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In Yemen, we're not confronting a purely local terrorist militia. Rather, we face an extension of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps with which uses. Which is also using terrorist groups to threaten international peace and security. The Houthi militias use of the safety of navigation as a tool for blackmail threaten not only Yemen. It is taking hostage the entire global economy. Recent years have clearly demonstrated a truth that the international community must not dismiss, namely, that ensuring security at sea begins with eliminating the source of the threat on land. Protecting ships is important, but it only addresses the consequences and does not remove the threat. Therefore, we warn the world do not be reassured by false promises from a terrorist militia that has repeatedly made endless commitments, just as it failed to honor them. Its abstention from targeting ships today does not mean at all. It will not do so tomorrow. It is a strategic mistake. It is a strategic mistake to assume that maritime security can be sustained through assurances that can be walked back. A lasting maritime security in the Red sea, Bab el Mandeb and the Gulf of Aden cannot be built, while a non-state armed militia remains on the shores. Nor is the threat confined to Yemen and the Red sea. International reports have exposed growing cooperation between the terrorist Houthi militias and terrorist organizations, including in the Horn of Africa, through networks linking militias, terrorist groups, smugglers and organized crime networks, thereby undermining states and threatening security and stability. Ladies and gentlemen We say with full confidence, and we firmly believe that restoring the Yemeni state and restoring the security of Bab el Mandeb are inseparable. They are not two separate issues, but one and the same. Supporting the Yemeni government and strengthening its economic, security and military capacities is an investment in international peace and security. Protecting this strategic waterway is a shared regional and international responsibility which Yemen cannot shoulder alone. It is the responsibility of every economy that depends on secure supply chains, energy security, and freedom of navigation. In this regard, we commend the initiative of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to establish a multinational maritime defense coalition. This initiative reflects a deep appreciation and understanding of collective responsibility to protect navigation, deter threats and combat smuggling. The path to a secure at sea requires a stable Yemen. There is no stability in Yemen without restoring the state, sustainable peace cannot be achieved while an armed militia remains above the law and outside state authority, restoring the Yemeni state is restoring. The Yemeni state is not just a national interest, it is a direct contribution to regional security and stability and to the protection of one of the world's most vital maritime corridors. Ladies and gentlemen our Yemeni people aspires to peace, but our people will not abandon their state. Our government is committed to peace, but it cannot accept that the armed coup becomes a fait accompli. There is no peace with arms outside state authority.
I do not have a concrete solution which is very complex and difficult, but I wonder if it makes sense for all of us to be so dependent on speculation and the volatility of financial and futures markets, which affect the entire production sector, even when the instability originates only from a portion or a limited period of that production. Excellencies, we also bear the intergenerational responsibility to accelerate the energy transition in order to reduce dependencies and mitigate the effects of climate change. I will share with you that in Portugal, we feel the devastating impacts of climate change firsthand in the increase in forest fires, coastal erosion, and the degradation of marine ecosystems, and also and more frequently in extreme weather events, new such as storms, high winds and flash floods. That is why we take a strategic approach to the energy transition. More than 70% of our energy production comes from renewable sources. We have anticipated our carbon neutrality target to 2045. We maintain close collaboration and continued support for countries that are particularly vulnerable to climate change, and we are investing in innovative solutions, such as agreements to convert debt into green investment, climate change and freedom of navigation share a common priority of our policy the sea and ocean protecting the marine environment and its biodiversity. Combating ocean warming, addressing the threat of sea level rise and ensuring universal freedom of navigation are essential priorities on the ocean agenda, which is an agenda we all have to pay attention to. These are shared responsibilities and opportunities that require a collective effort that must unite us all. Mr. President. Excellencies. Despite everything, despite everything.
Multilateralism allows us to project the power of our ideas rather than the might of our power. Tonga participates as an equal under the founding principles of the United Nations Charter, the sovereign equality of states. This is how we must approach our theme Restoring Trust, managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all. Enduring trust is restored when commitments produce results. True transformation is realized when our communities, economies and ecosystems can anticipate change and recover with greater strength. The small island developing states must not bear the disproportionate costs of the challenges they did little to create. Mr. president, too much of our international architecture still reflects the world of 1945 rather than today's realities. If the United Nations is to remain the principal vehicle through which sovereign nations confront global challenges, it must transform. We need a United Nations that enables innovation one that expands meaningful access to investment and technology, especially for the small island developing countries who are too often excluded from both. We need a stronger general assembly and institutions that respond effectively to the needs of the majority of our members. We cannot keep negotiating climate biodiversity and the ocean in separate COPs when they are clearly an interconnected ecosystem requiring integrated and coherent solutions. We call on global processes to recognise the ocean climate nexus and address these interconnected challenges together. We need a more inclusive Security Council equipped for today's challenges. A Security Council that recognises the triple planetary crisis as a profound threat to peace and security. We need a financial architecture that delivers timely and accessible financing to those who most need them. Internationally pledged commitments must be actioned urgently. The next Secretary general must understand these realities intimately. It is in this spirit that Tonga's nominated ambassador, Ivonne Baki of Ecuador, whose vision for a renewed reformed United Nations speaks to the needs of vulnerable states. To restore trust, every member state, large or small, must have a voice in shaping this organisation's future and a stake in its success. Mr. president, Your Excellencies, the Pacific region spans one third of the Earth's surface. It is our home. Through the 2050 strategy for the Blue Pacific continent, we have set our own course and identified our thematic priorities. For Tonga, investing in the ocean and nature is foundational in achieving its development, ambition. Protecting and restoring them builds our climate resilience. It strengthens our food security and enables a sustainable blue economy.
My dear colleagues, this evening I want to talk about the need for nations to work together on the new challenges that we face climate change, emerging technology and the breakdown of international rules. Eight decades ago, the citizens and leaders of our nations made a solemn promise to future generations. Having known the untold sorrow of two devastating global conflicts in their lifetimes, they vowed to work together to prevent another. The pioneers who built this institution from the ruins of war, proud Australians among them, were also coming to terms with two terrible truths the horrors of the Holocaust and the unprecedented horror of nuclear weapons. A depth of evil and a scale of destruction beyond imagining even a decade earlier. Yet rather than recoil from that reality, our leaders stood together to face it, learn from it, and most importantly, guard against its return. And instead of surrendering to fear or dealing in retribution, or abandoning their fate to a world governed by force alone, they came together to renew and affirm their faith in humanity, in the essential and equal dignity and worth of every individual, in the sovereignty of every nation and in the capacity and indeed the responsibility of all of us to give the Universal declaration of human rights, life and weight and real meaning by engaging in the dialogue that builds trust and deepens understanding and backing those words with actions. In this moment, we need to lean in and strengthen and modernise the fundamental parts of the UN system that help to build peace and promote economic development and sustainability, sovereignty, prosperity and peace are never guaranteed. They must be created, nurtured and protected by each generation, supporting the jobs, homes, schools and healthcare that represent the fullest expression of the UN's commitment to the economic and social advancement of all peoples. We know that the surest way to minimise the potential for conflict is to create the prosperity, opportunity and economic justice on which lasting peace depends. That means cooperating on the urgent challenges that confront each of our sovereign nations, and creating solutions that work for our citizens. This was the founding purpose of the United Nations. And for the leaders who have gathered here this week, this remains the test of our time. A test we can and we must pass. Whether it is climate change or artificial intelligence. There is always the temptation to say that our generation is being confronted by issues that our predecessors could not possibly have imagined while dealing with the world they would not recognise. But for all the transformation the past eight decades have brought, the fundamental, fundamental stakes haven't changed. And just as its values, our values, our ideals, our commitment to dialogue and cooperation proved equal to that task, then we can rise to meet these new challenges now. We can reaffirm our national sovereignty and our shared humanity. We can seize and share and shape the opportunities this moment holds in the interests of our citizens. But we can only do it together. From the very first days of this forum, Australia has always known that we understand that the UN mission cannot be entrusted solely to the great powers or the biggest countries, or even the loudest voices alone, nor can it be subcontracted to the world's richest companies, or dictated by the pace of technology. Then now and always, shaping a secure, peaceful and prosperous world is a task for all of us. And that world must be driven by the values and aspirations of all of us. We all have a part to play. And that is why Australia is seeking a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council for 2029 2030. The world faces tough times and Australia wants to respond to partner and to make a difference. Should our Security Council bid prove successful. Our purpose and approach will be consistent with how we have always conducted ourselves at the UN. We will listen with respect. We will partner as equals. And we will protect what matters most. Mr. president, a safer world is one governed by rules, not by power and force alone. It is a world in which all countries have the freedom to decide their own future. And all countries have their decisions. Listen to. As a member of the UN Security Council, Australia will safeguard the rules that protect us all by upholding international law, including the UN charter and the sovereignty of all states. We will amplify the voices of small states and middle powers to ensure a wider range of perspectives shape the council's decisions. We will work to prevent crisis, resolve resolve conflicts and protect civilians through diplomacy, peace building and practical action. Our objective will be to support a more effective, representative and responsive UN that is equipped to address the fast growing challenges of today. Listening, partnering. Protecting colleagues. The world is changing rapidly. New issues are becoming international issues demanding our full attention. Climate change, where the science foretold of the increase in frequency and intensity of extreme weather events that we are now experiencing emerging technology, including artificial intelligence, which is evolving at a furious pace, and the breakdown of trust, civility and social cohesion, which is promoting conflict within and between countries. Clearly, the multilateral system we have all known and benefited from is under immense strain. To promote the peace, to create a world of human dignity, to do justice to the UN's mission, we must embrace change and we must embrace reform. Australia supports the rules and institutions that underpin open trade and connectivity. That order, based on agreed rules and institutions, faces massive disruption. This doesn't mean abandoning multilateralism, it means working to reform it.
This session of the General Assembly is convening on the eve of the 65th anniversary of Mongolia's full fledged membership in the United Nations. In 1961, Mongolia made history by raising its national flag with the Golden Soyombo at the United Nations and becoming the 101st member of the United Nations, the guarantor of global peace and security, and the beacon of hope and trust for the world's nations. Mongolia welcomes the convening of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly under the theme Restoring Trust Managing Transformation a United Nations that Delivers for all, reaffirming its belief in the central role of the United Nations in fostering mutual trust, mutual respect and cooperation among the nations and peoples of the world. Mongols say if you do your best, fate will do the rest. The United Nations is an organization based on the trust and commitment of each member state, and the UN is strengthened by their dedication and sustained efforts. Therefore, it is incumbent upon us, Member States to uphold the mission of the United Nations with a sincere heart. Rather than simply expecting support and assistance, we must remain deeply conscious of our own responsibilities and duties and dedicate our wholehearted efforts to strengthening the United Nations. It is through trust and hope, dedication and commitment and engagement and participation of every Member State that we can strengthen the United Nations. A stronger United Nations, in turn, will deliver more efficiently towards global peace, security and sustainable development, thereby creating conditions for all Member States to benefit. As the conflicts and confrontations flash across the world, the walls of distrust rise higher and the chasm of misunderstanding grows deeper, it is becoming crucial to shape and develop international relations, not through a form of multipolarity that risks driving the world toward division, but through a multi-pillared principle that respects the pluralism inherent in each nation's history, culture, civilization, core national interests and chosen path of development. Eight centuries ago, our ancestors established the great Pax Mongolica, promoting, for the first time the idea to the world that nations could mutually recognize one another's values, and that peoples of diverse civilizations and faiths could coexist. This historic contribution of the Mongols to the advancement of humankind continues to be recognized by the international community. Let us strengthen multilateral cooperation through the multi-pillar principle, inspired by the ideas of Pax Mongolica, so that we may restore our trust and hope through shared responsibility, reform the United Nations with a common purpose and build a better, more peaceful world through the strength of our collective action. Mr. President, despite the remarkable heights of development and progress humanity has reached, our planet is currently confronted with more than 90 armed conflicts, around 30 of which are international, demonstrating that global peace and security remain unstable and that geopolitical and geostrategic competition continues to intensify. This results in the disruption of global economic supply chains, a rise in the prices of energy, fuel, raw materials and food, as well as economic strains on nations around the world. All of this is weakening the international order established since the Second World War, changing the universally recognized norms of international law and undermining the stability of multilateral relations and cooperation. Mongolia shares the view expressed by United Nations Secretary General Antonio Guterres in his annual report on the work of the organisation that in a world marked by turbulence, division and uncertainty, the United Nations is more necessary than ever. Hence, Mongolia underscores the tangible progress made under Secretary General's UN80 initiative to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of the United Nations in response to the challenges of our time and reaffirms its active support for this initiative. The effectiveness of the United Nations, the decisiveness of its actions, and the ability of nations to unite their efforts will ultimately depend upon us, the Member States. Mongolia is confident that the soon to be appointed Secretary General will steadfastly uphold the principles and purposes of the United Nations and international law, ensure that the voices and positions of all Member States are equally heard and reflected, and provide strong leadership in restoring trust and managing transformation within the UN. Believing that reform of the Security Council should be at the core of broader United Nations reform, Mongolia maintains its principled position in support of expanding the number of both permanent and non-permanent members of the Security Council ensuring equitable representation of developing countries in the Council, and promoting greater openness and transparency in its work. Mongolia is one of the 58 countries that have never served as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. Therefore, Mongolia aspires to actively participate in the work of the Security Council and contribute to finding collective solutions to the problems and challenges facing the international community. In manifestation of this aspiration, I officially announce from this rostrum today that Mongolia is presenting its candidature for a non-permanent seat of the UN Security Council for the term 2048 2049. Mr. President, on behalf of the people of Mongolia, I extend my heartfelt gratitude to the United Nations and its system organizations for their valuable contributions to our country's development and progress and their long standing, constructive cooperation over the 65 years since Mongolia's accession to the United Nations as a full fledged member. Mongolia has been contributing with honor to the efforts on strengthening international peace and security, advancing social and economic development and protecting human rights, the core pillars of the United Nations. For instance, more than three decades ago, in pursuit of its foreign policy to ensure national security through political and diplomatic means, Mongolia declared its territory nuclear weapon free. Since then Mongolia has consistently pursued policies and taken actions to verify the status legally. In this spirit, the United Nations General Assembly adopts on a biennial basis the resolution entitled Mongolia's International Security and Nuclear Weapon Free Status, initiated by Mongolia in 1998.
It's what we also tried to do, acting together. And we did it. Just look at the oceans. A few years ago, everybody said it was impossible to craft agreements so as to protect marine areas, protect the oceans. Just look at what we've done over the last few years, protecting 30% of our landmass and our seas. We've crafted this agreement and implementation is improving year in, year out. Some also told us that we wouldn't be able to conserve two thirds of our oceans, the high seas. We undertook those negotiations, working hand in hand with the great powers. That's the BBNJ agreement. And in a matter of months we achieved over 60 ratifications, which means that the treaty has now entered into force. That agreement, the Nice treaty, the United Nations Ocean Conference, the third Oceans Conference last year, helped us to accelerate that work, and the first oceans will be held in a few months time in January. This is tremendous evidence of our ability to achieve concrete results when we mobilize, when we act in concert. So let's not give in to fatalism. Let's defend what we've achieved, but also our principles. We must defend free and independent science. Let's protect the IPCC, IPBES. We need scientists who measure, who analyze, who assess. Let's uphold our commitment to the Paris Agreement, to our decarbonization pathways, to our 2050 carbon neutrality target. Let's shoulder our share of responsibility. We need to innovate, cooperate, restart, work on biodiversity credits, and achieve our objectives on forests and oceans. We have many decisions to take. We cannot give in to fatalism.
Resilience without resources is not resilience, it is merely survival. The same logic applies directly to the climate crisis. For Seychelles, climate change is not a prospective debate. It is a daily reality that strikes at the very foundations of our society. Rising seas threaten our infrastructure, our coastal livelihoods and our very territory. The science is undisputed. The targets are clear. What remains missing is political will and execution. Major emitters must display greater ambition while all nations act according to their responsibilities and capabilities. Economic growth that bankrupts the planet for future generations is not progress. Seychelles, therefore, welcomes the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on climate change, reinforcing that climate action is rooted in international law, equity and intergenerational justice. Mitigation, adaptation, technology transfer and loss and damage funding are not acts of charity. They are legal obligations. Our survival is inextricably linked to the health of the ocean. Protecting our marine environment is an economic necessity. As an early ratifying state of the BBNJ Agreement, Seychelles looks forward to its first conference of the parties and urges all Member States to finalize their ratifications swiftly. Yet our ambitions are hampered by structural economic barriers.
Mr. President, this session is taking place at the time of a twofold need: to restore trust and to manage transformation, to understand the urgent need for action. Let us gaze upon the world as it is, first. It has been a long time since peace has seemed so fragile. On all continents, conflicts are multiplying, becoming entrenched, and fueling one another. Each has its reasons, its history, its instigators, but they all have one thing in common: they are costing civilian lives, destroying schools and hospitals, and displacing entire families. These crises never remain contained. Disruptions around the Strait of Hormuz are causing energy and fertilizer prices to skyrocket. Migration—forced migration—routes are growing crowded. Terrorism, trafficking, and armed groups are flourishing in zones beyond state control. However far they may be from the front line, no state is safe from the repercussions of these conflicts. At the same time, divisions within the Security Council— the body charged with protecting international peace and security— are paralyzing action where it is the most urgently needed. International law is supposed to protect the weak from the ambitions of the powerful, and yet it is increasingly being dismissed as optional.
Honduras exercises sovereignty over the full extent of its national territory. Moreover, it administers its natural resources in accordance with its constitution. The law applies to each and every individual, in all four corners of the country, because without legal security and certainty, and without respect for private property, there can be no peace, development, employment, or investment. The right to development is something that it is the duty of the country's government to ensure for the millions of Honduran people. Honduras makes good on its promises. It honors its agreements and its treaties. These principles are neither selective nor biased. I visited Ukraine three months ago. There I saw a people defending its freedom and fighting for it, in full respect of its territorial integrity and its political independence. I saw a country protecting civilians and working to achieve a lasting peace. Security cannot be imposed by decree. It is something that is built with resources, with training, and with political resolve.
It is therefore, that the CARICOM ten-point plan for restorative justice is now of eminent importance. Mr. president, Suriname occupies a unique position. We are carbon negative and remain the world's most forested country with over 90% forest coverage. High Forested and Low Deforestation countries like Suriname should not first have to lose forests before climate finance institutions recognize the value of protecting them. Conservation costs cannot be borne only by the countries protecting ecosystems whose benefits are shared globally. So I will continue my plea for just and effective climate finance, because our forests are under even more pressure than when I addressed this meeting last year. I stated that the forests faced competition of rich natural resources like gold, diamonds and other precious minerals. We are now confronted, however, with a new threat of people who also want to clear parts of our rainforests for large scale agriculture. We will need to prevent that, and we can use every assistance. At this very moment, my government is introducing legal and institutional measures to better protect our forests and the immediate living environment of indigenous people and tribal communities. Their knowledge and participation are important at all stages of development.
In more than 80 years, no woman has led this organization. We trust that the Security Council and the General Assembly will rise to this moment. Ladies and gentlemen, renewing peacekeeping operations, without a shadow of a doubt, is our most urgent task. Today, transnational criminal networks control territories, they traffic arms and people, and they recruit children. Haiti, our neighbor, is the clearest example of this. Since 2021, the Dominican Republic has warned in each and every forum that this crisis is a threat to the peace and security of the region, and particularly for my country. A year ago, from this same rostrum, I called upon the council to act without delay. Six days later, the council adopted Resolution 2793 that authorized a banned suppression force with a strong mandate and with the support of a United Nations support office. I thank the United States and Panama for their leadership, as well as Canada and other donors for their support, Kenya for their commitment, and the commitment of all of the countries who today have their men and women serving in Haiti. However, the reality does not allow us to wait. One month ago, in the Haitian community of Kentscoff, in just one night, gangs murdered no less than 47 people, including 5 children. Close to a million and a half of Haitians have been displaced from their homes. Half of them are children. This assembly cannot resign to seeing massacres become the norm for the long-suffering Haitian people. What the council approved now requires the means to implement it. First, the deployment of the force that today is only funded up to a fifth of and only has up to a fifth, rather, of the troops authorized. Second, fulfilling the arms embargo and sanctioning those who are financing and protecting gangs. And thirdly, strengthening the police, the armed forces, and the Haitian justice system so that the security can be sustained. The mandate of the force expires on the 30th of September. It's for the council now to renew it and for the international community to contribute troops and the resources that are required. Renewing it without completing it would be prolonging a promise that's not fulfilled. None of this requires a new decision. The Dominican Republic has played its role. We will not practice a diplomacy of mere declarations, but rather a diplomacy of solutions. We will contribute to building the consensus that made a resolution possible, and we are committing our financial contributions that's proportional for the trust fund of the force and facilitating from our country transit, logistics, and a UN support office. We are cooperating with the sanctions regime and supporting the personnel of the mission in our hospitals. We are doing this because this is, above all, a question of national security for our country, and we must repeat this as clearly as possible: there is no Dominican solution to the Haitian crisis, and no state or organization can impose on our country to do it in their place. We will continue to protect our borders, to implement our migratory laws, and strengthen and equip our armed forces in exercise of sovereign equality that the United Nations recognizes for each state, and all of this fully respecting the international obligations that we freely assumed.
Ladies and gentlemen. Our vision at this stage is based on our national will to restore the sanctity of the law enhance state institutions, and strengthen citizens trust in them. These are our governing priorities. We are striving to ensure that the state is the ultimate decision maker in matters of peace and war, and that weapons and tools of power remain in the hands of its constitutional institutions. This is so that the law is the final authority, and national interest is the compass. Our implementation measures in this field are moving on track, as they represent the basis for building a state based on institutions protecting sovereignty. Ensuring stability And creating the environment necessary for development and investment. With the end of the international Coalition's mission in Iraq.
Mr. President, excellencies, at the outset, allow me to extend my warm and heartfelt congratulations to you on your election as president of the 81st session of the General Assembly. Your election reflects the confidence of Member States in your steadfast commitment to multilateral system and your vision for a United Nations that is responsive, effective, and capable of delivering for humanity. As you embark on this important journey, my delegation reaffirms its unwavering commitment to working closely with you and all Member States to ensure a productive and successful session. I also pay tribute to your predecessor, Her Excellency Ms. Baerbock, president of the 80th session of the General Assembly, with whom my delegation had the honour to serve as Vice President. Her dedicated leadership, zeal and tenacity of purpose in strengthening multilateral cooperation during a period of profound global uncertainty gave us hope that the future of this organization can be secured when all nations work together for the common goal of leaving no one behind. To the secretary general, Antonio Guterres, whose tenure is approaching an end, my delegation commends his exemplary leadership and commitment to the ideals of the United Nations. During his term the world confronted unprecedented challenges from the COVID-19 pandemic to the eruption of new conflicts, the catastrophic effects of climate change, and unstable trade regimes. Throughout these crises, he remained the moral force and steady anchor of the organization. We salute him for his distinguished service and will fondly cherish his historic visit to the Mountain Kingdom in December 2024, during which he witnessed firsthand the dividends of the UN's contribution to Lesotho. Mr. president, the theme for this session Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: A United Nations that delivers for all, resonates deeply with Lesotho's aspirations for a more inclusive, transparent and result oriented multilateral system capable of advancing respect for international law, maintaining global peace and security, accelerating sustainable development, protecting human rights, driving climate action, and implementing long overdue institutional reforms.
This purpose binds our national advancement to our continent's progress, and to our responsibility to contribute to a peaceful, equitable and prosperous world. We understand that governments and multilateral institutions and trusts, when their decisions improve lives. Yet none of these gains will matter if we turn a deaf ear to the trace gathering around our borders and further appeal, we inhabit the only planet known to sustain human life. And as long as that scientific park holds, we cannot pretend that we are insulated from complex as well geography or personal exemption from the consequences of a fractured world. Mr. president, we reject the false choice between development and climate action. Developing countries, most industrialised, eradicate poverty and expand energy access through low carbon pathways supported by technology transfer, capacity building and climate finance. Africa Contributes less than 4% of the greenhouse gas emissions yet via disproportionate consequences. Nigeria remains committed to the Paris Agreement and an equitable energy transition that reflects historical responsibility and capacity. While protecting people's right to development under our Energy transition Plan, we are working towards net zero emissions by 2060 while expanding access to affordable, reliable and sustainable energy. This approach combines renewable energy, clean cooking and gas as a transitional fuel with climate, smart agriculture and nature based solutions. Finance must be governed by equity and shared responsibility rather than charity. With international commitments translated into accessible, predictable and adequately funded mechanisms that enable developing countries to pursue climate action without compromising development objectives.
And I'm here not to sell you a product or a policy, or yet another declaration. I am here to sell you an idea. An idea conceived and spearheaded by His Majesty King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck, an idea embraced by the people of Bhutan. An idea already being built. That idea is Gelephu Mindfulness City, GMC. And my sales pitch is simple. Come and build it with us. Now, the world has built new cities before financial centers, freeports, technology hubs, special economic zones. But GMC is different. You see, Gelephu Mindfulness City is a special administrative region, an SAR. Under its Royal Charter, GMC exercises full autonomy in governance, legislation and the judiciary. Think one country, two systems. Think of the agility of a microstate. But GMC was not inherited from history. It was not created to manage a transfer of sovereignty. It is being deliberately created by Bhutan within Bhutan on sovereign Bhutanese territory for the future. GMC covers more than 4000km². That is more than five times the size of Singapore. But its greatest opportunity is not its size. Its greatest opportunity is an institutional blank slate. GMC was given something extraordinarily rare the freedom to design an entire city and its operating systems from first principles. So we asked if you could begin again. How would you govern? What laws would you write? How would we regulate business? How would we guarantee an independent judiciary? How would we attract the best talent? How would we use technology and especially artificial intelligence? How would we create wealth while protecting nature? And ultimately, what would all that prosperity be for? These were not theoretical questions. We answered them. And we are making full use of that institutional blank slate. If Singapore has legal principles that work, we learn from Singapore. If Abu Dhabi has financial regulations that work we learn from Abu Dhabi. If leading jurists from the United Kingdom can help us build an independent judiciary, we learn from them. And if international experts can strengthen our institutions, we learn from them. The principle is simple. Search the world for what works. Take the best, adapt it, and make it work for GMC. The result is a core operating system that is now in place, designed to give investors clarity, familiarity, and predictability. But GMC's operating system was designed around a deeper conviction that prosperity and values should reinforce one another. That means rejecting the assumption that we must choose between enterprise and well-being, between technology and humanity between development and nature. At GMC, we believe a balanced approach can deliver substantial profits while protecting the values that make prosperity worthwhile. Balance is not the enemy of profit. It is the foundation of lasting profit. And at GMC, balance is not a slogan. It is built into the operating system. And this matters deeply to Bhutan. You see, Bhutan is peaceful and stable. Our forests are intact. Our culture is alive. Our people are educated. But our economy is small. It cannot yet create enough opportunities for our young people. So too many of them leave home to find opportunity elsewhere. For a country as small as ours, this is not only an economic challenge, it is an existential one. We cannot simply tell them to stay. We must give them a reason to stay and a reason to return. Jobs. Opportunities. Enterprise, a future. So Bhutan must transform. But we refuse to believe that transformation requires us to become somebody else. We want economic growth. We want investment. We want technology. We want successful companies. We want our people to become wealthier. But we also want to protect what makes Bhutan Bhutan. That is the driving force behind His Majesty's vision for GMC. And that is why His Majesty is personally spearheading its development. GMC is not a project on the margins of Bhutan. It is at the heart of our national transformation. Our people have embraced GMC as a people's project and investment in our children, our economy and our shared future. Bhutan is not waiting to see whether the world believes in GMC before committing to it.
Conflicts, geopolitical tensions, declining resources for development and the fragmentation of spaces for dialogue are testing the principles that have guided coexistence among nations. At the same time, democracy faces a twofold challenge the resurgence of authoritarian tendencies that seek to undermine the will of the people, and the spread of organised criminal networks that infiltrate institutions, corrupt justice systems, capture economies and territories, and erode public trust. Transnational organised crime is more than just a threat to public security. It is a direct threat to democracy the rule of law, and the ability of our peoples to freely determine their future. Criminal networks do not recognize borders. They are linked through drug trafficking trafficking in persons, illicit arms trafficking, smuggling, extortion, money laundering, environmental crime and other illicit economies. They exploit institutional weaknesses, inequality, and a lack of opportunities. Wherever the state is weakened, these structures seek to replace it, intimidate it, or bend it to serve private interests. In the face of these realities, the fundamental principles that must guide our collective action have lost none of their relevance. Preserving peace, combating hunger and poverty. Ensuring equal rights and opportunities, strengthening justice, protecting our planet, and consolidating democratic institutions remain shared responsibilities. The Sustainable Development Goals continue to provide an essential roadmap.
Your excellencies, we see the cost of that neglect every day. In my region, from Lebanon to Yemen to Sudan, protracted conflict is deepening humanitarian suffering. And if anyone had any doubt that a crisis in our part of the world stays there, just look at the energy and grocery bills of ordinary families, from Mumbai to Madrid to Minnesota. The Iran war has shown how quickly instability can disrupt trade, investment and lives beyond the region. And then there is Gaza. For decades, I've stood before this assembly and warned of the dangers of leaving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict unresolved. But the international community chose to manage the conflict, not confront it. And every new Israeli violation was treated as temporary, diverting attention from the reality being created on the ground until temporary became permanent and permanent became policy. Of course, this is not the world's only injustice, but one of the world's longest running occupations forces a basic question if international law can be ignored for decades, then what exactly is that law worth and how can we enforce it if we won't even call out its violations? In Gaza, the evidence is overwhelming. In the first 300 days of the so-called cease fire, at least 300 Palestinian children were killed. Jordan's field hospitals have also been targeted. President Trump has pushed hard for peace and a path to end this war. But this Israeli government keeps moving the goalposts, continuing its attacks and destruction of civilian infrastructure, refusing to withdraw and squeezing Palestinians into barely a third of Gaza. This can no longer be dismissed as temporary military measures or a consequence of war. Accountability begins when we call things for what they are, an attempt to erase Palestinian life and impose a new territorial reality in Gaza. And while the world has been focused on Gaza, something extraordinarily dangerous is unfolding in the West Bank. Some may think we have seen this before settlements, violence, displacement, more of the same, but it is not. Nor is it simply an escalation. This is a fundamental shift. What was once a creeping process has exploded into something far more aggressive. Settler violence is rampant. Palestinians are being beaten, shot and terrorized, homes torched, property destroyed, families driven from their land and Israel is tightening its grip on more of the West Bank, seizing land, expanding settlements and pushing the Palestinians out. It is time to see what is happening for what it really is, because when the language is sanitized, the actions become normalized. Demolishing Palestinian homes to expand illegal settlements is not law enforcement. It is forcible transfer. Appropriating occupied land is not land registration. It is de facto annexation. A choking network of checkpoints and barriers is not security infrastructure. It is a system of subjugation. Systematic attacks on Palestinian communities are not settler unrest. The Israeli government criticizes the violence before the international audiences. They call those responsible a handful of rioters. They assure us that Israel is a country governed by law. Yet what's happening on the ground says otherwise. Israeli soldiers stand by as settlers attacked Palestinians, often protecting the attackers or joining them. They have blocked ambulances from reaching the injured. They have targeted international journalists who are trying to say the truth. And when soldiers watch, enable and sometimes even participate in violence against civilians, this is no longer about a handful of rioters. And the question is no longer whether a few extremists are breaking the law. The question is, is this the behavior of a democratic state governed by law? What is unfolding across the West Bank is not a series of isolated acts. It is elements of a single policy to compel an entire population to leave their land. And there is a name for that forced displacement, and that is a war crime. Your excellencies, if we are to resolve the Palestinian Israeli conflict, the world must abandon some illusions. The first is that Gaza and the West Bank are separate stories. They are not. They are two fronts of the same Israeli strategy. In both, Palestinians are being killed. In both, the reality on the ground is being remade. Gaza through destruction. The West Bank through de facto annexation. The objective is the same to make a viable Palestinian state impossible. Another illusion is that this Israeli leadership's rejection of Palestinian statehood is a position that might yet change. It is not. It is cemented on the ground. This government has been accelerating settlements and land seizures, but it began long before. Since Oslo, the map has changed piece by piece, settlement by settlement, and the most dangerous illusion that the Arab world never sought peace. The Arab Peace Initiative of 2002 offered Israel normalization with 57 Arab and Muslim states, including Iran and Iraq at the time, in exchange for peace and Palestinian statehood. For over 20 years, that offer has stood. The obstacle hasn't been the absence of a partner for peace, but the absence of an Israeli government willing to accept it. This Israeli government understands the power of attention, and lately it has not liked the attention it's been getting. When confronted with evidence of wrongdoing, rather than change the course, it opts for distraction, discrediting its critics. It has also tried to cast this conflict as a war of religions Islam on one side, Judaism and Christianity on the other. It is not. This is about whether Palestinians, Muslims and Christians are entitled to the same rights as everyone else. Distractions will not fly anymore. People across the world are paying attention. The question now is, will we act? Because the world's political inaction is not for lack of options. So let's call it for what it is a choice. We have tools, sanctions, asset freezes, embargoes, diplomatic isolation, and we have a record of using them elsewhere. Yet with Israel, resolutions end where they began on paper. The result is a state without restraint. This government's sense of impunity has reached terrifying levels. It no longer feels compelled to ask, can we get away with this? It already knows the answer, and that is precisely why no one in this assembly should assume its ambitions stop at Palestine. This Israeli government's expansionist appetite is now a regional threat. And today Syria is the warning the international community is choosing not to see. Repeated incursions, creeping territorial expansion, new facts imposed on the ground, including around vital water resources, step by calculated step, Israel is testing how far it can go, and every time the international community looks away, Israel learns that it can go even further across borderlines and legal limits. For Jordan, there is no ambiguity, any threat to our northern border or our water security is a threat to our national security. Jordan will not look away. We will protect our security, our water and the interests of our people. And the question here is, if Israel continues its antagonistic approach in southern Syria, will the international community stand by and let that happen?
We remain committed to the multilateral humanitarian system, as well as to all those who are providing assistance where it is most needed. The same level of responsibility applies to peace and security. Conflicts affect all human beings women, children, older persons, persons with disabilities, as well as people who are already vulnerable. Protecting civilians and defending human rights cannot take a back seat to other considerations.
We reject terrorism and extremism in all their forms. We combat anti-Semitism, racism, and hatred. And we believe in a culture of peace, dialogue and coexistence. We seek a democratic Palestinian state. That respects the rule of law and human rights. A non-militarized state, a non-militarized state that lives in security and peace alongside the state of Israel. Is this possible? Ladies and gentlemen, our commitment to peace did not begin today. In 1988, our people and its leadership made a historic and difficult decision, and we accepted a historic settlement founded on the two state solution on the basis of international legitimacy. Today we say to the world. Saving. The solution begins with preserving the land on which the Palestinian state is to be established and protecting the people who live on it. The Palestinian people will remain on its land. The Palestinian people will not accept displacement, will not accept displacement and will not disappear. Neither military occupation nor settlement expansion and annexation, nor settler terrorism can be a solution or create lasting security. At the same time, we will not remain in waiting, nor will we accept whatever the governments of the Israeli occupying state decide for us. They have no right to decide for us. No lasting security can be built upon the occupation of another people, and the denial of its legitimate rights. We have our own national project. Protecting our people from displacement, preserving our land and its unity, democratically renewing our institutions and building our state, while remaining committed to international law and exercising our right to self-determination, leading to the realization of an independent, sovereign Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital, along with the return of refugees. In accordance with UN resolution 194. We do not want a new process for managing the conflict. While the face of the land changes every day, we want a process that puts an end to occupation and guarantees freedom and self-determination for Palestinians, a process that guarantees also security and peace for Israelis in the countries of the region. Our vision for peace is clear a Palestinian people remaining on its own land, determining its future for itself and the Palestinian state alongside the state of Israel, and a Palestinian-Israeli peace that paves the way to regional integration, cooperation, prosperity and security for everyone.
And lasting reconciliation cannot be built on denial, selective approaches to justice, or the glorification of those convicted of war crimes. It requires respect for the judgments of international courts and equal dignity for every single victim, regardless of their identity or background. And in a world searching for proof that cooperation still works, Montenegro is contributing to the vision that the Balkans become that proof. Excellencies, the principle that guides us at home guides us here as well, in this very organization. Our engagement with the United Nations system is guided by the same principles. Montenegro is a reliable, credible, and predictable partner, committed to an effective multilateral system with the UN Charter at its core, aligned with the European Union's common foreign security policy, and working closely with our NATO allies and EU partners in support of international peace and security. And this commitment comes at a time when the United Nations itself is facing a profound test. Eight decades after its foundation, the challenges confronting this organization are increasingly complex and interconnected. Conflicts are eroding trust in the international system. Climate change is testing the resilience of states and of societies, and artificial intelligence and other emerging technologies are creating risks at a speed that national frameworks alone cannot adequately address. So the answer cannot be less multilateralism. It must be more effective multilateralism. And Montenegro, therefore, strongly supports the UN reform agenda and the ambition to build a United Nations that is more effective, more agile, more accessible, more financially sustainable, and fit for the challenges of our time. This reform must strengthen the UN's ability to deliver where it matters most: in preventing conflict, protecting human rights and freedoms, advancing sustainable development, and responding effectively to humanitarian crises. This responsibility also extends to the Security Council itself, which must become more effective, representative, accountable, and transparent. And the exercise of the veto must carry the weight of conscience above all when the world is confronted with mass atrocities and the large-scale loss of civilian life. The Charter of the United Nations must remain our common reference point, and Montenegro will be a constructive partner in those efforts. Excellencies, Montenegro remains committed to supporting Ukraine and welcomes all credible diplomatic efforts aimed at bringing the war to this end.
But my country believes that protecting human rights loses credibility when it becomes subjected to political calculation. I categorically reject human rights being used as a banner raised against some and lowered against others. Nor can human rights become an instrument rewarding friends, punishing adversaries, or, worse still, remaining silent in line with the political circumstances of the time. Our duty is to prevent politics from weakening the defense of human rights. If we want the system to be respected, it needs to be serious, consistent and equally demanding on all of us. My country is consistent, and therefore we want to ensure that we have a credible defense of human rights. And in this, just as in so many other areas, the United Nations still has some room for improvement in that connection. We trust in a democratic transition in Venezuela, a swift, safe, far reaching transition.
Freedom of navigation and uninhibited passage through international straits, as guaranteed by international law must be championed globally, and it is our collective responsibility to uphold these principles in practice and to safeguard commercial shipping. And as a leading maritime nation, Greece actively contributes to maritime security through the operation of the European Union that speeds in the Red sea, and this topic will remain a high priority when Greece assumes the presidency of the Security Council next month. We intend to place particular attention to the challenges posed by emerging technologies. Ladies and gentlemen, Greece's geography grants it the natural role of serving as a bridge between Europe and its wider neighbourhood to the east and the south. We literally sit at the intersection of the shrinking space between the east and the West. My country is a pillar of stability, connectivity and peace across the Eastern Mediterranean, the Middle East and the Gulf region Greece has developed strong strategic partnerships with key countries in the region, including Israel, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Bahrain and Qatar. We are a bridge builder. We are not a troublemaker. Yet putting this vision into practice is rarely simple. At a time of tectonic geopolitical changes in the Middle East, the Gaza peace plan agreed last year must be effectively implemented. It is of paramount concern to ensure that Hamas surrenders its arms. It can have no role, I repeat, no role in Gaza's future. At the same time, reconstruction needs to move forward, with Palestinians themselves taking ownership of Gaza's future. Greece will continue to advocate for a two state solution, with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace and security. However, developments in the West Bank remain a source of deep concern Actions that are illegal under international law and undermine the viability of a future Palestinian state cannot be allowed to continue. We strongly argue that this is also to the benefit of the long term security of Israel itself. Greece has established a durable and deep strategic partnership with Israel, while at the same time maintaining strong ties with the Arab world And it is precisely. It is precisely the strength of this partnership that allows us to engage in an open and candid dialogue. In Lebanon, there is now a real opportunity to lay the foundations for a lasting peace. The US facilitated negotiations with Israel are an important step forward and should be sustained. Greece strongly supports a sovereign, resilient and united Lebanon and the government's efforts to restore the state's monopoly over arms. Ultimately, a stronger Lebanese state will serve both domestic security and regional stability. Therefore, we will continue to deliver concrete assistance to the country, including to the Lebanese armed forces with a unifil's mandate. Ending joint action is crucial to avoid a security vacuum and maintain an effective international and European presence. Syria is another key player in the region. Lasting stability in the Middle East requires a stable Syria, a Syria that is inclusive, a Syria that is free from foreign interference and regional rivalries. A Syria where every citizen can and should feel secure. The new Syrian authorities have taken steps in this direction. Get. Further concrete progress must be demonstrated, particularly when it comes to protecting the rights and security of all religious and ethnic communities. And this, of course, includes the Orthodox Christian minority, which unfortunately continues to face the violence of Islamist extremists. The search for stability extends to Libya, a neighbour with whom we share many common interests. We praise all reunification efforts. A stable Libya free from foreign interference, would benefit not only the Libyan people, but our entire region. And Greece is ready to support Libyan institutions in border protection and migration management. And we remain fully committed to reaching an agreement on the delimitation of our maritime zones. Ladies and gentlemen, let me now turn to our relations with our neighbour, Turkey. Over the past three years, we have made a sustained effort to improve our relationship, rebuild trust and keep channels of communication open in order to prevent the escalation of tensions that could lead to unwanted crises. It is a delicate relationship. It's a relationship that carries the weight of history. And indeed, given broader and regional challenges, the situation calls urgently calls for a common understanding on how we move forward and understanding grounded in full respect for international law and the principles of good neighbourly relations. After all, as I've said repeatedly, we cannot change our geography. We are destined to live side by side. And I repeat that the UN convention on the law of the sea provides the only institutional framework to solve our only long lasting dispute concerning the delimitation of our continental shelf and our exclusive economic zones. Dialogue is essential for peace and prosperity, but meaningful dialogue cannot coexist with unilateral actions. The challenge the international legal order. Nor can meaningful progress be made when faced with threats of war in response to the exercise of lawful rights, according to international law. Such actions do not resolve differences. They end up by only deepening them, and they risk undermining the stability of our wider region, a region which we should not forget, still bears an open wound. The unresolved Cyprus issue 52 years, 52 years have passed since Turkey illegally invaded Cyprus and continued to occupy it, a flagrant violation of international law whose consequences persist to this day for the United Nations. Cyprus remains a litmus test of its credibility, of its ability to uphold its own resolutions and the principles of the charter, and Greece fully supports the recent efforts of Secretary General Gutierrez to create the appropriate conditions for the resumption of substantive negotiations, and we sincerely hope that progress can be achieved during his remaining time in office. And we expect we expect these efforts to continue under his successor with the same objective the reunification of Cyprus, free of occupation forces in accordance with the relevant UN Security Council resolutions. The principles at stake in Cyprus are being tested elsewhere to today. Two other major conflicts continue to challenge our ability to defend the values upon which this organization was founded. The war in Ukraine is now in its fifth year, five years since Russia's full scale aggression brought back war to European soil, the Ukrainian people have shown extraordinary courage defending their freedom and Greece continuously stands with them. We strongly, strongly condemn attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure. Diplomacy must now deliver an immediate cease fire and a lasting peace anchored in the principles of the United Nations Charter. Ukraine must have a decisive say in its own future, and Europe cannot be absent from these negotiations. Against this backdrop, another devastating war demands our urgent attention. In Sudan, the nearly four year conflict has resulted in a staggering humanitarian catastrophe. Reports of atrocious war crimes continue to emerge, while the conflict is fuelling instability way beyond far beyond Sudan's borders. We should not permit this tragedy to endure. Foreign interference must also cease with no impunity for war crimes. Ultimately, the way forward lies in a credible, Sudanese led political process that reflects the aspirations of the citizens Sudan. The European Union ought to leverage its capacity to play a more active role in supporting that process and assisting in bringing this destructive conflict to an end. After all, it has real skill in the game. Should the devastating war continue, our continent will be the first to suffer from a possible massive new migratory wave. Ladies and gentlemen, Greece has confidence abroad, rests on a profound transformation at home At a time when the effectiveness of governments all over the world is being challenged by populists and extremists, and public trust is being eroded in the echo chambers of social media, Greece serves as an example that sound reform oriented policies can deliver real results for people and improve their lives.
Russia's bet on cruise missiles and Shaheds didn't work the way Putin planned. They still caused damage, but they didn't break us. We built our defense. What is truly difficult for us now is Russian ballistic missiles and their new jet-powered Shaheds. Iranian technologies. Just imagine this: since the beginning of this year, Russia has already used more than 2,100 missiles of different types against us, against Ukraine, our people, and our children. More than 950 of them were ballistic missiles. In 8 months of this year, Russia used 63,000 attack drones of different types against Ukraine, our people. And more than 7,700 of them were jet-powered Shaheds. Truly destructive and very dangerous weapons. Just think about it. The Russians launch jet-powered Shaheds every hour. Every hour. Against our cities, our economy, our infrastructure. Our combat aircraft are fighting them 24/7. And this is part of Russia's strategy: to create a near threat every hour, to make life harder for the economy, and to disrupt people's lives, and to stop children from being able to study, just to study at school. Would your country survive if, God forbid, you had to face something like this? Ukraine has. Our soldiers have already successfully tested four new jet-powered interceptor drones against Russian jet-powered Shaheds. So we are scaling up production, and we will build, of course we will build, protection against these threats too. We have also launched an anti-ballistic program, FREA, together with our partners. Ten countries are already part of it: Ukraine, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Germany, France, Italy, the United Kingdom, Spain, and the Netherlands. Last week, I invited Poland to join. And we are also in consultations with a couple of other allied governments who want to join FREA. And we remain open to every country that can contribute to building protection against ballistic missiles. Our FREA program does not replace proven and effective systems, like, for example, Patriot systems or upgraded anti-ballistic SAMP/T systems. We want to build a system that can be produced on a much larger scale and at a lower cost, a system that can become an integrated part of Ukraine's defense and Europe's defense. One that can help any freedom-loving nation. The global waiting list for anti-ballistic systems is very long. There are more and more ballistic threats, and the industrial capacity of those who choose war is very large. So we need to produce enough protection so that every person sitting in this hall can say," My people are truly protected." That is our approach to security. Today, even the richest countries in the world can't find enough missile interceptors. Current production is simply not enough. And even those who spend years building up interceptor stocks have already used a large part of them, unfortunately. This is the reality, even in the Gulf, where countries really worked to build strong anti-ballistic system, anti-ballistic defense. So we need a new program. We need FREA join these common efforts. And yes, sometimes it may seem that Ukraine is focused, focused only on war, because we speak about weapons, we speak about defense and sanctions against the aggressor. But Ukrainians did not choose this war. We choose not to die, not to lose our country, our families, not to lose our independence, our freedom. And we are defending ourselves. And this matters not only for us. I'm sure most of you here are like Ukraine was before this war. You are peaceful nations. And you do not think about war every second. But that does not mean you are weak. And those who may wish you harm should not make that mistake. Most of you do not have nuclear weapons. You do not have a habit of attacking your neighbors. And you may not have the money to finance years of war. But that does not mean you have no chance to stay safe, to detour those who may threaten you, to make anyone who may threaten you think twice, and to protect your life and, of course, protect your people. Ukraine has proven that even against a much bigger enemy, you can stand and survive. And we also have the drone deal format. This is not simply about selling drones. Not, of course. It is cooperation with other countries to build a modern, integrated defense system against drone threats in the air, at sea, and on land. And this is not only about protecting the sky. Drones help us control our borders. It's important. Mountain areas. And of course, roads. And without them, this would simply be impossible. And it is also about protecting infrastructure, critical infrastructure, about resilience, about organizing resources and defense forces so that critical infrastructure and transport can keep working even in the most difficult conditions. This is also part of the deals we offer. These are ready-made security formats that we adapt to each specific country and each specific region. We are already working with partners in the Gulf, the South Caucasus, and across Europe through drone deals. Today, I signed a drone deal, serious drone deal, with Finland, and this is significant. Also, today, I signed a security agreement with Australia, and drones are part of it too. And we are preparing drone deals with Canada and with other countries as well. When Russia started this war, it could never have imagined that Ukrainian long-range drones would one day reach its factories, its military factories, somewhere in Siberia and on the Yamal Peninsula, thousands of kilometers from our borders. Thousands. No Russian admiral expected that we would be able to sink Russia's pride cruisers that were supposed to dominate the sea but could not survive our naval drones. And along with different types of drones, we also produce a wide range of conventional weapons quickly, at lower cost than in many other countries, and tested in modern war. Ukraine is building its security so that we reinforce our role of a real provider of security and help others get the protection that has already worked for us and that can truly reduce the space for starting and spreading wars in the world. Peace through protection. Ladies and gentlemen, just think about it. No Russian official ever imagined that Army General Winter, which had fought on Russia's side for centuries, would one day switch sides and support those defending themselves from Russia. We will make that happen this winter if Russia continues to target our energy system and our heating. Ukrainians understand that this winter could be very harsh for us. But in response, we will have no choice but to make it painful for Russia too. And that's exactly why we say that de-escalation steps are important, are needed before winter. Now, we need diplomacy, and we need strength. And step by step, we are closing the gaps in both. Yesterday, we met with the President of the United States, and this is exactly what we discussed. Unfortunately, we have not had a chance to speak directly with the leader of China, who is in America today, but not here. And he is someone who can influence Russia too, more than many, many others can. And we would like him to want peace as much as we do in Ukraine. We believe the world has the power to make this happen. We are sure the world needs this. This is about energy, about critical infrastructure. This is about food security.
The United Nations— and I am neither the first nor the last to say so—needs renewal. It needs fresh impetus. And the admirable theme of this assembly calls for a United Nations for All. An admirable theme, certainly. But I fear that it's not enough. So I ask you today, respectfully but firmly: how can we have a United Nations for All when it is led by a security council of the few? Worse still, this is a council that was designed 80 years ago, for another era, for another scenario, another entire set of circumstances. One that all too often demonstrates it is simply unable to address today's problems. That original design, a product of its time, has achieved much, without any doubt. And today I recognize and celebrate those achievements. We all should. Nonetheless, as the great Nobel laureate Bob Dylan would say, things have changed. And the organization, dear friends, has to change too. Different problems need different solutions. Otherwise, this magnificent idea, the United Nations, will simply be overtaken by events and will be reduced to a forum for beautiful speeches with very little action for ordinary people. Some have concluded from all of this that multinationalism has failed. Paraguay reaches a different conclusion. The United Nations remains indispensable. It is the only system that enables all the countries of the world to coexist. But it must become more effective at preventing conflict, protecting people, and ensuring respect for the rules that states themselves have agreed upon. Our commitment to peace is summed up in the words of a distinguished Paraguayan, Manuel Gondra:" Since we cannot ensure that the just are always strong, we must strive to ensure that the strong are always just." Paraguay wishes to shoulder greater responsibilities within the system. But this system, as it stands, simply isn't working. That is why we believe that the selection of the next Secretary-General will be a fundamental decision. The time has come for that leadership to come from Latin America and the Caribbean. Our region has a vocation for peace, dialogue, and multilateralism. And it has candidates that are capable of taking up that responsibility. We need a Secretary-General who restores the organization's political leadership, one that strengthens preventive diplomacy, acts before crises become irreversible, and one that listens to the states and the peoples whom this organization serves. In short, the Security Council must cease to be a pretty snapshot of the world as it was in 1945. It must listen more closely to this assembly and must not remain paralyzed when peace is threatened. We need a UN for 2026 or for 2050, not one for 1945. Only then will the United Nations be able to truly deliver for all of its members.
Islamophobia, which is spreading like a plague in the West, is at the forefront of these issues. In particular, Muslim women and girls have been subjected to greater discrimination in recent years. We regard the headscarf introduced in schools by certain countries as an attack on women's most fundamental rights. Rising xenophobia, cultural racism and anti-Semitism are also toxic trends that must be combated with determination. Global gender neutralization policies have also turned into a siege, targeting innocent children and targeting the institution of family. We can break the siege only by protecting the family consisting of women and men. Turkey will continue to take initiatives in protecting families and children, in spite of attacks from certain lobby groups. Another threat that undermines social peace is the spread of disinformation on social media. Standing up for the truth has become more important today than ever before. We are also facing the same risk with artificial intelligence AI, which is becoming increasingly difficult to control. It is long overdue now to establish a common international legal framework for AI. It is crucial to accelerate the work, which is already being carried out to draft and bring into force the UN International Convention on Artificial Intelligence. Distinguished delegates. The realities I have spoken of here today with an open heart will for sure upset some people, will for sure disrupt their comfort and unmask their lies. I also know well that they will resort to all kinds of perception management operations in an attempt to silence our voice. A late poet said the following quote. They think that if we remain silent, the issue will disappear. But even if we remain silent, history will not. Even if history remains silent the truth will not. They believe that if they get rid of us, the problem will be solved. Yet even if they get rid of us, they will not be able to escape the pangs of their own conscience. Even if they escape the pangs of their conscience. They will not be able to escape the pangs of history, even if they escape the pangs of history. They will not be able to escape the punishment of God. Unquote. As Tayyip Erdogan, as the president of a great nation guided by its conscience, its history, and its compassion. God willing, for as long as God grants me life, I shall continue from this podium here to defend the rights of the oppressed, the rights of the aggrieved and the voiceless. And I will continue to be their voice, to speak on their behalf and to fight for them. If necessary, we will endure hardship. If necessary, we will pay the price, but we will not remain silent in the face of injustice and will never consent to oppression. Now, when we look at the course of the world today, we can see that there are two paths before us. Either we will deepen uncertainty through fear, through conflict and isolation, or we will build the future together through justice, solidarity, and common will. Of course, it is easy to punch darkness.
So, Melania, thank you very much. Great job. Great job you're doing. LED by Ambassador Michael Waltz here at the United Nations, we have also worked with many countries in this room to implement the most sweeping U.N. reforms in history. We cut the U.N. budget for the first time ever, slashing it by 15% in 2026 and eliminating more than 4000 positions from the U.N. bureaucracy. The United Nations has great, great potential. I've said that for many years, but it must stop imposing the far left agenda of globalist bureaucrats who nobody ever elected. Last year, my administration was forced to intervene to stop an obscure U.N. body, the International Maritime Organization, from secretly establishing a first ever global carbon tax, very expensive tax to raise international shipping costs by 10 to 20%. And maybe more than that, there is no global government. And while I'm president, there will be no global taxes. The United States is equally opposed to the out of control. Thank you. Thank you very much. The United States is equally opposed to the out of control institution known as the International Criminal Court. We will never allow U.S. service members or anyone else to be investigated or given show trials by an anti-American tribunal with no jurisdiction over us or an evil group of people. I call on all nations that are members of the ICC to officially resign from this rogue institution immediately. It is equally unacceptable that with all the genuine atrocities in the world the UN's top human rights officials spend their time criticizing the United States for protecting our children from transgender utilization and transgender insanity, and enforcing our immigration laws. What they do is unbelievable what they do. It's transgender mutilation of our children, the craven hypocrites of Human Rights Council have little to say about the persecution of Christians. Christians. I mean, Christians are being persecuted all over the world. It's not even believable. I never thought I'd say it, but it's been happening for a long time. So this is persecution of Christians or the crimes of the world's most repressive regimes Yet they want America to open up our borders to gangs and criminals from world's most dangerous places.
A United Nations that delivers for all. This theme invites us to consider international cooperation in a world that is subject to profound challenges for Equatorial Guinea. Trust is strengthened when we fulfill commitments that have been made and decisions that have been adopted collectively, and when visible results can be produced The countries of the Global South need cooperation that preserves peace, that drives sustainable and inclusive growth, and that expands the ability of each state to build its own future. Therefore, 21st century cooperation should provide opportunities for the mobilisation of financing to transfer, transform raw materials and to develop one's own knowledge and technologies. Excellencies, this vision is especially relevant for Africa, which needs investments that can allow it to develop local value chains, build infrastructure, advance industrialization, strengthen human capital, incorporate new technologies and generate employment. Especially for the continent's large youth population. A more productive and industrialized Africa will be a stronger partner for all of the To benefit to the benefit of all of those wanting to halt its emigration. Excellencies. When the 2030 agenda was adopted, the world embraced its deeply human vision. Eradicating poverty, protecting the planet. And making sure that all people can live with dignity. Leaving no one behind. However, as we approach its end date, we are far from meeting its goals. Poverty persists, inequality is expanding, and climate change continues to rage. It is clear that we need an international financial architecture that facilitates productive investments, that takes into account the real vulnerabilities of developing countries, and supports the efforts of each nation. It is therefore urgent to implement the resolutions adopted at the conferences in Addis Ababa in 2015 and in Serbia last year.
President, I come from a country that is small in size but great— huge in terms of our nature. The Galápagos Islands, where Darwin found evidence of the evolution of life, are a world heritage site for the whole of humanity, and today they are threatened by illegal fishing networks that operate with the same logic and the same financing of other organized crime groups. The same is happening with illegal mining in the Amazon that's destroying forests and funding gangs. Protecting nature is also a matter of security.
Ladies and gentlemen, as Secretary-General António Guterres nears the end of his mandate, we commend his efforts to reform and modernize the United Nations. The next Secretary-General will face a defining task: adapting the United Nations to a world of growing geopolitical rivalry and fragmentation. We expect her or him to carry forward the UN agenda and turn reforms into results. The success of UN reforms will be judged not by new structures or new language, but by whether the multinational system can deliver, uphold international law, and make its rules matter. The future legitimacy of the United Nations will depend on it. Nowhere is this more important than in peace and security. The international community must become better at preventing crises, protecting civilians, and defending the rules it has agreed to uphold. The Czech Republic is ready to do its part. Let me reiterate that we are seeking a non-permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council for the period 2032-2033. If elected, we will contribute actively to its work and shoulder our share of responsibility. We will continue to help preventing and resolving conflicts through political engagement, humanitarian assistance, and practical cooperation. We will stand for the protection of civilians and critical infrastructure, and for accountability when international law is seriously violated. And we will remain a strong advocate for human rights and democracy. We will support independent human rights mechanisms, peaceful assembly, and free and fair elections. And we will work to ensure that new technologies strengthen our societies rather than weaken them. Mr. President, this is also the moment to confront the extraordinary pace of advances in artificial intelligence.
There can be no double standards in terms of international law. The facts are clear. We are bearing witness to deliberate violations of international law. Upholding international law is not optional. It is our responsibility. It is our responsibility. That means protecting the institutions that give their very meaning to these principles, including the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court. We support these courts firmly and we will defend their independence, integrity and their ability to fully carry out their mandate, threats and attacks on the International Criminal Court and its staff and authorities are unacceptable. Accountability cannot depend on political considerations.
For some, security means protecting borders; for others, it means food, water, energy, or the future of their children. And many countries face all of these challenges at once. That is why a world ruled mainly by power rather than by rules would be dangerous for everyone. For small countries such as Slovakia, this is especially clear. But no country, large or small, is truly safe in a world where international law is ignored and institutions are weakened. Sadly, we no longer need to imagine such a world. We can already see parts of it around us: trade is becoming less predictable, security cooperation is more fragmented, the idea that every country should have a voice is under pressure. And when rules are weakened, when cooperation is replaced by confrontation, all of us become more vulnerable. But we still have a choice. The international system we have built is not perfect. It can be slow. It can be frustrating. At times, it does not deliver as quickly as people need. But the solution is not to destroy it. The solution is to make it work better. Slovakia is firmly anchored in the United Nations, NATO, and the European Union. We believe in cooperation. But we also believe that institutions must produce real results. Over the past year, Slovakia has hosted several international meetings and offered space for dialogue. Where we can be useful, we are ready to help bring parties together and to support diplomacy within the UN framework. Because when diplomacy stops, confrontation fills the space. That is why, when we speak about the United Nations, I believe in evolution rather than revolution. The world has changed, and the United Nations must change with it. The Security Council should better reflect today's realities and give a stronger voice to countries and regions that are still underrepresented. Countries from the region often understand a crisis best. Giving them a stronger voice can help us act earlier and prevent escalation. Slovakia sees its engagement in UN reform as a part of its responsibility to disorganization, including through UN80 and the implementation of the Pact for the Future. Our responsibility to the wider international order is also reflected in our candidacy for the Security Council for 2028 and 2029. We would be, of course, grateful for your trust and support. If elected, Slovakia will focus on four priorities: international law and the UN Charter, accountable security institutions, the protection of strategic resources and critical infrastructure, and the security challenges linked to digitalization and artificial intelligence. I fully share the concern of the United Nations about the inequalities that can be created by unequal access to artificial intelligence. It is in our common interest that innovation benefits all of humanity, not only the strongest economies or the biggest companies.
International law must apply to all states. It must protect all civilians, and where violations occur, there must be responsibility and accountability. This is why Austria will also continue to stand firm in protecting the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court rules do not defend themselves. They need institutions capable of upholding them. Today, the United Nations too often falls short, not because it has failed, because we have let it stand still. But there is no alternative to the United Nations. There is only the work of making it work. The United Nations was not created to discuss international problems. It was created to solve them. Yet as conflicts and injustice multiply, the UN too often fails to act inside this building. That failure can look like another meeting without a decision. Outside these walls. It means that wars continue, help does not arrive, and more families bury their dead. For these families, U.N. procedures do not matter. What matters to them is whether food arrives, whether a doctor reaches them, whether peacekeepers protect them. Reform must therefore pass a simple test. Does it make the United Nations more able to deliver when people need it? Austria has been a strong supporter of the reform efforts of the Secretary General, and as an incoming member of the Security Council, we are committed to protect the principles of the charter, to show the world that the Council can act and to work towards making the decisions we take more inclusive because it matters who decides. The United Nations was built to confront the dangers of 1945. Today we must face new and rapidly emerging dangers.
Therefore, developing countries must have a meaningful voice in setting the standards and safeguards that will govern these technologies, ensuring that they expand opportunities, support decent work, and strengthen public services while protecting human dignity, rights, and security. Mr. President, I wish to reaffirm Botswana's commitment to multilateralism. We believe that shared challenges require shared solutions. We also believe that implementing the Pact for the Future, together with the UN80 initiative, offers an opportunity to translate our shared commitments into practical improvements in the functioning of the United Nations.
Artificial intelligence and the digital revolution are opening up, opening up, considering opportunities in many areas of our contemporary world. However these technological advances can also exacerbate existing divides. If their development as well as access to them, remain unevenly distributed. In this regard, Cote d'Ivoire supports the efforts of the United Nations to promote global governance of artificial intelligence that fosters innovation while protecting human dignity, international security and sustainable development.
Thirty-seven years ago, the Maldives asked this Assembly to face a simple truth: that “Small States can be highly vulnerable to external threats and acts of influence.” In response, this Assembly adopted resolution 44/51, an initiative led by the Maldives, affirming the importance of protecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of small States. That was true then, and it is true even today. But the threats have evolved. Insecurity now travels through sea lanes, supply chains, financial markets, digital networks and new technologies. Today, sovereignty can be weakened without a single border being crossed. It can be undermined when external powers limit a State’s freedom to choose. This is why the Maldives comes before this Assembly with a clear message: “Every State, large or small, must have the freedom and capacity to shape its own future.” A sovereign future. And that future begins with peace.
Her efforts led to the formal request to the UN Secretary-General to initiate a WHO review of nicotine as a psychotropic substance. Globally, nicotine claims over 7 million lives annually, and more than a billion trap in addiction. Protecting our future requires expanding prevention, enhancing cessation support, and enacting strong policies to diminish the appeal and affordability of these harmful products. No country should have to choose between the health of its children and the commercial interest of an industry that is built on addiction. We call for stronger international cooperation to protect young people from nicotine dependence and to put public health before profit. Resilience must also transform into how we power our homes, move our people, and connect our islands. Energy security is climate security and national security. Through the Mana Bara Call to Action, the Pacific reaffirmed a shared vision of 100 percent renewable energy and a just, inclusive, and equitable transition away from fossil fuels.
From primarily a recipient of invaluable assistance during the years of Doi Moi, Vietnam today is making proactive contributions to our common endeavours while deepening and broadening our substantive relations with the UN. Vietnamese military personnel and police officers have served and will continue to serve in UN peacekeeping operations, carrying our nation's aspiration for peace to places where peace remains fragile. A tradition of independence and self-reliance provides a foundation for Vietnam to strengthen its strategic autonomy and proactively pursue international integration. Looking towards our goal of becoming a developing country with a modern industrial base and upper middle income by 2030 and developed high income country by 2045, Vietnam is establishing a new development model based on productivity, quality and added value with science, technology, innovation and digital transformation as key drivers, with economic growth closely linked to cultural development, social progress and equity and environmental protection. Autonomy also means proactively adapting and cooperating with the world on an equal footing. Vietnam, therefore, pursues a consistent foreign policy of independence, autonomy, self-reliance, peace, friendship, cooperation and development, and of multilateralism and diversification of external relations. Vietnam will remain steadfast in upholding the UN charter and international law, promoting dialogue on the peaceful settlement of disputes and deepening its participation in UN peacekeeping missions. Vietnam is working with fellow ASEAN member states to build a united, self-reliant and resilient ASEAN and actively preparing to host APEC in 2027 and as a member of the UN Human Rights Council, Vietnam champions dialogue and cooperation in promoting and protecting human rights and ensuring that all can share the fruits of development. We stand ready to share our experience in poverty reduction, agricultural development and climate change adaptation, and work with partners to broaden cooperation for common interests. The world will continue to change. The direction for such change will depend on the choices we make and the responsibilities we shoulder today. Vietnam chooses peace, cooperation and development. We will work steadfastly with all countries to strengthen the UN, uphold international law and translate our shared commitments into tangible benefits for our people. We believe that with a strong UN, together we can build a more peaceful, equitable, inclusive and better world for all. And on this journey, Vietnam will remain an active member, a reliable partner and a responsible nation, always standing ready to contribute to the common endeavours of the international community.
Mr. president. The expanded theatre of conflicts and the escalating humanitarian cost of such conflicts requires greater protection of civilians, while ensuring the peaceful settlement of such disputes for the sake and benefit of communities. The systematic destruction witnessed in the Palestinian territory and the ensuing fall of victims and displacement are of the responsibility of the international community, especially the United Nations. We have to protect the Palestinian people and end their suffering. In this vein, we renew our support for a just and lasting solution to the Palestinian cause based on the peace, the Arab Peace Initiative and the UN resolutions. To establish the state of Palestine that is independent, viable. Along the lines of the 4th of June 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital. We appreciate the mediation effort undertaken by the United States of America, Egypt, Qatar to Turkey or Turkey, and we stress the need to implement the Security Council Resolution 2803 issued on the 17th of November 2025 on the peace plan in Gaza. This will bring about peace and ensure reconstruction in the Gaza Strip. We would like to recall the historic step. Taken by a number of European countries over the past year, when they recognised the state of Palestine. We do welcome and commend the recent measures undertaken by a number of European countries to impose sanctions on Israeli settlers who have been implicated in violent acts against the Palestinian people. However, even though they are important. But such initiatives should not be isolated. Instead, they should be a driver for more firm international action to put an end to the settlement activity. While opening the horizon for the two state solution. Paradoxically. That we have denied the Palestinian people from participating in this international forum at a time when the Palestinian question is at the forefront of our agenda. At a time when the Palestinian cause comes at the forefront of the international agenda. They were not able to attend. This go contravenes the spirit of dialogue and pluralism that the United Nations is underpinned upon in this domain. We stress that the State of Palestine has gained the recognition of most of the Member States of the United Nations. This reflects a wide range, uh, support international support of the Palestinian people and their establishment of an independent statehood. Therefore, we call for the, um, the participation of the Palestinian the Palestinians in the UN forums so that they can achieve their aspirations and defend their just cause before the international community. We renew our support to the people of Lebanon in the face of the violations that they have endured. We have to end their suffering and ensure their sovereignty. We are also standing in solidarity with Sudan. We are committed to Sudan's unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity. We call for an immediate end to this war, giving priority to dialogue while protecting civilians and ending their suffering. Turning to Libya, we support the UN efforts and the African Union's effort to reach a permanent settlement that would maintain the country's unity and sovereignty, sovereignty, while ensuring peace and stability to the people of Libya. We renew our support. To the efforts made. Um in the. Al-Arabiya in Yemen and the initiatives taken by the Arab, uh, countries, as well as the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to support that country. We stress our principled position on the conflict of the Western Sahara and hope to reach a just and sustainable solution that will be accepted to all parties. We express our deep concern towards the military escalation in the Middle East and the resulting threat to the entire region and its stability. The repercussions of which would also reach the Strait of Hormuz and the. Regional and international navigation in this important waterway. We support the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, the State of Qatar and the Kingdom of Bahrain and Kuwait, as well as the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. Uh in the face of the attacks against their stability and security. We have to preserve states, territories and call upon all countries to de-escalate and ensure self-restraint, ensure dialogue, and save the region and its peoples from more crises and sufferings. Mr. president, ladies and gentlemen The world today faces. An important moment that goes beyond political challenges. It.
As a frontline state in combating the menace of terrorism, we have fought terrorists in our own cities, in our own mountains, and along our frontier. Pakistan sacrificed almost 100,000 precious lives and suffered economic losses exceeding $150 billion. The world is safer today. And let me say this in all humility, the world is safer today, thanks to the valuable sacrifices of our valiant armed forces and brave civilians who took on these terrorists and mercenaries. The peace loving world must never forget this reality. Afghan territory continues to be exploited by the TTP, Fitna al-Khawarij, and the BLA, Fitna al-Hindustan. These foreign funded groups operate from sanctuaries inside Afghanistan with the aim of destabilising Pakistan. All such attacks, including incursions from the territory of Afghanistan, must come to a grinding halt. The Afghan authorities must fulfill their international commitment and take verifiable, decisive action to ensure that Afghan soil is never again used against Pakistan or any other country. Fundamental rights of the Afghan people, especially women and girls, must be respected under all circumstances. Mr. president, United Nations peacekeeping remains one of the strongest expressions of collective security. For decades, Pakistani men and women have served under the blue flag, protecting civilians and helping countries emerge from conflict.
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No. 40
Sierra Leone09/22 · first at about 11 min1 mention
In 2024, we enacted the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act and subsequently championed the proclamation of 27th November as the International Day for the Elimination of Child Early and Forced Marriage. A girl in Sierra Leone is no more or less precious than a girl anywhere else in our beautiful world. Protecting her childhood education and freedom is part of what development is supposed to mean. A girl's future, like the future of every young person, will be shaped by forces already remaking our world: climate change, artificial intelligence, and the energy transition. The meaning of For all becomes more urgent as we decide how these transformations will be governed. Artificial intelligence can improve, of course, education, health, agriculture, and public administration. It can also widen the inequality if infrastructure, knowledge and rule making remains concentrated in a few countries. Developing nations must help shape the standards that will govern technologies affecting their people. Climate change presents the same moral question in harsher form.
But the United Nations must also remain a place where ambition can become action. Mr. president, we must also confront the serious challenges facing the Sustainable Development Goals. The SDGs represented a promise that by 2030 we would make meaningful progress in ending poverty and hunger, improving health and education, advancing equality, protecting our planet, and building more peaceful and inclusive societies. Today, that promise is at risk. Conflict, climate change, debt distress, inflation and persistent inequality have pushed the goals further out of reach for many developing countries. But this is not the time to abandon the 2030 agenda. It is the time to renew our commitment and concentrate on delivering results that people can see and feel in their daily lives. For Dominica, we have incorporated the SDGs as priorities in our National Resilience Development Strategy 2030, our Climate Resilience and Recovery Plan and our wider development agenda. We see sustainable development in the homes we have built for vulnerable families; in our investment in geothermal energy as cleaner, more affordable and reliable energy. We see it in our efforts to strengthen education, expand technical and vocational training, and better prepare our young people for the world of work. We see it in our support for farmers, entrepreneurs, agro-processors and tourism operators who are creating jobs and building stronger local industries. We also see it in our work to protect our forests, marine resources and natural environment. For Dominica, these resources are part of our identity, but they are also essential to our food security, our tourism product and the livelihoods of our people. Excellencies, the challenges before us cannot be overcome by any one country acting alone. They require a strong and effective United Nations, renewed international cooperation and a firm commitment to multilateralism.
What the Palestinian people have endured and continue to endure in terms of suffering, repression and violations, must not become a normalized reality or a protracted crisis managed from one cycle to the other. Securing the ceasefire in the Gaza Strip in accordance with President Trump's and the Sharm el-Sheikh summit peace plan, ensuring full compliance with it, ending daily Israeli violations, completing the withdrawal, guaranteeing the safe and sustainable delivery of humanitarian aid, enabling the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza to carry out its duties and then moving immediately toward early recovery and reconstruction. These are not merely humanitarian steps, they are also the essential gateway to a serious political process that addresses the root causes of the conflict and resolves them. In this context, Egypt reaffirms its categorical rejection of any attempt to displace the Palestinian people from their land, whether from the Gaza Strip or from the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. The international community as a whole bears a clear responsibility to stop systematic Israeli violations of international law. Peace cannot be built on uprooting people from their land, believing that stability can be achieved in the region while ignoring the suffering of the Palestinian people and merely managing the occupation rather than ending it is nothing but illusion. The goal remains unequivocally clear the establishment of an independent, sovereign and territorially contiguous Palestinian state on the lines of the 4th of June 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital within the framework of the two state solution and in accordance with international legitimacy resolutions. This requires preserving the unity of the Palestinian territory and the Palestinian political system, enabling the Palestinian people to manage their own affairs and build their state, and ensuring that the international community fulfils its responsibility to protect civilians, reject collective punishment and guarantee respect for international humanitarian law. It also requires recognising Palestinian rights as inalienable rights, not as bargaining chips to be granted or withheld according to power balances, political posturing or electoral calculations. Egypt has shouldered its responsibility alongside its partners to secure the ceasefire. It has been the largest provider of humanitarian assistance reaching the Gaza Strip. Egypt will continue to work toward reconstruction and opening a viable political horizon. However, the success of these efforts hinges on an international will capable of transforming legitimacy into decisive international action that moves from managing the tragedy to ending its causes. Mr. president, the experience of our region confirms that managing crises rather than resolving them, does not create stability. Rather, it postpones the explosion and increases its costs accordingly. Egypt remains committed to a clear vision for regional security based on state sovereignty, territorial integrity, respect for national institutions, rejection of the dismantling of states or the creation of parallel entities, and prioritizing political solutions and inclusive national settlements over the logic of force and the imposition of a fait accompli. In every crisis across the broader Middle East, from the Atlantic Ocean to the Gulf, circumstances and details may differ, but the capable national state that embraces all its citizens and legitimate institutions remain the only true foundation for stability. Security is indivisible. The security of one state cannot be built upon the insecurity of its neighbours, or upon threats to shipping, trade and energy routes, or violations of state sovereignty through attacks carried out in violation of international law. Likewise, any regional actor that believes that its political or economic interests can be achieved by undermining national state institutions, supporting militias or promoting separatist agendas and civil conflict clearly becomes part of the problem. Confronting such actors and their practices becomes the responsibility of the international community as a whole. Therefore, regional crises cannot be treated as isolated cases. They must be viewed within an interconnected regional security environment that supports the state's institutions unity and sovereignty, that encourages political settlements and peace building based on the principle of national and regional ownership of solutions ending external interferences and preventing crises from turning into arenas for regional and international competition over the resources and capabilities of the peoples of the region. The protection of states and their sovereignty is inseparable from protecting the resources upon which people's livelihoods depend.
As one of the first supporters of a global alliance for human rights, Estonia feels that human rights should, once again, be at the center of a world we choose to build. Estonia is a member of the United Nations Human Rights Council for a period from 2026 to 2028, and is currently serving as Vice President of the Council. As a country ranked among the world's top three for press freedom, we are committed to promoting media freedom, protecting journalists, and enhancing media literacy. We will continue our strong commitment to women's rights and gender equality, including sexual and reproductive health and rights. Together with New Zealand and Colombia, Estonia is leading negotiations on the Human Rights Council on the resolution on preventing maternal mortality and morbidity. Their survival is a question of human rights, not only health care. Estonia stands firmly for ending all forms of violence against children. One of the gravest aspects of Russia's war against Ukraine is the mass deportation and forced transfer of Ukrainian children, which is a systematic and deliberate attempt to erase their Ukrainian identity. It is a war crime and a crime against humanity. We therefore reiterate the call of the General Assembly resolution adopted on the 3rd of December 2025, and demand that the Russian Federation ensure a safe, immediate, and unconditional return of all forcibly transferred and deported Ukrainian children. We thank all our international partners working to reunite these children with their families. In particular, we asked U.S. First Lady Melania Trump for a remarkable humanitarian initiative.
We choose the international law. We choose dialogue over coercion, human dignity over domination and cooperation over confrontation. Fiji calls for the peaceful settlement of conflicts wherever they occur. We urge all parties to protect civilians, respect international humanitarian law and return to the negotiating table. The charter does not apply differently according to who is involved or where. Fiji asks the same of every party in every theatre, energy, food security and supply chains are inseparable from peace. The freedoms of navigation guaranteed, guaranteed under the international law, including the United Nations Convention on the law of the sea, must be respected. Fiji will continue to serve in the United Nations peacekeeping operations. We ask only that they be properly mandated, properly financed and properly supported, and we support renewed investment in prevention, mediation and the quiet diplomacy that stops wars Before they begin, we carry a very simple conviction the life of a stranger is worth protecting. Dialogue is worth pursuing, and peace, however difficult, is always worth building. Mr. president, the Pacific knows the cost of militarization and nuclear testing. Our ocean carries the memory of decisions made elsewhere, but suffered by Pacific peoples. That memory strengthens our determination that the Blue Pacific remain a region of peace. The Ocean of Peace Declaration expresses a regional vision grounded in sovereignty, international law, and rejection of coercion. Our message to all partners is clear the Pacific world welcomes our friendship, investment and genuine cooperation. But our ocean must not become a theater in which others settle their rivalries.
Mr. president, the State of Kuwait is committed in its foreign policy to the principles of the UN charter, in particular, respect for the principle of good neighbourliness, respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs. Accordingly, the State of Kuwait views the brotherly Republic of Iraq as a neighbour with whom we share close ties as a and our partners in security and stability. Since the fall of the former regime in 2003, Kuwait has supported and stood by Iraq in facing security, political and economic challenges in order to help Iraq restore its regional and international role and standing. Kuwait believes that a stable, secure and prosperous Iraq serves the shared interests of Kuwait and the entire region. In this context, the State of Kuwait commends the measures taken by the Iraqi Prime Minister, Mr. Ali al-Zaidi, to consolidate arms under state control and to strengthen Iraq's bilateral relations with neighbouring countries. We look forward to enhancing confidence building measures between the two countries and to elevate our bilateral relations to broader horizons, as well as to resolve all outstanding issues. Most important of these issues are the maritime border demarcation beyond marker 162, as per the rules of International law and the 1982 UN Convention on Law of the sea. We also emphasize the need to adhere to bilateral security and technical agreements and arrangements signed between the two countries. Very important among these agreements is the Abdullah Agreement and the 2008 Security Exchange Protocol. These agreements serve as vital legal and practical instruments for regulating navigation, protecting the environment, combating terrorism, as well as combating the illicit trafficking of arms and narcotics, and enhancing shared security. The State of Kuwait calls upon Iraq to cooperate with the high level representative of the Secretary-General pursuant to Security Council Resolution 2792, in order to achieve the progress and desired outcomes regarding Kuwaiti prisoners and missing persons, as well as nationals of third countries and the recovery of Kuwaiti property, including the National Archives. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait reiterates its principled and firm position, condemning the ongoing violations by the Israeli occupation forces against the brotherly Palestinian people.
Sovereignty means that national decision-making is free. It also means that our cooperation and integration with United Nations bodies are based on transparency, seriousness, and impartiality, free from selectivity and double standards. Sovereignty means protecting the rights and dignity of the Libyan people from violations, whoever the perpetrator, and ensuring that no one is above the law and no one escapes accountability. Sovereignty means that state institutions are stronger than individuals and groups, and that weapons are subject to the law. It also means that the country's wealth remains the property of the people, not spoiled to be divided among parties, networks of interest, or dubious partnerships that exercise some sort of custodianship over the state. Sovereignty means preventing corrupt money from buying influence. It means preventing influence from becoming an immunity that shields corrupt money. If that cycle becomes entrenched, it weakens the state from within and threatens the survival of its institutions.
Thus, Mozambique reiterates its support for the objectives of the UN Aid Initiative to make this organization more effective, coherent, inclusive, representative, and suited to the challenges of our time. Reform must be embraced as political commitment focused on concrete results. Reforms must also correct imbalances in representation of global governance. In this regard, Africa cannot continue to be in the center of the Security Council agenda while remaining absent from its rank of permanent members. Africa must be a permanent member of the Security Council of the UN. We therefore reaffirm the common African position related to the reform of the United Nations Security Council, based on the Ezoulini Consensus and the Search Declaration, under which no fewer than two permanent seats, with all prerogatives and privileges, including the veto, as long as it exists, and five non-permanent seats, are allocated to Africa. The contribution that Mozambique wishes to make to the debate on this Assembly has the objective of restoring trust through peace, managed transformation through inclusion, and produced results through coherent actions at the national, regional, and global levels. To this, it is important to strengthen international cooperation and equip the UN with greater capacity to address the challenges of the present and make sure that the future generations can have a stronger organization than the one we have received— an organization equal to the challenges of our time, capable of serving the people with dignity, protecting the planet, and promoting a shared prosperity at the international level. Your Excellencies, 81 years ago, the founders of this organization entrusted humanity with a promise of peace, cooperation, dignity, and, most of all, hope. Today, that responsibility falls to us, and the path remains very clear: dialogue, cooperation, partnership, innovation, solidarity, and continued strengthening to the role of the United Nations, and never the use of force in order to impose decisions. This organization is the most comprehensive expression of our collective responsibility and our commitment to multilateralism to the service of humanity. Mr. President, allow me to conclude by returning to the opening words of our Magna Carta or Charter:" We, the people."
For Somalia, disruptions in the Strait of Hormuz have serious economic and humanitarian consequences. As an import dependent country reliant on the Middle East for much of our food fuel trade. Somalia is already facing rising prices, inflation, and increasing transparency and insurance costs, while drought linked to climate change is affecting overall over 6 million people in Somalia. The disruption has also contributed to an estimated 40% decline in our customs based revenue. A critical resource of financing Somalia's economic reform, growth and poverty reduction. Ensuring free and fair navigation through the strait is therefore essential to protecting vulnerable economies like Somalia and sustainable and sustaining stability, advancing development and delivering basic services. Sustainable development requires strong institutions in Somalia. We have created institutions capable of translating international commitments into national results.
And very often the countries with the least economic room to maneuver bear the greatest burden in proportionate terms. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea confers rights, but it also imposes obligations. The safety of navigation, the protection of the marine environment, and respect for the rights of coastal states. A smaller navy doesn't mean fewer rights, nor does a larger one confer the right to impose its will. No country should have to surrender the rights the law gives simply because another can send more ships. That is why maritime disputes must be settled by law, not by intimidation. And that is why freedom of navigation depends on common rules, so that every country can exercise its rights while respecting those of others, but keeping our sea routes open also means keeping them safe all the way into our ports. The International Ship and Port Facility Security Code, the famous ISPS code offers a very concrete example of what multilateralism can achieve when it works. Piracy, terrorism and crime are scourges that we must fight together, and that code must be strengthened. Belgium understands its importance. Freedom and security are not opposing ideas. Security is a condition of freedom. I dwell on freedom of navigation because it illustrates something larger. Sovereignty doesn't require isolation. We can defend our interests while accepting that others have rights too. And when rules are clear and predictable enough, a space of competition can still remain a space of cooperation. The ocean, moreover, are far more than the highways of our trades. They feed populations, regulate our climates, and absorb much of the excess heat caused by global warming. For many small island states, rising sea levels affect the land on which the citizens live, in some cases, the culture and the very ability to remain where the families have lived for generations. The freedom to use the ocean, therefore, comes with a responsibility to preserve it. And on this point, allow me to be optimistic. The BBNJ Agreement entered into force this year after almost 20 years of negotiations, almost 20 years. Measured against a political cycle, this is close to an eternity. Measured against the building of international law, it is sometimes the time needed to reach a compromise strong enough to last. The agreement proves that even today, we continue to build international law rather than dismantle it, and Belgium has invested greatly in this process. It helped launch the Blue Leaders, a coalition of countries working to protect at least 30% of the ocean by 2030 and secure an ambitious high sea treaty. The agreement now gives us an essential tool to advance toward that protection goal. But 20 years of negotiations must not be followed by years of waiting. It is in that spirit that Belgium is offering to host the treaty's future secretariat in Brussels. We are ready to enable it to work from day one. It will be able to draw on our scientific expertise and on a community that brings together international organizations, embassies and civil society so that we have agreed together becomes real protection at sea. Beneath those same oceans run other vital routes: the cables that connect the continents and carry much of our digital communications and energy. Here too, our interdependence is plain to see. A break, an act of sabotage or an attack can have consequences thousands of kilometers away. Protecting those connections is essential, but our responsibility in the digital world doesn't end with infrastructure.
Mr. President, a few situations illustrate so painfully the gap between international commitments and lived reality as that of the East of the DRC. For more than three decades, millions of Congolese have been suffering attacks, forced displacement, and bereavement. Territories have been occupied, families dispersed, women and girls have suffered sexual violence, while children are recruited by armed groups or deprived of education. At the same time, the looting of our resources continues to fuel international trade. My country continues to face a war of aggression led by Rwanda through its proxy, the AFC M23, in violation of its sovereignty, our sovereignty, and our territorial integrity, as documented by the UN. The atrocities committed by other armed groups, especially the ADF and CODECO, are exacerbating this humanitarian crisis even further. To combat this challenge, the DRC has chosen the path of diplomacy without ever abandoning its rights. The peace agreement signed in Washington on June 27, 2025, the commitments made as part of the Doha process, and the roadmap coordinated by the African Union have opened up prospects that we have constantly supported. I commend the United States, Qatar, the African Union, African facilitators, regional partners, and all those who are sincerely striving to restore peace. However, for the sake of truth, we must recognize that for millions of Congolese, this peace remains only a promise. Resolution 2773 of the Security Council has laid out an unambiguous path. It calls for an effective cessation of hostilities, the withdrawal of Rwandan forces from Congolese territory, and, to all support for armed groups, the disengagement of the AFC M23, the dismantling of parallel administrations, the restoration of state authority, unhindered humanitarian access, and the safe and dignified return of displaced persons and refugees. But we don't need new texts to replace those that have already been adopted. What we need is their implementation. With regard to the issue of the Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda, the FDLR, long cited by Kigali to justify its military presence on our territory, the DRC is shouldering its responsibility. The protocol signed by the political and military leadership of the FDLR on May 30, 2026, provides for the disarmament, demobilization, and containment of their combatants, with a view toward their repatriation or resettlement without prejudice to potential judicial prosecution for serious crimes, until the movement is disbanded. The repatriation on September 8, with the support of MONUSCO, of 120 persons associated with the FDLR, is a first testament to the protocol's implementation. The issue of the FDLR, therefore, should no longer serve as a pretext for maintaining foreign military presence in our territory. The coordinated implementation of the mechanisms of Washington, Doha, and the African Union must be subject to a precise time frame, independent verification, regular information exchange, and clear consequences in case of violations. In this context, MONUSCO maintains a vital role in protecting civilians, monitoring the ceasefire, and supporting agreed-upon mechanisms. Any change to its presence must be determined by the conditions of security on the ground, the strengthening of national capacity, and the guarantee that no vacuum of power will remain to the detriment of populations. The DRC, for its part, will continue to fully shoulder its responsibility, especially through pursuing reforms of its defense and security institutions, through bolstering state authority, and through reconstruction on territories affected by the conflicts. And because the peace sought after in the subregion ought to go hand in hand with cohesion within our nation, the President of the DRC launched on August 28 a national dialogue for peace, cohesion, and the rebuilding of the state. This dialogue is open to the political and social forces that are committed to the Republic, our constitution, our territorial integrity, and to the rejection of violence.
When member states approach negotiations with political will, mutual respect, and a sense of responsibility. Mr. president, the stakes are perhaps greatest in international peace and security. One of the foremost purposes for which this organization was created. If diplomacy can bring countries together to find common ground on difficult questions on global development, then surely we can summon the same political courage to prevent conflicts, resolve wars, and build lasting peace. The Gambia speaks on this not merely from principle, but from experience. In 2017, our country stood at a moment of acute constitutional uncertainty. The democratic choice of the Gambian people faced a grave challenge at that critical moment. The preventive diplomacy of the United Nations working in partnership with African Union and ECOWAS, helped uphold the will of the Gambian people and support a peaceful democratic transition. We have not forgotten that solidarity. It taught us that preventive diplomacy is not an abstract concept. It is a practical instrument for preventing confrontation, creating space for dialogue and protecting institutions. Sometimes it can change the course of a nation. That experience also gives us an obligation. If the international community could stand with The Gambia at a moment of fragility, then countries facing similar moments should be able to count on the same solidarity. Across the world, however, conflicts continue to destroy lives, displaced populations and reverse decades of development. Civilians bear the greatest costs, while humanitarian workers operate under increasingly dangerous conditions, and the resources available to respond to crisis remain far below what is required. The protection of civilians, respect for international humanitarian law and humanitarian access are not political conveniences. They are legal obligations and expressions of a shared humanity. We need stronger early warning systems that enable us to act before crises escalate. Timely mediation before positions become entrenched, and peace building that addresses the conditions that allow conflict to take root. The question before us must therefore not only be how to end the ongoing wars, but how to prevent the next war from beginning. Prevention should not have to wait for a crisis to become sufficiently destructive to attract international attention. It is infinitely less costly in human political and financial terms to prevent conflict than to manage its consequences after violence has begun. We therefore welcome the Secretary-General's continued good offices and in preventing diplomacy and call for these efforts to be matched with predictable and sustained resources. Mr. president, peace must be built and nurtured through institutions that command public confidence. Societies in which trust can be restored and justice pursued, and a future in which women and young people have a meaningful voice and economic opportunity is within reach. The government has experienced the value of peace building firsthand since our democratic transition. The Peace Building Commission and the Secretary-General's Peace Building Fund have been steadfast partners in our nationally led efforts to strengthen institutions, advanced transitional justice and consolidate peace. We therefore support a stronger and more responsive Peace Building Commission, adequately resourced to support countries emerging from conflict or navigating delicate political transitions. The implementation of the outcomes of the Building Architecture review must translate into stronger prevention, greater national ownership and closer coordination across the United Nations system. We also reaffirm our support for United Nations peace building operations, and pay tribute to the men and women who serve under the UN flag, including government, military and police personnel who have contributed with distinction, international peace and security. There are. Safety and security must remain a priority, alongside performance, accountability and strict adherence to international law. Partnerships between the United Nations and regional organisations, particularly the African Union, must also be deepened with sustained and predictable funding. Mr. president, the ongoing conflict in Sudan remains a matter of profound concern to The Gambia, together with continued instability across part of the Sahel. It reminds us that peace cannot be separated from development and governance. The suffering of civilians in the affected conflict zones globally demands sustained international attention and renewed diplomatic efforts towards the escalation, dialogue and a durable political settlement in the Sahel and other conflict zones. Our response must be comprehensive and holistic. Security measures are necessary but they must be accompanied by increased support for democratic governance, institution building, education job creation, development and climate resilience. Mr. president, for millions of people around the world, poverty, lack of human rights, democratic governance, etc. continue to pose greater insecurity.
What we lack is not resources or intellect. What we lack is the political courage to see one another as a part of a single human family. We must see each other not as strategic rivals, economic targets or demographic threats, but as human beings who belong, that refugees fleeing violence belongs, that migrant seeking opportunity belongs. That child in Gaza, Sudan or Ukraine belongs. The descendants of enslaved Africans seeking justice belong the indigenous community, protecting its ancestral lands and environment belongs. The small island states threatened by rising oceans belong to humanity. The poor, the vulnerable and the marginalised belong. They belong to our common human family, and because they belong, we must safeguard their dignity. We must enforce their rights. And most of all, we must hear their voices. When our first president, Osagyefo Doctor Kwame Nkrumah, stood on the eve of our independence in 1957, he declared that the independence of Ghana is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of the African continent. Today, from this respected global podium, we must expand that historic truth The freedom of any nation is insecure unless it is linked to the freedom of all humanity. In Ghana, we believe that our national prosperity is fragile unless it is a shared prosperity. Our global peace is unviable unless it is anchored in justice. Let this General Assembly recommit itself to a world where belonging is used not to erect walls, but to build bridges, not to exclude, but to unite, not to degrade humanity, but to exalt. Let us speak truth with humility.
Let us remember always the generation who will follow us. Follow us, Mr. President. And on this note I want to close by thanking United Nations and those who have stood with Papua New Guinea the last 51 years of our nationhood. We have faced many challenges as a country growing. But we are growing economy. We are working to make sure enabling infrastructures reaches all people. We are making sure quality education and health services covers all people. We are moving towards a cleaner, greener energy. We conserving our forests and our oceans. We are strengthening our independent jurists to make our judiciary stronger, robust and independent. We protecting our free market economy. We are opening doors for more foreign investments to grow. But all this comes at a backdrop of giving respect to every person in our country of so much diversity. The human right is respected. And I want to ask every one of us, let's respect human rights of every citizens of this planet. That is the least we can do. I want to assure this Assembly that my government is working to the best of our ability to protect the rights of the 11 million people of my country, giving them a better an equal opportunity to progress their own life, a life that God has planned for the God given homeland that I call,
We are, therefore, entering a period marked by a more complex and less predictable distribution of power, in which the risk of potential conflict is greater than it has been for decades. There is no longer confined to conventional armed conflicts between states. Confrontations are increasingly taking the form of economic pressure, technological restrictions, competition for resources and markets, cyberattacks, disinformation, and attempts to influence other societies. Cultural and identity-based divisions are also becoming more pronounced, increasingly exploited for political purposes, and further deepening mistrust among peoples. The boundary between peace and conflict is becoming ever less distinct, while the consequences of confrontation among global and regional powers increasingly affect even those countries that are not directly involved. For small and medium-sized countries just like the Republic of Serbia, such an environment represents an enormous challenge. The space for independent decision-making is narrowing, while pressure on states to choose sides is steadily increasing. At the same time, disagreements among the most powerful actors are increasingly paralyzing the very institutions that should be protecting all countries equally.
Solomon Islands therefore recognises the need for an inclusive and transparent international governance framework on AI. Mr. president, year after year, Pacific leaders have stood at this podium and urged the world to act on climate change. And yet, global action continues to fall short of what the science demands. For every passing COP, the impacts grow more severe. Our islands are being lost to the sea. Disasters are more frequent and more devastating. Food and water security is under threat and communities are being forced from their ancestral lands. Solomon Islands knows this reality firsthand. This year, Tropical Cyclone Maila, a category five storm, tore through our communities, destroying homes, schools, infrastructure and livelihoods. My government has just approved US$9.38 million for shelter recovery. That is money our essential services urgently need now diverted to deal with the impacts of this climate extreme. Like many Pacific Island countries, we are trapped in a relentless cycle of response, recovery and rebuilding. This is not sustainable, nor is it just. My people did the least to cause this crisis, yet they pay its earliest and heaviest price. That is the moral ledger that lies before this assembly. Last year, the International Court of Justice confirmed in its landmark advisory opinion that states have legal obligations to protect the climate system. Major emitters must make deep emission cuts and transition away from fossil fuels. Climate finance, including support for loss and damage, must be grant based and channelled through our national budget systems. Project based financing of climate action is unsustainable and out of step with the scale of a crisis we did the least to cause. Vulnerable countries should not have to choose between climate action and educating our children, caring for the sick or securing food and water. Yet that is the choice we face with every dollar we spend. We therefore call for the full capitalisation of the Pacific Resilience Facility, and an ambitious and timely third replenishment of the Green Climate Fund. Our region has long led on climate action, and we will continue to lead. The Pre-COP31 meeting, to be hosted in the Pacific by Australia in partnership with Fiji and Tuvalu, will bring the reality of climate change directly into the heart of the global process. I call on all parties and partners to come to that meeting and to COP31 with stronger commitments and concrete action. The communities on the frontline of the climate crisis deserve nothing less. Mr. president, Solomon Islands welcomes the convening of the second high level meeting on sea level rise and the adoption of the first political declaration on sea level rise. Every day our people are defending their coastlines, strengthening their resilience, protecting their food and water security and their cultural heritage, and, where there is no other choice, relocating. But we cannot do this alone. I call on this assembly to match the courage of our Pacific communities with collective international resolve to scale up adaptation and resilience finance, and to support communities facing climate mobility needs.
