capacities, respect the environment, it should incorporate and include communities, and it should allow our young people to be actors in those new industries. That is why we are proposing a new international relationship around strategic resources, a relationship that is based on investment knowledge, technology and added value. The United Nations.
What the Palestinian people have endured and continue to endure in terms of suffering, repression and violations, must not become a normalized reality or a protracted crisis managed from one cycle to the other. Securing the ceasefire in the Gaza Strip in accordance with President Trump's and the Sharm el-Sheikh summit peace plan, ensuring full compliance with it, ending daily Israeli violations, completing the withdrawal, guaranteeing the safe and sustainable delivery of humanitarian aid, enabling the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza to carry out its duties and then moving immediately toward early recovery and reconstruction. These are not merely humanitarian steps, they are also the essential gateway to a serious political process that addresses the root causes of the conflict and resolves them. In this context, Egypt reaffirms its categorical rejection of any attempt to displace the Palestinian people from their land, whether from the Gaza Strip or from the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. The international community as a whole bears a clear responsibility to stop systematic Israeli violations of international law. Peace cannot be built on uprooting people from their land, believing that stability can be achieved in the region while ignoring the suffering of the Palestinian people and merely managing the occupation rather than ending it is nothing but illusion. The goal remains unequivocally clear the establishment of an independent, sovereign and territorially contiguous Palestinian state on the lines of the 4th of June 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital within the framework of the two state solution and in accordance with international legitimacy resolutions. This requires preserving the unity of the Palestinian territory and the Palestinian political system, enabling the Palestinian people to manage their own affairs and build their state, and ensuring that the international community fulfils its responsibility to protect civilians, reject collective punishment and guarantee respect for international humanitarian law. It also requires recognising Palestinian rights as inalienable rights, not as bargaining chips to be granted or withheld according to power balances, political posturing or electoral calculations. Egypt has shouldered its responsibility alongside its partners to secure the ceasefire. It has been the largest provider of humanitarian assistance reaching the Gaza Strip. Egypt will continue to work toward reconstruction and opening a viable political horizon. However, the success of these efforts hinges on an international will capable of transforming legitimacy into decisive international action that moves from managing the tragedy to ending its causes. Mr. president, the experience of our region confirms that managing crises rather than resolving them, does not create stability. Rather, it postpones the explosion and increases its costs accordingly. Egypt remains committed to a clear vision for regional security based on state sovereignty, territorial integrity, respect for national institutions, rejection of the dismantling of states or the creation of parallel entities, and prioritizing political solutions and inclusive national settlements over the logic of force and the imposition of a fait accompli. In every crisis across the broader Middle East, from the Atlantic Ocean to the Gulf, circumstances and details may differ, but the capable national state that embraces all its citizens and legitimate institutions remain the only true foundation for stability. Security is indivisible. The security of one state cannot be built upon the insecurity of its neighbours, or upon threats to shipping, trade and energy routes, or violations of state sovereignty through attacks carried out in violation of international law. Likewise, any regional actor that believes that its political or economic interests can be achieved by undermining national state institutions, supporting militias or promoting separatist agendas and civil conflict clearly becomes part of the problem. Confronting such actors and their practices becomes the responsibility of the international community as a whole. Therefore, regional crises cannot be treated as isolated cases. They must be viewed within an interconnected regional security environment that supports the state's institutions unity and sovereignty, that encourages political settlements and peace building based on the principle of national and regional ownership of solutions ending external interferences and preventing crises from turning into arenas for regional and international competition over the resources and capabilities of the peoples of the region. The protection of states and their sovereignty is inseparable from protecting the resources upon which people's livelihoods depend.
Mr. president since last February, the state of Kuwait, the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan have been subjected to illegal Iranian aggression involving ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and drones. All while we are not a party to the conflict in the region. These attacks are a flagrant violation of the international law, international humanitarian law and the UN charter. These brutal attacks have systematically and repeatedly targeted civilian objects and critical infrastructure, including Kuwait International Airport, power and water stations, oil facilities as well, revealing a hostile approach aimed at disrupting the foundations of life and critical infrastructure. These heinous attacks have claimed the lives of several martyrs and innocent civilians. They have also resulted in numerous injuries and have inflicted material and economic damage. And furthermore, to inflict harm on the economies of the region and the world, and to disrupt global trade and oil markets, Iran is obstructing maritime navigation and closing the Strait of Hormuz to use it as a bargaining chip in the war in violation of international law and the relevant Security Council resolutions. In this regard, the State of Kuwait expresses its deep appreciation to the brotherly and friendly nations who have stood by Kuwait and demonstrated solidarity. We also salute the countries that have sponsored Security Council Resolution 2817 and the other resolutions issued by the Human Rights Council and the International Maritime Organization, which have condemned the Iranian aggression as a threat to international peace and security, demanding its cessation and affirming the inherent rights of states to self-defence, as per article 51 of the UN charter. They have also stressed the importance of guaranteeing freedom of navigation without restrictions or conditions and based on Kuwait's belief that the security and stability of the Arabian Gulf region constitutes a fundamental pillar of regional and international security and stability, as demonstrated by the repercussions of the war and Iranian aggressions. We reiterate the support for all diplomatic efforts aimed at de-escalation and a peaceful resolution to the existing dispute, and we applaud the mediation efforts led by Qatar and Pakistan, while emphasizing the need to reach a sustainable regional understanding based on a firm commitment to the principles of good neighbourliness, respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs, as well as refraining from the use or threat of use of force. In addition to ceasing support for proxies and militias and addressing the security concerns of all countries in the region, including the Iranian nuclear file, ballistic missiles and drones, while stressing the guarantee of freedom and safety of navigation and the right of passage through the Straits of Hormuz and Bab el Mandeb, in accordance with the international law and the 1982 UN convention on the law of the sea. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait is committed in its foreign policy to the principles of the UN charter, in particular, respect for the principle of good neighbourliness, respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs. Accordingly, the State of Kuwait views the brotherly Republic of Iraq as a neighbour with whom we share close ties and our partners in security and stability. Since the fall of the former regime in 2003, Kuwait has supported and stood by Iraq in facing security, political and economic challenges in order to help Iraq restore its regional and international role and standing. Kuwait believes that a stable, secure and prosperous Iraq serves the shared interests of Kuwait and the entire region. In this context, the State of Kuwait commends the measures taken by the Iraqi Prime Minister, Mr. Ali al-Zaidi, to consolidate arms under state control and to strengthen Iraq's bilateral relations with neighbouring countries. We look forward to enhancing confidence building measures between the two countries and to elevate our bilateral relations to broader horizons, as well as to resolve all outstanding issues. Most important of these issues are the maritime border demarcation beyond marker 162, as per the rules of International law and the 1982 UN Convention on Law of the sea. We also emphasize the need to adhere to bilateral security and technical agreements and arrangements signed between the two countries. Very important among these agreements is the Abdullah Agreement and the 2008 Security Exchange Protocol. These agreements serve as vital legal and practical instruments for regulating navigation, protecting the environment, combating terrorism, as well as combating the illicit trafficking of arms and narcotics, and enhancing shared security. The State of Kuwait calls upon Iraq to cooperate with the high level representative of the Secretary-General pursuant to Security Council Resolution 2792, in order to achieve the progress and desired outcomes regarding Kuwaiti prisoners and missing persons, as well as nationals of third countries and the recovery of Kuwaiti property, including the National Archives. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait reiterates its principled and firm position, condemning the ongoing violations by the Israeli occupation forces against the brotherly Palestinian people. The Palestinian people continue to suffer under difficult living conditions caused by policies of displacement, arrests and settlement. We call for the full implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Plan and its subsequent phase adopted by Security Council Resolution 2803. This includes the complete withdrawal of Israeli occupation forces from Gaza, the assurance of humanitarian aid, access, and the return of the Palestinian Authority to the Gaza Strip. We affirm that the Gaza Strip is an integral part of the occupied Palestinian territory. In this regard, we welcome the measures and decisions taken by the United Kingdom, France and several other nations to condemn settlement activities and to impose sanctions against settlers involved in acts of violence and terrorism against Palestinians, as well as banning the import of goods and products originating from the settlements. The State of Kuwait reiterates that a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in the region remains contingent upon an end to the Israeli occupation of all Arab territories, as well as enabling the Palestinian people to exercise their legitimate and inalienable rights. It also rests upon the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on the borders of June 4th, 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital. Mr. president, the sisterly Republic of Yemen is witnessing a serious military escalation as a result of the attacks by Houthi militias against several governorates and areas along the West Coast aimed at threatening navigation in the Bab el Mandeb Strait. In this regard, the state of Kuwait reiterates its full support for UN led efforts aimed at a comprehensive, sustainable and Yemeni led settlement, in accordance with the three agreed references and the relevant Security Council resolutions, in particular resolution 2216. The State of Kuwait affirms that any political settlement must safeguard Yemen's unity, sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. A settlement must end the suffering of the Yemeni people and must open prospects for security, stability and economic development. We also stress the need to preserve the security and safety of maritime navigation in the Red sea and the Bab el Mandeb Strait. We also condemn in the strongest terms the attacks by the Houthis against the sisterly kingdom of Saudi Arabia, targeting civilian and economic facilities in several cities. In this context, we affirm that the security of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is an integral part of the security of the State of Kuwait and the security of the GCC states. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait reiterates its solidarity with the sisterly Syrian Arab Republic. We welcome the measures taken by the international community to lift the sanctions against Syria and to remove Syria's name from the list of state sponsors of terrorism. We also affirm our support for all efforts aimed at rebuilding state institutions and aimed at advancing a Syrian led, comprehensive, inclusive political process led by the Syrians, with the active participation of all segments of society in Syria and aimed at fulfilling their aspirations for security, stability and a life of dignity. In this context, we stress the need to respect Syria's sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity. We condemn and reject the attacks and incursions by Israeli occupation forces into Syrian territory. These acts are a serious escalation and a violation of the 1974 Disengagement of Forces agreement. They undermine security and stability in the region. With regards to the sisterly Lebanese Republic, the state of Kuwait affirms the importance of Lebanese state institutions and the need to extend their full authority over the entire territory of Lebanon, and to restrict the possession of arms exclusively to the state, thereby reinforcing Lebanon's sovereignty and preserving its security and stability. Here, we also emphasize the importance of maintaining an international presence along the blue line to ensure the full implementation of UN resolution 1701, and we reiterate our demand for Israel's withdrawal from all occupied Lebanese territories. And with regards to developments in the Republic of Sudan, the Federal Republic of Somalia and the state of Libya, we affirm the need to adhere to peaceful resolution and to engage in political dialogue to resolve disputes as per the relevant Security Council resolutions and the principles of international law, so as to protect the unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty of these sisterly nations. Mr. president, since Kuwait's independence, our foreign policy was based on firm principles, namely moderation and balance, and a firm commitment to the charter of the United Nations and International law, and on support for multilateralism and the belief that dialogue and the peaceful settlement of disputes are the best means to maintain international peace and security. The State of Kuwait also believes in a complementary relationship between security and development. There can be no security without development and no development without security.
There can be no lasting stability in Lebanon without lasting stability in our region. And there can be no stability in the region as long as this organisation remains unable to enable the Palestinian people to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination. Like all other peoples of the world, no less and no more. This is despite the dozens of resolutions adopted by this Assembly and by the Security Council that lay clear foundations for that right. Not to mention the Arab Peace Initiative. As for the tragedy of wounded Gaza, it has put the conscience of the world and the important inability of its institutions to a test from which there can be no escape. I must stress here that cutting off funding to UNRWA or undermining its mandate does not end the rights of Palestinian refugees. Even if that's what some seek. On the contrary, it compounds their suffering, jeopardizes the prospects for a just and lasting solution to their cause and increases the burden on host countries, foremost among them Lebanon. With regard to the security situation of region, Lebanon wishes to renew its solidarity with the states of the Arab Gulf and with Jordan in the face of Iranian attacks that threaten regional security and the freedom and safety of maritime navigation. The effects of these attacks are not confined to theatres of confrontation. They extend to supply chains to the prices of goods, particularly food and energy, and to inflation rates.
It is no longer acceptable for the world to regard the Sahel merely as a source of resources, an arena for international competition, or a footnote in global decision-making. Africa, whose journey we have followed since the founding of the African Union, is not the margin of the world; it is one of the centers of the world to come. Libya does not lie on the edge of Africa; Libya is of Africa, of its history, of its security, and of its future. Decades ago, an African will emerged from the Libyan city of Sirte that contributed to the establishment of the African Union. That fact reminds us that Libya has never been merely a bridge between Africa and the Mediterranean, but a partner in shaping the African project itself. We, therefore, view the security of the Sahel region as part of Libya's own security and stability. We view the security and stability of the states of the region and all our African neighbors, near and far, together with developing Africa, all as investment in the common security of Africa and its European neighborhood. This is not assistance provided by one party to another, nor is it a responsibility borne by one party alone. Likewise, we view the Mediterranean basin not as a barrier between Africa and Europe, but as a shared space of connection. Relations among its countries should move from beyond merely managing migration and crises toward making the Mediterranean a bridge for development, trade, energy transition, investment, and common security. Ladies and gentlemen. Geographically and politically, Libya stands at the meeting point of these worlds.
We believe that a just and lasting peace must be achieved through dialogue and diplomacy. In Gaza, our responsibility begins with the protection of human lives. Civilians must be protected, and humanitarian assistance must reach those in need safely and without any obstruction. Israelis deserve lasting security, and Palestinians deserve dignity, freedom, and a viable state of their own. Montenegro supports a two-state solution, with the State of Israel and a viable state of Palestine living side by side in peace, security, and mutual recognition. The disarmament of Hamas remains an important element of a sustainable settlement, while full respect for international humanitarian law must guide us throughout. Different conflicts have different histories, but human dignity cannot have different standards. Neither can international law. The same commitment to international law applies to freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz, a route whose security has implications far beyond the region. Disruptions affect energy markets and global trade, but they also affect food security through the supply and price of fertilizers and other critical agricultural inputs, with particularly serious consequences for vulnerable import-dependent countries. At the same time, we must not allow conflicts that receive less international attention to become forgotten conflicts. In Sudan, in Myanmar, in Haiti, and elsewhere, civilians continue to endure violence, displacement, and profound insecurity.
We also advocate for mutual beneficial economic cooperation based on respect for sovereignty for each state, for the equality between the states, and the freedom of choice for the people during the electoral process. In the area of development, we are still far from fulfilling the promise of the 2030 Agenda. With less than four years until the deadline, millions of people remain deprived of basic opportunities: water, energy, infrastructure, and others. Thus, it is important to accelerate the implementation of the commitment made under the SDGs, which requires predictable, accessible, and sustainable financing. It also requires a fair international financial architecture, more fair, sustainable debt relief, greater transfer of technology, international trade that is more balanced, and investments that can transform potential into prosperity, as well as adherence to the principle of common responsibility but differentiated responsibilities. Similarly, in the field of human rights, it is also important to promote a balanced, impartial, and coherent approach based on the principles of universality and equal treatment between the states. Promoting these rights should prioritize constructive dialogue, cooperation, and the strengthening of our institutions. Mr. President, in Mozambique, we are committed to consolidating peace, strengthening democratic institutions, and conducting an inclusive national dialogue led by the Mozambican initiatives that are genuinely Mozambican to deepen reconciliation, national unity, peace, and the reforms that are necessary, with the support of our international partners, while respecting national ownership.
For our part, New Zealand will continue to press for a more effective, credible, transparent and representative Security Council. As a demonstration of our continued commitment to collective security and the UN Charter, New Zealand is seeking a seat on the UN Security Council for 2039 to 40. We ask the next Secretary-General to work with us to preserve the integrity of the global disarmament framework, particularly on weapons of mass destruction. The grave dangers of deterioration of the global non-proliferation regime should alarm us all. New Zealand was deeply disappointed at the failure to reach consensus at this year's Nuclear Nonproliferation Review Conference. After three consecutive review conference failures, we must do all we can to preserve the health of the NPT and indeed strengthen it. This means tackling persistent violations and cases of non-compliance. Iran is not in compliance with its nuclear safeguards obligations. The DPRK nuclear weapons and missile programs continue to threaten its region and beyond. Halting the NPT deterioration also requires concrete action from nuclear weapon states to, at long last, chart a path towards total, verifiable and irreversible nuclear disarmament. We also call on you to safeguard the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, the constitution for the oceans, which provides the framework within which all activities in the oceans and seas must be carried out. Compliance with these universally applicable rules is essential not only for maintaining peace and security, but also for protecting prosperity and food security, given the oceans vital role in supporting trade.
Mr. President, few bridges carry greater historical meaning or future potential than between Africa and the Caribbean. The Atlantic, once a passage of forced displacement and separation, is becoming a pathway of return and reconnection. Africa-Caribbean cooperation must move beyond sentiment. Our shared history must help build a shared future through capital, trade, technology, knowledge, culture, and coordinated diplomacy. Mr. President, South-South cooperation must be felt in jobs, businesses, knowledge transfer, and opportunity. It complements, not replaces, North-South cooperation and the obligations of developed countries. Greater agency must also include justice. At the Second Africa-CARICOM Summit, our leaders signed the Addis Ababa Declaration, and this year the African Union's reparation mechanism and the CARICOM Reparations Commission held their first joint meeting, establishing permanent coordination.
Taiwan has consistently demonstrated that it is an able, trustworthy and a constructive partner in addressing global challenges, and its exclusion undermines both the spirit and effectiveness of multilateral cooperation. Tuvalu is also gravely concerned by the escalating military activities around Taiwan, which threaten stability across the Taiwan Strait, disrupt international transportation and trade, and jeopardise peace and security in the Pacific and beyond. We commend Taiwan for its calm and principled adherence to the values of the UN charter, and we urge all Member States to uphold the same principles. At the same time, Tuvalu remains troubled by the long standing unilateral economic measures imposed on Cuba.
Argentina's position is clear. Today I have come to tell you that Argentina is not going to sit around waiting for the UN and the international community to live up to their own mandate. We're going to take matters into our own hands. For far too long, Argentina managed its own decline. We managed poverty. We managed isolation. We managed irrelevance. We grew accustomed to debating how to divide up what remained, rather than asking ourselves how we could grow again, how we could rebuild what we had lost. That's over. We've already lost too much. We do not want to lose it again. That's why we've embraced free enterprise capitalism. We're opening our economy up to trade and investment. We're advancing in the development of our strategic resources. We've embraced the technological revolution, and we are rebuilding our military capabilities after decades of neglect. We've also made a geopolitical choice. We have unequivocally aligned ourselves with the West, with the United States, and with Israel, countries with which we share a deep affinity of values and strategic complementarity. That is why we condemn the attacks by the Iranian regime against the State of Israel. We have designated the Iranian Revolutionary Guard as a terrorist organization and continue to seek justice for the two terrorist attacks perpetrated on Argentine soil in 1992 and 1994. We have decided to cooperate with the world, but to do so standing tall, in the understanding that only a nation that is politically relevant, economically influential, and militarily respected can truly be a master of its own destiny.
But the real motivation of which lies elsewhere: in a covetousness for the significant resources that God has placed in our land. Niger's uranium, Mali and Burkina Faso's gold, lithium, gas, oil and so many other riches still make the former colonial powers salivate. They want to make us believe that we are incapable of governing, of governing ourselves, incapable of producing, of thinking, and of defending ourselves. They want to make us believe and convince us that we do not have the science, the intelligence, or the sovereignty needed to build something precious by and for ourselves, and that as a consequence, therefore, we should accept the tutelage of Emmanuel Macron's France and his allies. A France which very often acts through its local proxies, networks and complicity. For centuries they have instilled self-deprecation, fear and resignation. They continue to want to introduce permanent conflict in communities which since time immemorial, have been living in harmony in the same space and which have created peaceful mechanisms for settling disputes, such as joking kinship. For example, this perfidious attempt to destabilize the central Sahel conducted by France with the active complicity of Ukraine, is now documented, widely documented. This criminal enterprise has been dismissed, has been unmasked now that the military, political and media elites that justify it in the name of their own country's interests have themselves removed their veils and remove their masks. I say solemnly from this rostrum: the Sahel sees, the Sahel hears, the Sahel remembers, and the Sahel understands things very well. Our Sahel is determined to defend its liberty, its resources and its dignity at any cost. A people that has decided to be free cannot be recolonised through fear, through deceit, nor even through savage violence. Ladies and gentlemen, as I speak to you, on our northeastern border there are proxies led by that France, supported by Ukraine and two other countries. And you know which countries I'm alluding to. Those proxies are armed, managed and led, and they are about to attack our military positions and our oil installations. But inshallah, they will find what they deserve if they do so. The AES, the result of a long and historic struggle of our peoples against colonization and neocolonialism, is now an irreversible process towards our country's sovereignty. Make no mistake, the century that we are living in marks the end of old Hegemonies and the awakening of thus far suppressed forces. The AES is to Africa and its historic and contemporary diasporas as light is to darkness. It is for this human community that is present around the world, a source of hope and of dignity. And I say this before the world so that the world can understand: the AES is the result of a movement that dates from the dawn of time. It is a profound, lasting, irrepressible and irreversible change. Inshallah. A change which, by trimming the sharp claws of imperialism, abolishing the trade in black persons and slavery, overthrowing colonialism and neocolonialism, is bringing the peoples of Africa towards independence, sovereignty and liberty. I affirm that our Refoundation in Niger
It is our duty to future generations to leave them a clean, safe environment. Poland supports environmental protection efforts, recognizing their impact on security, including food security. Caring for the natural environment is undoubtedly our duty, but fulfilling this duty must not lead to the weakening of our economies or the shifting of problems beyond our borders. Pushing for ambitious environmental policies without considering their global consequences may result in deindustrialization, longer supply chains, and the relocation of production to countries that do not apply comparable standards. This path does not lead to genuine climate protection. It merely leads to the export of emissions to other parts of the same globe, accompanied by job losses in the country of origin and the erosion of production capacity. We need solutions that combine environmental responsibility with economic competitiveness and economic security. In this spirit, it is worth recalling the message of Saint Francis of Assisi, who saw nature not as a resource to be exploited, but as a gift entrusted to humankind, our common home, for which we are responsible as its guardians and stewards. To put it short, ladies and gentlemen, we cannot give away the protection of our environment to fanatics. Care for nature is much older than the left-wing concepts. It stems from an ethic that took shape long before the emergence of post-Marxist ideologues.
The power fuelling climate chaos and the war on nature. And the power unleashed by artificial intelligence. Excellencies, The first great power test in the 21st century is peace and security. Peace is far more than the absence of conflict. It is the presence of restraint of power by law. It is the recognition, as enshrined in the UN Charter, that force cannot be the final arbiter of whose lives, rights and future matter. Today that principle is under profound strain. Across the Middle East, conflicts are cascading. So-called ceasefires have amounted to little more than “lesser fires” – with civilians continuing to pay the price. Enough is enough. I appeal to the leaders in this Chamber to maximize this High-Level week for de- escalation and dialogue. Together, let's send a clear message from this Hall: The fighting must stop. Humanitarian aid must flow. And navigational rights and freedoms must be fully restored in accordance with international law. Amid the turmoil engulfing the region, we must not lose sight of the devastating situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. It is nearly three years since the abhorrent terror attacks by Hamas on 7 October. What followed was an onslaught on Palestinians in Gaza, with a scale of killing and destruction unlike anything I have witnessed in all my years as Secretary-General. The International Court of Justice has issued legally binding provisional measures in the case entitled: “Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip.” In an advisory opinion last year, the Court was clear that the United Nations needs to be allowed to perform our mandates in Gaza – and for our staff and humanitarian personnel to be protected. All parties must comply with international law and the Court’s orders. Meanwhile violence, displacement and settlement expansion by Israel in the Occupied West Bank are bulldozing the path to peace and raising the spectre of ethnic cleansing. We cannot allow the two-State solution to disappear before our eyes. In Ukraine, Russia’s full-scale invasion has subjected a sovereign country to a brutal war in blatant violation of the Charter. Civilians continue to be killed far from the frontlines. Mainly in Ukraine, but also more recently in parts of Russia – homes, energy and water systems, and transport have come under repeated attack, threatening food and energy supply chains globally. In Sudan, a war for raw power fed by outside actors has become a war on civilians: Millions displaced. Hunger spreading. Drones striking hospitals and homes. Sexual violence and ethnically driven attacks escalating. And a country being torn apart as the world looks away. And in Myanmar, another crisis is at risk of slipping from global attention with: escalating violence; mass displacement; and expanding transnational crime. Excellencies, These and so many other conflicts show what happens when power gets out of control, force outpaces diplomacy, military budgets soar, and accountability goes out the window. The test before us is whether power will be exercised with the law – or beyond it. We must pass that test: We must defend the Charter without double standards. Protect civilians without exception. Ensure humanitarian access without obstruction. Shield humanitarian personnel without fail.
Fourth, we must jointly build a new paradigm that offers solutions to the increasingly deepening income inequalities around the world. We believe that the path to this lies in joint development, solidarity and connectivity. Societies connected to one another through roads, trade with energy networks and joint production will eventually be united in peace and stability as well. And lastly, by promoting a human centered approach to technology, we must prevent new barriers from being built between those who possess technology and those who do not. It must be understood that techno polarization and digital hegemony serve neither the interests of the UN-centered system, nor the interests of those of the states that constitute the United Nations core. Esteemed delegates.
Artificial intelligence is changing economies and societies. Digital technologies are changing the way governments operate. Energy systems are changing. Global trade is changing. Demographic patterns are changing, and climate change is transforming the physical environment in which many of our societies exist. The question before us is not whether transformation will occur. It will. The question is who will shape the transformation and who will benefit from it? For Vanuatu, the answer must be clear transformation must not create a new hierarchy between those who possess technology, capital and influence, and those who merely experience the consequences. We need an international system in which developing countries and small states are participants in transformation, not simply consumers of decisions made elsewhere. Artificial intelligence provides one example. AI offers enormous opportunities for education, health care, public administration, agriculture, climate forecasting, and economic development. But without appropriate governance, it could also deepen existing inequalities. Small states need access to technology. We need digital infrastructure. We need skills and capacity. We need access to data and computing. And we need a meaningful voice in establishing the international norms that govern that governance. Emerging technologies. The digital future must not become another form of dependency. Mr. president, there is a tendency to describe small states primarily in terms of our vulnerabilities. We are small. We are geographically dispersed. We are economically vulnerable. We have limited institutional capacity. We depend on international markets. We depend on development partners. We depend on international shipping. We depend on imported fuel, food and manufactured goods. And yes, in many respects we are dependent on the international system. But dependence must not be confused with powerlessness. Small states can lead. Indeed, history has shown that some of the most important developments in international law and global governance have emerged, because small and vulnerable states refuse to remain silent.
Mr. President, as I turn to my region in the Caribbean, I'd like to highlight a series of crises that continue to threaten our peace, stability and development. Let me say at the outset that when I speak about letting many hands make light work, when it comes to conflict resolution, that this is one of the areas in which the political leaders of the Caribbean can play a pivotal role in its own region. Firstly, Haiti. The security crisis continues to retard political renewal and economic recovery, and still the preparations for a return to constitutional government, yes, are moving forward even with great difficulty. But those efforts cannot succeed unless security improves, particularly in the areas containing more than half of Haiti's electorate in the capital and surrounding areas. Barbados, therefore supports the full deployment that has been too, too, too long promised, and the renewal of the mandate of the Gang Suppression Force. Let me remind you that it was in 2022 that this recent, more heightened state of insecurity began with the fuel riots just before the General Assembly met in 2022. And in 2026, we have not kept faith with providing the level of security that would minimize the loss of life. At the same time, we have to give thanks where thanks is due and there are member states who have contributed in whatever way to help in Haiti find its path. This includes, of course, the Caribbean Community's Eminent Persons Group, which has been helping to build consensus and maintain engagement with key international partners in the last few years. In addition, Mr. President, we are deeply concerned by the worsening humanitarian pressures facing the people of Cuba. Too many people are suffering. Too many people. Restrictions on trade, finance and access to fuel are intensifying hardship not only for Cuban citizens, but for all others who study and live there. Barbados has each year opposed the use of the embargo and other unilateral coercive measures against Cuba.
This is what France has tried to do over the last few years, working on the basis of joint scientific works we've instituted a number of bills to ensure that we restitute cultural artifacts in a way, forging a partnership in the name of culture, history and remembrance. And this with a number of countries of the South, for instance, with Ghana and together with all interested parties, all interested partners, we will work on restorative justice reparations. This is a matter of respect, and it is on this respect that the partnership between the North and the South will be built. Moving on global trade, it needs to be more effective and more equitable.
