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Own country · at 2 min · 2 mentions in this passage
It starts at home. And Indonesia has long understood this for decades. In the 1960s, Indonesia developed the concept of national resilience to safeguard our identity, to protect our sovereignty and unity, and to sustain our development in the face of challenges and obstacles. At the heart of our resilience are our people. A nation is resilient when families can provide for their households, when farmers can produce, when workers can find decent jobs, and when children can learn, grow and dream about their future. For Indonesia, this means building greater self-sufficiency in food and strengthening our energy security. Most importantly, it also means investing in the future of our people, ensuring our children receive quality education and ensuring our people have access to essential health care. At the same time, we are building an economy that can withstand shocks and create opportunities more jobs, stronger industries, and greater productive capacity. Central to our resilience is our ability to manage differences and preserve our unity. As a nation of more than 280 million people, Indonesia has learned that diversity is not something to overcome. It is something to manage, respect and turn into strength through democratic participation, dialogue, and respect for differences. We preserve our unity from Aceh to Papua, from Miangas to Rote. Indonesia is one people. Indonesia is one nation. We also continue to strengthen the promotion and protection of human rights through our national mechanisms and our commitment to international human rights obligations. This goes hand in hand with building our national resilience, because human rights are not only the absence of violence. They are also about ensuring that people have food, education and healthcare. To our neighbors, friends and partners, let there be no doubt Indonesia stands strong today, grounded firmly in democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. And when nations are resilient at home, they have greater capacity to contribute beyond their borders. A food secure Indonesia can contribute more to regional and global food security. A more energy resilient Indonesia can contribute more to the global energy transition. A stronger economy opens greater opportunities for cooperation and shared prosperity. This is how national resilience becomes collective resilience.
He stood firm in defending our organization against attempts to undermine its foundations. He worked tirelessly to strengthen its role whenever efforts were made to diminish it, he devoted himself to keeping the voice of multilateral action strong whenever attempts were made to silence it. Today we meet at a crossroads. In many parts of the world, tensions are rising, conflicts are expanding, and crises are deepening. Meanwhile, trust among nations is declining. Isolationism and polarization are intensifying. Whereas selfishness and exclusion are prevailing at the expense of cooperation. Unilateral coercive measures are increasingly being imposed, and the logic of power is once again reasserting itself, eclipsing the virtues of dialogue and disregarding the benefits of consensus and understanding. In such a turbulent international context, the danger lies not only in the outbreak of wars, but also in the normalization and acceptance of war itself. It lies in the transformation of the exception into the rule, to a situation where the rules of international law become applicable at times and suspended at others, subject only to the dictates of power balances. What sort of international order can function properly when principles are selected according to the identity of those who violate them? What confidence can remain in international law when the aggressor is granted the right to self-defense, while the victim is required to justify even the right to survive? And what future await humanity if imposing fait accompli and once again becomes a tool for managing conflict or determining their outcome. This matter is not simply a temporary crisis facing the international system. Rather, it is a profound review of our collective conscience and our capacity to preserve and develop the order we established after two world wars, so that future generations would not suffer the scourge of war. Because we fail to learn the lessons of a not so distant history, and because we did not heed these lessons, and we did not transform them into measures that would protect us from the catastrophes of the past finally and in full. And because we built a system of international relations whose central purpose was to reject war. And to safeguard a lasting peace, but without providing the system with the means and instruments necessary to achieve an ambition of this size. For this reason, the theme that was chosen by the president of our General Assembly for this session, namely restoring trust and managing transformation: a United Nations delivering results for all, this theme not only reflects the challenges of our time, but also presents us with a fundamental question how do we restore confidence in an international system whose rules and institutions have lost credibility? Algeria believes that the starting point must be from the place where the will of the international community must be embodied, namely the United Nations itself, this very place and this very hall. Particularly reforming the United Nations system is no longer an institutional luxury, nor is it a choice that can be postponed indefinitely. It has become a necessity imposed by the profound transformations the world has undergone. It is imposed by the need for a more just international order, an international order that is more representative and more equitable. We cannot ask peoples to trust in multilateralism if its institutions continue to reflect the balances of a bygone era. We cannot speak of international justice without addressing the historical imbalances that still mar the structure of international decision making. Nor can we advocate for international peace and security while the system of international relations continues to favor war as a means of resolving dispute. Accordingly, Algeria calls for strengthening the role and the authority of the General Assembly. We call for a profound reform of the Security Council that would make it more representative, more equitable and more effective, and that would put an end to selectivity and double standards in the application of international law. In this regard, Algeria reaffirms its steadfast support for the common African position. We stress that correcting the historical injustice suffered by Africa requires permanent and fair African representation in the Security Council with full powers. If restoring trust begins with institutional reform, then it cannot be complete without doing justice to the peoples aspiring to self-determination and the realization of their national projects.
And very often the countries with the least economic room to maneuver bear the greatest burden in proportionate terms. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea confers rights, but it also imposes obligations. The safety of navigation, the protection of the marine environment, and respect for the rights of coastal states. A smaller navy doesn't mean fewer rights, nor does a larger one confer the right to impose its will. No country should have to surrender the rights the law gives simply because another can send more ships. That is why maritime disputes must be settled by law, not by intimidation. And that is why freedom of navigation depends on common rules, so that every country can exercise its rights while respecting those of others, but keeping our sea routes open also means keeping them safe all the way into our ports. The International Ship and Port Facility Security Code, the famous ISPS code offers a very concrete example of what multilateralism can achieve when it works. Piracy, terrorism and crime are scourges that we must fight together, and that code must be strengthened. Belgium understands its importance. Freedom and security are not opposing ideas. Security is a condition of freedom. I dwell on freedom of navigation because it illustrates something larger. Sovereignty doesn't require isolation. We can defend our interests while accepting that others have rights too. And when rules are clear and predictable enough, a space of competition can still remain a space of cooperation. The ocean, moreover, are far more than the highways of our trades. They feed populations, regulate our climates, and absorb much of the excess heat caused by global warming. For many small island states, rising sea levels affect the land on which the citizens live, in some cases, the culture and the very ability to remain where the families have lived for generations. The freedom to use the ocean, therefore, comes with a responsibility to preserve it. And on this point, allow me to be optimistic. The BBNJ Agreement entered into force this year after almost 20 years of negotiations, almost 20 years. Measured against a political cycle, this is close to an eternity. Measured against the building of international law, it is sometimes the time needed to reach a compromise strong enough to last. The agreement proves that even today, we continue to build international law rather than dismantle it, and Belgium has invested greatly in this process. It helped launch the Blue Leaders, a coalition of countries working to protect at least 30% of the ocean by 2030 and secure an ambitious high sea treaty. The agreement now gives us an essential tool to advance toward that protection goal. But 20 years of negotiations must not be followed by years of waiting. It is in that spirit that Belgium is offering to host the treaty's future secretariat in Brussels. We are ready to enable it to work from day one. It will be able to draw on our scientific expertise and on a community that brings together international organizations, embassies and civil society so that we have agreed together becomes real protection at sea. Beneath those same oceans run other vital routes: the cables that connect the continents and carry much of our digital communications and energy. Here too, our interdependence is plain to see. A break, an act of sabotage or an attack can have consequences thousands of kilometers away. Protecting those connections is essential, but our responsibility in the digital world doesn't end with infrastructure.
In the name of God, most merciful, most compassionate. May the peace of God be upon you. Mr. president, your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, at the outset I would like to extend my sincere congratulations to His Excellency Mr. Khalilur Rahman on his election as president of the 81st session of the General Assembly. I wish him every success in leading the work of this session. I would also like to express our deep appreciation and gratitude to the Secretary-General, António Guterres, at the end of his term of office for his wise leadership in the service of peace, security, development and justice, and for his tireless efforts to preserve the standing of the organization and restore confidence in multilateral action at a time of extraordinary international complexity, when maintaining the effectiveness of the United Nations has become a demanding responsibility and an almost daily challenge. Mr. Guterres faced, with courage and dedication, unprecedented global crises. He leaves behind a significant legacy of committed diplomacy and principled positions that we shall continue to remember.
Distinguished heads and members of the delegations, honourable delegates. At the beginning of this year, our region witnessed a war that could have been avoided. Subsequent events have shown that the escalation has extended to threaten the security of the countries of the region, and paralyze navigation and trade through the vital Strait of Hormuz, affecting energy security, price stability and confidence in the current international order. The Sultanate of Oman once again reaffirms its steadfast commitment to continuing its efforts aimed at safeguarding navigation in the Strait of Hormuz, in accordance with the principles of international law and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. We also call upon all parties to cooperate with Oman in these efforts aimed at safeguarding the interests of all parties relying on transit through the Strait of Hormuz. The Sultanate of Oman renews its solidarity with all neighbouring countries including the member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council, in the legitimate measures they take to maintain their security and protect their sovereignty and territorial integrity. At the same time, we call upon all parties concerned to settle their outstanding disputes through pursuing a policy of self-restraint and foresight, and through engaging in dialogue to reach consensual political solutions and sustainable understandings for the benefit of all. The government of the Sultanate of Oman renews its support for reaching a political solution to the crisis in Yemen, one that preserves the unity, stability and territorial integrity of this great country one that meets the aspirations of all components of the brotherly Yemeni people. One that puts Yemen on the path of reconstruction, development and prosperity. In this context, we renew our call upon all parties to cooperate with one another, to engage positively with one another, to reach a just settlement to this crisis, one that preserves the rights and dignity of the Yemeni people, one that preserves the independence and territorial integrity of Yemen, and one that ensures stable relations with neighboring states in the region. The Sultanate of Oman reaffirms its firm rejection of the ongoing Israeli attacks against numerous Arab states. We also express our condemnation of the crimes of the Israeli occupation and its increasing violations against the Palestinian people, which have compounded the suffering of the Palestinian people in its struggle to obtain its legitimate rights and liberate its land within the borders of June 4th, 1967, based on the two state solution and relevant United Nations resolutions.
Djibouti alone cannot meet the growing needs for shelter, food and essential services. Therefore, we reiterate our appeal to the international community to step up its support so that we can respond adequately to this influx, which, according to UN estimates, could reach up to 10,000 people. In order to prevent this humanitarian crisis from becoming protracted, we renew our call for de-escalation and for a lasting political solution in Yemen to preserve human life. Turning now to Somalia, we remain fully committed to the Somali people and government in their quest to consolidate peace and stability. The international community must preserve the security gains that have been made, and continue to support the Somali authorities in fully shouldering their responsibilities and protecting their institutions.
Mr. President, Secretary-General, Excellencies. There is an idea that has accompanied Andorra for more than 270 years, and that continues to shape the way that we understand politics. The Manual Digest, one of the great works of our institutional heritage through which Antoni Fiter i Rossell condensed and recounted the essence of Andorran identity, reminds us that the legitimate exercise of power only makes sense when it places the common good above any other interest. This idea, written in 1748, long before modern international organizations came into existence, remains remarkably relevant today because multilateralism is nothing more than the application of this same principle to relations among nations: the understanding that the common good of the international community is inseparable from the well-being of each of our countries. In Andorra, this approach toward politics has enabled us to preserve more than seven centuries of peace, dialogue, and coexistence in harmony, not because history has been easier for us, but because we have learned the best way to protect freedom is to build trust, seek balance, and make compromise a form of governance. Perhaps it is precisely this experience that a small country such as ours can share with this great Assembly today.
Technology is transforming how we communicate, govern and preserve knowledge. Artificial intelligence is changing the way economies and society function. The challenge is not to stop transformation. Rather, the challenge is to manage transformation in a manner that protect people, preserve what is valuable, and give every country the capacity to determine its own future.
In this context, I wish to state clearly and unequivocally that Egypt's water security is an existential issue that is not open to compromise. The Nile is not merely an economic resource it is the lifeline upon which the existence and development of Egyptian society have depended throughout history. Egypt believes that transboundary water resources should be a field for cooperation and integration, not conflict. We also believe that water security and development are not contradictory objectives, but complementary ones when political will exists, when intentions are sincere, and when international law is respected. We do not oppose the right of any people to development. Rather, we defend a clear and just principle that the development of one party must not be built upon causing harm to others. Shared resources cannot be managed through unilateral measures or fait accompli policies. They must be managed through cooperation, good neighborliness and the conclusion of binding agreements in accordance with international law that preserve the legitimate rights and interests of all parties. In this regard, Egypt reserves its legitimate and internationally recognized right under the charter of the United Nations and International Law to protect its water security and preserve the existential resources of its people. Amid the multiple threats facing our region, we recall the crisis of brotherly Sudan, a crisis whose consequences extend beyond military confrontations to affect the security and safety of civilians and threaten to dismantle the state institutions.
The issue concerns the unique high altitude Lake Issyk-Kul, which is part of the UNESCO Biosphere Reserve and is included among wetlands of international importance under the Ramsar Framework. Today, this invaluable natural water reservoir is under severe climatic stress. Over the past 170 years, the water level has fallen by almost 14m, while over the past five years the rate of decline has reached approximately seven centimeters per year. 101 rivers historically flowed into the lake, but today only 30 flow throughout the entire year. The main source of water for Lake Issyk-Kul is the glacier of the Tien Shan Mountains. Over the past 70 years, more than 30% of the region's mountain glaciers have melted. Nearly 20% of this reduction has occurred within the just past 7 to 10 years. This process poses a direct threat to the biodiversity of the region and economic stability of hundreds of thousands of people. As part of our efforts to preserve Lake Issyk-Kul, Kyrgyzstan is mobilizing all available domestic resources, in particular the state concept for the sustainable Development of the Issyk-Kul ecological and economic system until 2030 is being implemented. Strict environmental restrictions have been introduced and pilot projects have been launched to monitor the depths of the lake using the underwater robotic technologies. Large scale efforts to clean the lake bed and its waters are continuing on a regular basis. The scale and speed of climate change exceed the capacity of any individual mountain country and require consolidated international action. The loss of Lake Issyk-Kul would not be merely a local tragedy. It would become an irreversible environmental loss for the entire region. In order to understand the potential scale of this environmental challenge and the costs associated with preventing, it is important to look at the fate of the Aral Sea and Lake Chad, both of which have suffered severely over recent decades. Please take a look at. Not so long ago the Aral Sea and Lake Chad, just like Issyk-Kul today, were full and reservoir was full of water. Today they have largely dried up. For us, this example must serve as a clear warning. Taking this opportunity, I officially call upon the United Nations, international financial institutions and donor countries to support our initiative to establish under the auspice of the organization the Special Joint Trust Fund for the Preservation of Lake Issyk-Kul. In order to demonstrate our commitments through concrete actions, we are prepared to contribute 10 million USD from the state budget to this fund. In our culture, there is a concept known as Amanat. It means the duty to carefully preserve what our ancestors have entrusted to us and to pass it on to future generations. In this sense, it would be fair to state that Lake Issyk-Kul is our shared climate Amanat. We are not asking for help. We are proposing a joint global partnership to preserve this unique natural resource for the earth. Before it is too late, let us unite our efforts and resources within the framework of this Trust fund. Distinguished participants.
This theme invites us to consider international cooperation in a world that is subject to profound challenges. For Equatorial Guinea, trust is strengthened when we fulfill commitments that have been made and decisions that have been adopted collectively, and when visible results can be produced. The countries of the Global South need cooperation that preserves peace, that drives sustainable and inclusive growth, and that expands the ability of each state to build its own future. Therefore, 21st century cooperation should provide opportunities for the mobilisation of financing to transfer, transform raw materials and to develop one's own knowledge and technologies. Excellencies, this vision is especially relevant for Africa, which needs investments that can allow it to develop local value chains, build infrastructure, advance industrialization, strengthen human capital, incorporate new technologies and generate employment, especially for the continent's large youth population. A more productive and industrialized Africa will be a stronger partner for the benefit of all of those wanting to halt its emigration. Excellencies. When the 2030 agenda was adopted, the world embraced its deeply human vision: eradicating poverty, protecting the planet, and making sure that all people can live with dignity, leaving no one behind. However, as we approach its end date, we are far from meeting its goals. Poverty persists, inequality is expanding, and climate change continues to rage. It is clear that we need an international financial architecture that facilitates productive investments, that takes into account the real vulnerabilities of developing countries, and supports the efforts of each nation. It is therefore urgent to implement the resolutions adopted at the conferences in Addis Ababa in 2015 and in Seville last year.
Our history has taught us that democracy, peace and respect for the law are not permanent achievements. They are built collectively and each generation must preserve them. A democracy rests on free elections, legitimate institutions, the separation of powers, freedom of expression, public participation, transparency and accountability But it also requires independent and effective institutions committed to the Constitution, the law and the popular mandate. Public institutions must not serve criminal networks, private agendas, personal loyalties, or political or economic interests that are at odds with the common good. They must serve the people, the constitutional order and society's democratic interests. When an institution strays from that purpose, it does more than simply lose legitimacy. It weakens the democracy it is meant to protect. Democracy also earns its legitimacy in everyday life When a family is protected from poverty, when a child learns in a decent school, when a woman lives free from violence, when a community is no longer isolated, and when a young person can envision a future without being forced to leave their country.
Mr. president and Excellencies, the challenges that impede our sustainable development are increasing. We must respond by implementing science based emission reductions, scale up national climate commitments and accelerate transition to renewable energy. We demand accessible and predictable adaptation grant financing to support investments in resilient infrastructure. We must operationalize the loss and damage fund. And further, we must keep the 1.5°C goal and sustain methane reduction. This is not a substitute for long term decarbonization, but can slow near-term warming, protect vulnerable communities and oceans, and preserve critical time for those on the front lines of the climate crisis. Micronesia endorses the proposed Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation treaty. A just and orderly transition away from fossil fuel is now inseparable from the wider geopolitical and economic realities shaping global energy markets. Instability in the Middle East and volatile fuel prices are the vulnerability of small island developing states to expensive fuel, unstable supply and widespread economic fragility. Shift to renewable energy is an economic necessity. Solar, wind and ocean based technologies can reduce dependence on external fuel markets, strengthen energy security, and lower emissions in line with science. The world must accelerate the transition to resilient, affordable and community centred renewable energy system. Mr. president, our people are the most important and most valuable national resource. We remain committed to delivering effective public services and advancing Micronesia priorities for our citizens wherever they reside.
COVID-19 and the subsequent disruptions in the supply chains of food and energy, as well as the conflicts and wars, demonstrated how the interests of states are interconnected along with their peace and security. Migration is at the core of such common challenges. People's mobility strives for a better future, better job opportunities, better, better development. However, the high influx of migration and their complexity reveals the reality that should be analyzed without any exaggeration, exaggerations, and it should also preserve the unity of societies. We need an effective response to this challenge through cooperation between the countries of origin transit and destination. We have to ensure a fair share of the responsibilities and burdens and address the root causes of irregular migration, while combating human trafficking and smuggling. To contain such influxes and ensure at the same time the dignity of migrants and their rights. The solution is in our common responsibility and solidarity.
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No. 15
Sierra Leone09/22 · first at about 5 min2 mentions
Of course, nations have legitimate security needs, but the speed with which the world finds resources for war compared to prevention and development, reveals a grave disorder in our priorities. The credibility of international law also depends on who has the voice in applying it. The credibility weakens when institutions entrusted with the law preserve an unequal distribution of power. The Security Council still reflects the world of 1945. Africa, home to more than 1.6 billion people and the subject of most of the council's work still has no permanent seat. That's not fair. Africa seeks its rightful place because the council cannot be fully legitimate or effective while an entire continent remains permanently absent from its highest level of decision making. No durable global solution on peace, climate, food, energy or technology can be built without African leadership. The common African position espoused in the Ezulwini Consensus and Sirte Declaration calls for no fewer than two permanent seats, with all the rights and privileges of permanent membership, including the veto if it is retained, and five non-permanent seats. As coordinator of the African Union Committee of ten, Sierra Leone will continue to advance that position. Years of intergovernmental negotiations without realizing the reform has tested the credibility of the process. Before this session concludes, member states should have a consolidated model, which we committed to in the pact for the future. Sierra Leone speaks with the authority of service. During our time on the Security Council in 2024 2025, we worked as a voice of reason and a bridge across Division. We convened the Security Council's first high level debate on redressing historical injustice against Africa, placed conflict related food insecurity at the centre of its agenda and with Guyana, Co-drafted unanimously adopted resolution 2807 on youth, peace and security, strengthening young people's role in conflict prevention and peace building. Mr. president. Representation becomes meaningful when it changes decisions and improves lives.
A moratorium observed by responsible state will not restrain hostile powers, criminal international networks or industries of manipulation. We cannot regulate ourselves into helplessness. On this essential strategic question, the president of the United States is right. We cannot stop. We must accelerate. But acceleration must have a direction. We need artificial intelligence that is verifiable, transparent and accountable, built by free societies, shared among allies and placed in the service of citizens. The answer to weaponized automation is not technological surrender. It is democratic capacity. It is sovereign capability. It is better artificial intelligence in the hands of those who remain accountable under the law of the land. Sovereign artificial intelligence does not mean isolation. It means that no nation should be helpless before systems it cannot understand, it cannot inspect, and forget about challenging them. Every country must be able to protect its language, authenticate public communications, detect coordinated manipulation, preserve evidence, and inform its citizens without depending entirely on the commercial priorities of a very distant corporation. This is why Albania, in its own microscopic scale, compared to this gigantic challenge, is building an artificial intelligence based digital mirror. The mirror will identify manipulation in real time, will test claims against authoritative information, will reveal coordinated patterns, and help citizens understand not only what they are seeing, but also how and why it has reached them. It will not tell citizens what they must think. Truth cannot be decreed by any government. It must be evidenced, sourced, tested, challenged and defended out in the open. Our mirror is not intended to become an arbiter of opinion. It is intended to become an infrastructure of transparency. It does not seek to create a ministry of truth.
Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, sovereignty is not a rejection of cooperation. Sovereignty is the ability of a people and a nation to freely determine their priorities, to defend their legitimate interests, to choose their partners, and to preserve their independence in decision making. And this is the understanding of sovereignty that the Republic of the Congo upholds. And we intend to continue pursuing a foreign policy based on non-alignment, diversification of partnerships mutual respect among states, and the rejection of any foreign interference in domestic affairs. We are open to the world, but we intend to remain masters of our choices and our destiny.
We will see colonies disappear. The exploitation of peoples by monopolies disappear, and humanity will then have achieved a genuine stage of progress. However, it is alarming to see the advance of expansionism, usurpation, plunder, conquest as well as military and economic aggressions. The U.S. government aspiration to impose peace through force is unrealizable. The fundamental pillars of international law, and the United Nations organization, such as the sovereign equality among states are under permanent attack. The genocidal crime of Zionism against the Palestinian people, the pirate attacks against vessels, and the extrajudicial executions in the Caribbean Sea and some areas in the Pacific, the military aggression against the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela and the war against the Islamic Republic of Iran are new expressions of this atrocity. They are also a reflection of the crisis of identity and relevance imposed on the United Nations organization, and even on this General Assembly, the most universal, democratic and representative body of the international community. We are convinced of the need to preserve and strengthen the United Nations.
Your Excellency António Guterres, the UN Secretary general. Your Excellency Rahman the president of the 81st General Assembly. Your excellencies, heads of state and government, distinguished delegates. Ladies and gentlemen allow me to congratulate His Excellency Khalilur Rahman on his election as president of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly, in the hope that with his vast experience and profound knowledge of our organization, he will render a valuable service to the United Nations, which is facing complex challenges that must be overcome in order to retake its key role in addressing the major issues of contemporary international relations. I also congratulate Miss Annalena Baerbock, who preceded him in the discharge of these noble duties, who did not spare efforts in her term that she carried out with undeniable competence to preserve the role of United Nations in addressing the issues that most concern the international community today. I would like also to congratulate His Excellency Secretary General Antonio Guterres, who has been working tirelessly and devoted himself with persistent dedication to the great global causes, building bridges for dialogue in the search for peaceful solutions to the problems facing humanity. Today, we highlight his exemplary contribution as a man of dialogue, an advocate of the United Nations Charter and the international law, a tireless advocate of the need to protect the planet from harmful effects of climate change, and a champion of the global debate on global governance of artificial intelligence. Mr. president, Your excellencies, the United Nations General Assembly is always held in the month of September.
Mr. president since last February, the state of Kuwait, the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan have been subjected to illegal Iranian aggression involving ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and drones. All while we are not a party to the conflict in the region. These attacks are a flagrant violation of the international law, international humanitarian law and the UN charter. These brutal attacks have systematically and repeatedly targeted civilian objects and critical infrastructure, including Kuwait International Airport, power and water stations, oil facilities as well, revealing a hostile approach aimed at disrupting the foundations of life and critical infrastructure. These heinous attacks have claimed the lives of several martyrs and innocent civilians. They have also resulted in numerous injuries and have inflicted material and economic damage. And furthermore, to inflict harm on the economies of the region and the world, and to disrupt global trade and oil markets, Iran is obstructing maritime navigation and closing the Strait of Hormuz to use it as a bargaining chip in the war in violation of international law and the relevant Security Council resolutions. In this regard, the State of Kuwait expresses its deep appreciation to the brotherly and friendly nations who have stood by Kuwait and demonstrated solidarity. We also salute the countries that have sponsored Security Council Resolution 2817 and the other resolutions issued by the Human Rights Council and the International Maritime Organization, which have condemned the Iranian aggression as a threat to international peace and security, demanding its cessation and affirming the inherent rights of states to self-defence, as per article 51 of the UN charter. They have also stressed the importance of guaranteeing freedom of navigation without restrictions or conditions and based on Kuwait's belief that the security and stability of the Arabian Gulf region constitutes a fundamental pillar of regional and international security and stability, as demonstrated by the repercussions of the war and Iranian aggressions. We reiterate the support for all diplomatic efforts aimed at de-escalation and a peaceful resolution to the existing dispute, and we applaud the mediation efforts led by Qatar and Pakistan, while emphasizing the need to reach a sustainable regional understanding based on a firm commitment to the principles of good neighbourliness, respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs, as well as refraining from the use or threat of use of force. In addition to ceasing support for proxies and militias and addressing the security concerns of all countries in the region, including the Iranian nuclear file, ballistic missiles and drones, while stressing the guarantee of freedom and safety of navigation and the right of passage through the Straits of Hormuz and Bab el Mandeb, in accordance with the international law and the 1982 UN convention on the law of the sea. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait is committed in its foreign policy to the principles of the UN charter, in particular, respect for the principle of good neighbourliness, respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs. Accordingly, the State of Kuwait views the brotherly Republic of Iraq as a neighbour with whom we share close ties and our partners in security and stability. Since the fall of the former regime in 2003, Kuwait has supported and stood by Iraq in facing security, political and economic challenges in order to help Iraq restore its regional and international role and standing. Kuwait believes that a stable, secure and prosperous Iraq serves the shared interests of Kuwait and the entire region. In this context, the State of Kuwait commends the measures taken by the Iraqi Prime Minister, Mr. Ali al-Zaidi, to consolidate arms under state control and to strengthen Iraq's bilateral relations with neighbouring countries. We look forward to enhancing confidence building measures between the two countries and to elevate our bilateral relations to broader horizons, as well as to resolve all outstanding issues. Most important of these issues are the maritime border demarcation beyond marker 162, as per the rules of International law and the 1982 UN Convention on Law of the sea. We also emphasize the need to adhere to bilateral security and technical agreements and arrangements signed between the two countries. Very important among these agreements is the Abdullah Agreement and the 2008 Security Exchange Protocol. These agreements serve as vital legal and practical instruments for regulating navigation, protecting the environment, combating terrorism, as well as combating the illicit trafficking of arms and narcotics, and enhancing shared security. The State of Kuwait calls upon Iraq to cooperate with the high level representative of the Secretary-General pursuant to Security Council Resolution 2792, in order to achieve the progress and desired outcomes regarding Kuwaiti prisoners and missing persons, as well as nationals of third countries and the recovery of Kuwaiti property, including the National Archives. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait reiterates its principled and firm position, condemning the ongoing violations by the Israeli occupation forces against the brotherly Palestinian people. The Palestinian people continue to suffer under difficult living conditions caused by policies of displacement, arrests and settlement. We call for the full implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Plan and its subsequent phase adopted by Security Council Resolution 2803. This includes the complete withdrawal of Israeli occupation forces from Gaza, the assurance of humanitarian aid, access, and the return of the Palestinian Authority to the Gaza Strip. We affirm that the Gaza Strip is an integral part of the occupied Palestinian territory. In this regard, we welcome the measures and decisions taken by the United Kingdom, France and several other nations to condemn settlement activities and to impose sanctions against settlers involved in acts of violence and terrorism against Palestinians, as well as banning the import of goods and products originating from the settlements. The State of Kuwait reiterates that a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in the region remains contingent upon an end to the Israeli occupation of all Arab territories, as well as enabling the Palestinian people to exercise their legitimate and inalienable rights. It also rests upon the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on the borders of June 4th, 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital. Mr. president, the sisterly Republic of Yemen is witnessing a serious military escalation as a result of the attacks by Houthi militias against several governorates and areas along the West Coast aimed at threatening navigation in the Bab el Mandeb Strait. In this regard, the state of Kuwait reiterates its full support for UN led efforts aimed at a comprehensive, sustainable and Yemeni led settlement, in accordance with the three agreed references and the relevant Security Council resolutions, in particular resolution 2216. The State of Kuwait affirms that any political settlement must safeguard Yemen's unity, sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. A settlement must end the suffering of the Yemeni people and must open prospects for security, stability and economic development. We also stress the need to preserve the security and safety of maritime navigation in the Red sea and the Bab el Mandeb Strait. We also condemn in the strongest terms the attacks by the Houthis against the sisterly kingdom of Saudi Arabia, targeting civilian and economic facilities in several cities. In this context, we affirm that the security of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is an integral part of the security of the State of Kuwait and the security of the GCC states. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait reiterates its solidarity with the sisterly Syrian Arab Republic. We welcome the measures taken by the international community to lift the sanctions against Syria and to remove Syria's name from the list of state sponsors of terrorism. We also affirm our support for all efforts aimed at rebuilding state institutions and aimed at advancing a Syrian led, comprehensive, inclusive political process led by the Syrians, with the active participation of all segments of society in Syria and aimed at fulfilling their aspirations for security, stability and a life of dignity. In this context, we stress the need to respect Syria's sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity. We condemn and reject the attacks and incursions by Israeli occupation forces into Syrian territory. These acts are a serious escalation and a violation of the 1974 Disengagement of Forces agreement. They undermine security and stability in the region. With regards to the sisterly Lebanese Republic, the state of Kuwait affirms the importance of Lebanese state institutions and the need to extend their full authority over the entire territory of Lebanon, and to restrict the possession of arms exclusively to the state, thereby reinforcing Lebanon's sovereignty and preserving its security and stability. Here, we also emphasize the importance of maintaining an international presence along the blue line to ensure the full implementation of UN resolution 1701, and we reiterate our demand for Israel's withdrawal from all occupied Lebanese territories. And with regards to developments in the Republic of Sudan, the Federal Republic of Somalia and the state of Libya, we affirm the need to adhere to peaceful resolution and to engage in political dialogue to resolve disputes as per the relevant Security Council resolutions and the principles of international law, so as to protect the unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty of these sisterly nations. Mr. president, since Kuwait's independence, our foreign policy was based on firm principles, namely moderation and balance, and a firm commitment to the charter of the United Nations and International law, and on support for multilateralism and the belief that dialogue and the peaceful settlement of disputes are the best means to maintain international peace and security. The State of Kuwait also believes in a complementary relationship between security and development. There can be no security without development and no development without security.
For our part, New Zealand will continue to press for a more effective, credible, transparent and representative Security Council. As a demonstration of our continued commitment to collective security and the UN Charter, New Zealand is seeking a seat on the UN Security Council for 2039 to 40. We ask the next Secretary-General to work with us to preserve the integrity of the global disarmament framework, particularly on weapons of mass destruction. The grave dangers of deterioration of the global non-proliferation regime should alarm us all. New Zealand was deeply disappointed at the failure to reach consensus at this year's Nuclear Nonproliferation Review Conference. After three consecutive review conference failures, we must do all we can to preserve the health of the NPT and indeed strengthen it. This means tackling persistent violations and cases of non-compliance. Iran is not in compliance with its nuclear safeguards obligations. The DPRK nuclear weapons and missile programs continue to threaten its region and beyond. Halting the NPT deterioration also requires concrete action from nuclear weapon states to, at long last, chart a path towards total, verifiable and irreversible nuclear disarmament. We also call on you to safeguard the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, the constitution for the oceans, which provides the framework within which all activities in the oceans and seas must be carried out. Compliance with these universally applicable rules is essential not only for maintaining peace and security, but also for protecting prosperity and food security, given the oceans vital role in supporting trade.
Africa must be listened to more. It must be better represented and more closely involved in the decisions that shape the future of our planet. This is what must build trust between Africa and other continents, as well as with international institutions. We no longer wish to see the Human Rights Council become a forum for oppressing countries that are deliberately singled out because they defend and fight for the interests of their peoples. We want to see this council working for justice and equity for all states, without distinction. International human rights law must apply without exception to all states of the world, both in its corrective function as well as in its regulatory function. The Human Rights Council cannot be instrumentalized by other countries to the detriment of others, given that all member states of the United Nations enjoy a status of sovereign equality. Burundi wishes to reiterate, once again, its opposition to the imposition of a special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Burundi, who was appointed without any prior dialogue or consultation. Burundi is a responsible country that respects human rights. It has fought impunity for decades. It upholds the rights and freedoms of all and ensures security as well as the guarantee that crimes it has experienced in the past will not be repeated. Mr. President, Africa intends to be a full-fledged actor and not a mere observer called upon to applaud decisions in whose preparation it played no part. Africa is not seeking any privileges. It is demanding justice, equity, and representation. We, therefore, strongly reaffirm the need for reform of the United Nations Security Council in order to allow for permanent African representation and more equitable participation by the continent in the international community's decision-making mechanisms. In this regard, Burundi believes that discussions on reform must also address the financial viability of the United Nations system by strengthening the predictability, transparency, and sustainability of its financing. It would not be coherent to entrust the organization with ever greater responsibilities without guaranteeing it the resources necessary for their implementation. We, therefore, call on member states, particularly the wealthiest, to demonstrate responsibility and solidarity in order to preserve the organization's financial stability. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, as part of this process of reform, strengthening, and consolidation of our organization, Burundi also wishes to contribute to the debate on the selection process for the next Secretary-General of the United Nations. In the current international context, marked by deep geopolitical divisions and growing challenges to multilateralism, this process must be conducted in a spirit of transparency, openness, and collective responsibility. Burundi believes that this process must be based above all on qualifications, experience, integrity, independence of judgment, diplomatic skill, and the ability to bring together the positions of all member states. We need a true bridge-builder, a leader capable of engaging in dialogue with all parties, of bringing positions closer together even when divergences appear unsurmountable, but also of showing firmness, courage, and independence when it comes to defending the principles of the United Nations Charter and ensuring that the collective interest prevails. Mr. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, peace remains the primary condition for development. The African Union is deeply concerned by the persistence of conflicts and crises that continue to cause massive population displacement, destroy infrastructure, and deprive millions of children of their right to education and to a better future.
Whether in the Security Council or in the international financial system, institutions built for another age are being asked to govern a completely different world that we live in today. Restoring trust requires more than defending those institutions. It requires having the courage to reform them. This is not a conversation we are beginning today. For decades, member states have debated how to make the Security Council more representative, legitimate, and effective. In 2008, after years of discussion, this General Assembly moved Security Council reform into intergovernmental negotiations. Those negotiations began the following year. Seventeen years later, we are still negotiating. The central question remains before us: membership, the veto, regional representation, the size and working methods of the Security Council, and its relationship with this General Assembly. The world has not stood still while we have been debating these issues. In the Pact for the Future, member states agreed that redressing the historical injustice against Africa must be a priority in the Security Council reform. We should not accept that reform is impossible because it is difficult. This organization has changed its architecture before. In 1963, this General Assembly adopted amendments to enlarge the Security Council. The council grew from 11 members to 15 because member states recognized that the institution had to respond to a changing membership. What was possible then, ladies and gentlemen, is possible today. Reform must deliver equitable and permanent representation with all the prerogatives and privileges of permanent membership to Africa and other deserving regions. Political reform and financial reform are not separate projects. They ask the same fundamental question: whether the institutions that govern our common future will reflect the sovereign equality they proclaim or preserve inequalities inherited from another age. More than half a century ago, this General Assembly called for a new international economic order founded on sovereign equality, interdependence, and cooperation among states. We need not recreate the debates of another era. But we must ask the question they left unfinished: what does equality among nations require in the world of today? It requires a world in which no continent is permanently excluded from the highest decisions on peace and security. A world in which international law does not change with the identity of the state to which it is applied. A world in which a nation's prospects are not determined by how expensive the world has decided its capital to be. It requires that no child lose a classroom because debt service came first; that no mother finds an empty clinic because essential investment became unaffordable; and that the resources of developing countries became foundations for their prosperity rather than pathways for extraction.
I am pleased to highlight Mongolia's active leadership within the United Nations in advancing the interests of landlocked developing countries drawing greater international attention to their special needs and unique circumstances, and cooperating with these countries to ensure that their voices are heard on the global stage. Mongolia has launched several important initiatives in this regard, including serving as one of the founding members of the Group of Landlocked Developing Countries at the United Nations and the establishment of the International Think Tank for Landlocked Developing Countries in Ulaanbaatar. To translate the Awaza programme of action into tangible outcomes, it is essential for landlocked developing countries to align the programme with their national development agendas and make full use of available resources and opportunities to accelerate regional integration and cooperation. We also call upon the international community, banks, financial institutions and development partners to provide credible assistance to landlocked developing countries through their support and collaboration. Mr. President, as the deadline for the 2030 agenda for Sustainable Development approaches, the SDG report 2026 shows that only 36% of the Sustainable Development Goals are on track or making moderate progress, while 15% are regressing. It is deeply regrettable that, according to the latest report of the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute released at this critical time, global military expenditure has reached an all time high of 2.9 trillion USD. It is time for all of us to ponder and reflect with common sense, on what progress could have been achieved in the development of human society if this huge budget and funds had been spent on tackling pressing issues such as combating global warming and climate change, and improving education, health, food security and advancement of women and children. According to the SDG report 2026, Mongolia has achieved 68.8% of the SDGs, reflecting the tangible results of our efforts and the progress we have made in recent years. As a country experiencing the adverse impacts of climate change firsthand, Mongolia has remained steadfast in contributing to global collective efforts to protect and preserve our natural environment.
Mr. President, excellencies, my friends, we meet at a time when the obstacles confronting human progress are multiplying, obstacles to peace, obstacles to food and clean water, obstacles to finance, medicine and education, obstacles to movement and opportunity. Obstacles to technology, to the knowledge and infrastructure needed to use it, and increasingly, obstacles between nations, between communities, and between people who no longer agree on the same facts or trust the same institutions. War continues to destroy lives and communities. Even though the international community possesses more tools than ever before to prevent conflict and to facilitate dialogue. The climate crisis is accelerating. Even though the science is clear enough for us to act, and many of the solutions are already known. And despite unprecedented global wealth, millions remain without reliable access to food, water, health or shelter. These challenges, my friends, are creating the crises of which we constantly speak, and at the same time, new challenges are emerging. Artificial intelligence is opening extraordinary possibilities in health, education, science, and productivity while also creating new risk of exclusion, exploitation, surveillance and the distortion of truth. And yet, the cooperation needed to confront these challenges is under strain. It is why I believe the theme this year is so apt. Restoring trust. Managing transformation. A United Nations that delivers for all. The theme reminds us that we have institutions created to preserve peace, to advance development, and yes, to protect human dignity. The institutions are these very United Nations. We have shared principles grounded in sovereign equality, and in the recognition that our responsibilities extend beyond borders. The reality is that we understand that there is, regrettably enough, for us to be able to invest in prevention rather than waiting to finance reconstruction. We understand enough about the climate crisis to reduce the emissions that are warming our planet, and take the necessary steps for our populations to adapt. We equally now understand enough about the rapid development of AI to know that as we welcome its promise, we must anchor its development in a universal, humanizing framework that does not imperil our existence as human beings. The failure, my friends, to address these challenges, therefore, is not one simply of knowledge or capacity. It is a repeated failure to convert what we know into what we do. To turn principle into practice and global capacity into solidarity. So beneath our many crises lies yet another one. And yes, it is a crisis of responsibility. Mr. President, that responsibility begins here in these halls.
Mr. president, at the end of August, the Vanuatu government initiated proceedings against France before the International Court of Justice concerning sovereignty over Umaenupne and Umaeneg/Leka islands, or Matthew and Hunter, as they called in English, and the maritime boundaries between Vanuatu and New Caledonia. These islands are integral part of Vanuatu's territory, grounded in customary governance, long standing historical connections indigenous ownership and is seen as part of our duty as ancestral custodians to protect and preserve. We recognise France as a steadfast champion of the international rules based order and under the leadership of President Macron, a strong supporter of international judicial institutions. France has stood alongside Vanuatu in advancing global climate action, including through its support for initiatives before the International Court of Justice. We greatly value this partnership and France leadership on issues of international importance. It is in the same spirit of mutual respect and commitment to international law that we respectfully invite France to consent to the jurisdiction of the court. Mr. president, trust is important for the United Nation's credibility. It cannot be restored through declarations alone. Trust must be earned through action. People will trust the United Nations when they see it preventing conflict. They will trust it when international law is respected. They will trust it when humanitarian assistance reaches those who need it. They will trust it when development commitments become real projects. They will trust it when climate finance reaches vulnerable communities. They will trust it when small states are heard and they will trust it when the international system treats all nations with equal dignity. For Vanuatu, restoring trust also means restoring confidence in multilateralism itself. We must resist the temptation to conclude that because the international system is imperfect, it is therefore irrelevant. The UN80 reforms currently implemented are paramount to rebuild trust again at the United Nations, and therefore needs to be managed diligently. Vanuatu supports efforts to strengthen the United Nations. But reform must preserve what is most important the principle of sovereign equality. The United Nations cannot become an institution where the voices of the most powerful states dominate, where smaller states are expected merely to follow. Reform must strengthen General Assembly. It must make international institutions more accessible to developing countries. It must address the financing and capacity constraints facing small delegations. It must strengthen preventive diplomacy. It must improve the implementation of international decisions. It must ensure that the development pillar remains resourced and that the implementation on the ground is effective and efficient. And it must ensure that international law remains central to the international system. Vanuatu calls for UN Security Council that is more representative, transparent and accountable, with membership and working methods that reflect today's realities and give all regions a meaningful voice. But reform cannot be limited to institutional structures. The deeper reform we require is political and renewed commitment by member states to the principles we have already agreed to. That charter does not need to be reinvented. It needs to be respected. Mr. president, excellencies, for Vanuatu, the United Nations Charter remains our compass. It tells us that the nations are sovereign equals. It tells us that disputes must be settled peacefully. It tells us that the force must not be used against the territory or political independence of states. It tells us that the nations must cooperate. And it reminds us that the ultimate purpose of the international system is not power for its own sake. It is peace, justice, human dignity, development, and cooperation. And it is a better future for succeeding generations. These principles are particularly important to Vanuatu because we know what independence means. Our independence is not merely the absence of colonial rule. Independence means the right of a people to determine our future. It means sovereignty. It means dignity, it means equality, and it means having an equal place in the family of nations. That is why Vanuatu will continue to defend the multilateral system. That is why we will continue to defend international law, and that is why we will continue to speak for the principle that every nation, regardless of size, matters. Mr. president, we meet at a critical moment in international affairs. There are wars that remain unresolved. There are communities facing humanitarian catastrophe. There is growing geopolitical rivalry. There is economic uncertainty. There is climate disruption. There is technological transformation. And there is declining confidence in the international institutions. Yet I remain convinced that this is precisely the moment when we must choose cooperation over confrontation. We must choose dialogue over division. We must choose law over force. We must choose solidarity over indifference. And we must choose multilateralism over fragmentation. Vanuatu comes from a part of the world where our ancestors navigated vast oceans using the stars, the winds, the currents and the knowledge passed from generation to generation. Today the international community is navigating another uncertain ocean. We need a compass. The United Nations Charter is that compass. It provides the principles by which we can navigate a world of competing interests while preserving our common humanity. The theme of this 81st session Restoring Trust, Managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all reminds us of what is required. But ultimately, restoring trust will depend not on the words we adopt here, but on the actions we take when we leave this hall. Let us therefore, build a United Nations that is strong enough to prevent war, fair enough to protect the vulnerable, courageous enough to defend international law, and inclusive enough to give every nation a meaningful voice. Let us build a United Nations where the concerns of a small island nation in the Pacific and all over the world can stand alongside those of the largest powers of the world. Let us not allow division to rule our era. Instead, we choose cooperation. We choose peace. We choose justice. We choose solidarity. And we choose to renew our faith in the idea that together, nations can build a world. We can build a better world.
Mr. president. With a great sense of humility and respect, I address you and the excellencies here in this illustrious hall. More than eight decades ago, the founders of the United Nations understood that no peace built on brute force could stand the test of time. They opted instead for law, cooperation, and dialogue as pillars of a new international order. Today, this conviction is facing one of the toughest tests it has faced since the organization's foundation. The world stands in a period of deep rooted fragmentation. The world is deeply polarized. Armed conflicts are dragging on longer than before. Transnational organized crime is broadening its capacity to act. Its tentacles are growing longer. The effects of climate change are growing ever more intense. Development divides remain, and the technological transformation is posing unprecedented challenges to our institutions. At the same time, trust in multilateralism is waning precisely when we need it most. Standing before this landscape, Costa Rica reaffirms its belief that no state, no state can alone address challenges that are common to us all. Multilateralism is a prerequisite for the preservation of peace, to promote sustainable development and to protect human dignity. However, multilateralism will only preserve its dignity if it proves able to yield tangible results. Specific results for people for human beings. Costa Rica champions a United Nations which is more agile, more efficient, more transparent and more accountable to its member states. Our organization should establish priorities, do away with overlaps, make prudent use of its resources, and measure its results.
We remember both the cost of losing our independence, and the help that allowed our people to start again. Today, Ukraine is fighting to preserve its independence. Hungary condemns Russia's full scale war of aggression as a violation of United Nations Charter and international law. We affirm Ukraine's right to self-defense, its sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders, and the right of its people to decide their own future. The freedom Hungarians demanded for themselves in 1956 is a freedom we must uphold for Ukrainians today. We remember those who have lost their lives in this war, and we want diplomacy to bring the killing to an end. But a lasting peace must respect Ukraine's sovereignty. If taking territory by force becomes an accepted way of settling disputes, every smaller country will have reasons to worry about its own future.
We in Bosnia and Herzegovina know that peace cannot be taken for granted. Peace must be safeguarded every day. It requires responsibility of political leaders, respect for the law, and readiness for dialogue. There must not be one standard for large states and another for small states. If we want to preserve trust in the international order, the rules we establish together must be applied equally. Ladies and gentlemen, Bosnia and Herzegovina is the only country in Europe where genocide was committed after the Second World War. In May 2024, the UN General Assembly adopted the resolution designating 11th July as the International Day of Reflection and Commemoration of the 1995 genocide in Srebrenica.
If AI is available only to a few, new divisions will appear. Entire communities may be left behind. The growing use of AI-powered weapons and autonomous systems also requires urgent attention. One principle must remain clear: machines should never be allowed to make life or death decisions on their own. Just as the international community developed rules for nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons, we also need strong international frameworks for these new technologies. The United Nations can and should play a leading role in this effort. AI is not only a potential threat on the battlefield; it is already having a negative impact on society, especially in education. An entire generation of young people is being affected. Recent assessments show declining test scores across the vast majority of countries. This is a concerning trend that deserves open and serious discussion on international platforms such as the United Nations. At the same time, we should not see AI only as a risk. It can be also a tool for peace. It can help us analyze information, identify patterns, and overcome language barriers in real time. It can support better decisions, faster responses, and more effective prevention. With responsible use, proper human oversight, and good governance, we can move this technology away from the battlefield and toward diplomacy, mediation, and conflict prevention. And prevention matters. Every conflict we prevent saves lives. It protects development. It preserves human dignity. Once violence begins, every solution becomes harder, more costly, and more painful.
The United Nations was created precisely for a moment such as this. When a challenge is too large for any one nation to address alone. When risks need to be managed to protect people all over the world. And when opportunities need to be exploited in a way that benefits the largest and the smallest, the richest and the poorest member state. But today the United Nations itself is under pressure. There are great powers that believe that they fare better if they ignore the rules enshrined in the UN Charter. The erosion of international law jeopardizes the enormous civilisational progress that the United Nations stands for. The commitment to peace, the principle of sovereign equality of all states, the belief in norms and rules, the conviction of the dignity inherent in every human being. The erosion of these principles may serve the interests of a few who believe themselves powerful enough to survive in a world without norms, or to write their own rules. For us, for the overwhelming majority of the 193 states represented in this General Assembly, this is harmful. We know that the people of this world will pay the price if the respect for international law erodes, and if its institutions are under attack. If this erosion continues, we all stand to lose. But this pressure on the international order does not come from political actors alone. It also comes from the forces of technological revolution. This poses a crucial question how do we enable our international institutions to keep pace with the technologies that are reshaping our world? Faced with this question, it will not be enough to invoke what we still have or once had in the United Nations, nor will it have helped if we ignore its weaknesses. What we need is honesty, realism, and cooperation. Honesty in our analysis, realism in our ambition and cooperation as our method. We must acknowledge that many of the beams of this common house cannot carry the burden we put on them. We must decide which parts of the house do we preserve and which do we rebuild? For this endeavour to succeed, we need the new Secretary-General to lead a profound process of reform. Above all, we must close the gap between what we expect from the United Nations and the capabilities we give to the organization.
It is a daily lived reality. It is woven into our social fabric as human ambition rooted dignity, opportunity and aspiration. Migration benefits countries of origin, transit countries and destination countries, contributing to skills development, cultural exchange and shared economic growth. We must therefore strengthen international cooperation to ensure migration contributes meaningfully to deeper human understanding and sustainable development. Guided by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, we must guarantee the full enjoyment of human rights by migrants, regardless of status. Protecting their dignity and fundamental freedoms is not only a legal obligation, it is a moral imperative. Mr. president, we welcome progress under the UN80 Initiative and appreciate efforts to enhance efficiency, effectiveness and coherence within the UN system. As deliberations continue, reforms must remain guided by intergovernmental agreed mandates and Member States priorities. Any measures undertaken should preserve the UN's capacity to deliver across all pillars of its work and maintain meaningful impact on the ground.
And as the world transforms, so must the United Nations. The UN80 Initiative is an opportunity to reduce duplication, improve accountability, and focus resources on results. But efficiency must not be measured simply by what we cut. It must be measured by what we deliver. And the United Nations must not retreat from the countries that need it most, in the name of efficiency. Reform must preserve a meaningful UN presence on the ground, particularly in SIDS. The UN Development System must respond to the needs of programme countries and remain guided by relevant international frameworks. The reform process must be Member State-led. It must be inclusive and transparent. This is how reform will restore trust, by bringing the United Nations closer to the people and the countries it serves. Reform must also confront one of this Organization’s oldest weaknesses: unequal representation. The Security Council cannot reflect the world of 1945 while deciding for the world of today. It must be expanded in both permanent and non-permanent categories. SIDS must have a rotating seat. Africa must receive the representation long denied to it, and the veto must be abolished. After all, representation is not merely symbolic. Who sits at the table shapes what the table sees. Small States understand how closely climate, finance, trade, supply chains and security are connected. We also know that international law is our strongest safeguard against unequal power. That principle must remain at the heart of the international system. The Maldives will take its seat on the Economic and Social Council for the 2027 to 2029 term. We are seeking election to the Human Rights Council for the 2028 to 2030 term. And we seek the support of Member States for a seat on the UN Security Council for the 2033 to 2034 term. We do so because small States must be decision-makers, not decision-takers. Representation matters not only within the bodies of this Organization, but also in its leadership. As Secretary-General Guterres approaches the end of a decade of service, the Maldives thanks him for his leadership and commitment to international cooperation. The process to choose his successor must be transparent and based on merit. It must draw from the full breadth of talent available to this Organization. For more than eight decades, every Secretary-General has been a man. It is time for a woman to lead this Organisation. A leader who will defend the Charter, without exception, who can turn reform into delivery, and who will listen to all Member States, including the smallest. The task ahead is immense. The choice we make must meet it. So, what should this Assembly do? The Maldives proposes a simple test for a sovereign future. When we act on conflict, climate, finance, technology or institutional reform, let us ask: Does this decision expand a State’s freedom to choose? Does it build national capacity and reduce dependence? Does it protect sovereignty and independent decision-making? If the answer is no, we must change course. And we must hold every State to the same standard. Let this be the measure of international cooperation, not what we promise, but what we make possible. That is the measure of a United Nations that delivers for all. In 1989, the Maldives asked this Assembly to protect small States from external threats. Today, we ask it to protect something just as fundamental: Every State’s freedom to choose its own future. A future chosen by its people, a future grounded in international law, a sovereign future for every State.
This same commitment is also being engaged in our own region in Latin America and the Caribbean. Mexico will continue to work to preserve the nature of the zone of peace that our peoples created for ourselves and to strengthen cooperation in fora such as CELAC and the Pacific Alliance. Our regional vocation also explains Mexico's position, the position that we have had for more than six decades, and that solidarity with the people of Cuba rejecting the embargo, and any unilateral measure that is against the UN Charter, we will continue to send humanitarian aid to address the most urgent needs of its population, because the fraternity between our nations does not depend on any given situation, uh, in any moment or differences between us. This solidarity is also calling on us to pool our efforts to deal with regional differences on the basis of dialogue and working with one another above and beyond our hemisphere. We are strengthening our links with Asia and Africa, and recently modernized our partnership with the European Union. Uh, confirming the close links between partners. Um, and, um, this doesn't ever mean that, uh we have different distance between other partners either.
Such a partnership requires a United Nations that evolves with the aspirations of the present and future generations. Institutions that adapt preserve their relevance, those that resist change imperil it. Nigeria remains optimistic because history shows that countries acting with common purpose and determination can overcome obstacles once considered insurmountable. Our generation has the privilege of shaping the future and the responsibility to answer for it. Those who follow us will judge our courage in reforming outdated institutions, building cooperation across divisions, protecting the planet, and directing technology responsibly. Mr. President, excellencies, distinguished delegates Nigeria pledges cooperation over confrontation, dialogue over division, hope over fear and partnership over isolation. These choices must shape institutions that respond to the legitimate aspirations of all nations. Restoring trust requires us to honor our obligations to one another and to manage the challenges before us with justice, wisdom and compassion. The world looks to this assembly for leadership, and our debates must lead to action worthy of that expectation. Nigeria believes that the humanity we share is stronger than the divisions we have made, and that cooperation remains wiser than conflict. A reformed, inclusive and effective United Nations is indispensable to the peaceful, just and sustainable world that future generations deserve. Whatever our differences, I repeat, whatever our differences, we must remember that humanity is our oldest citizenship and peace is the inheritance we owe every child.
The UN Charter begins with the commitment: "We, the peoples." Yet the UN marginalizes Taiwan's 23 million people, disregarding that foundational purpose. We stand with like-minded partners in calling for the reversal of misrepresented interpretations of the rules and procedures that have constrained Taiwan's meaningful participation in this body. Under the UN Charter, small states are sovereign states with the right to determine their own future, choose their partners, and pursue development that serves their people. We urge all parties to preserve peace and stability, resolve differences peacefully, and choose dialogue over escalation. Beyond politics and policy, one truth should unite us: our children and their children deserve a world that is safe, healthy, and clean. For that reason, our discussions here and beyond must lead to action--action that protects the conditions in which every child can live, grow, and thrive. We acknowledge, while not yet at the scale required, that the architecture is being built, political momentum is growing, and resources are beginning to mobilize, even amidst a complex geopolitical landscape. Our traditional wisdom reminds us: "Msisichau e ng kmedang a meched." Be strong and do not give up. The shore is near. The promise of multilateralism is that even the smallest can be heard, and that the many voices shaped by different histories and experiences can move toward a common shore. In Palau, we also say: "Tekoi el ua Iuul." Knowledge is like ocean waves. It comes in many forms and sizes, yet no wave overpowers another, and they ultimately reach the same shore. Let us leave this Assembly committed to multilateralism that honors every voice, values every form of knowledge, and carries us toward a safer, healthier, and more peaceful world.
We need institutions capable of dealing with issues that transcend national borders. We need multilateralism. But multilateralism will only retain its credibility if it is also able to evolve. Switzerland therefore supports efforts to reform the UN system as part of the UN80 initiative. This reform must make the UN more coherent, more effective and more results oriented, while respecting the powers and responsibilities of member states. The UN must focus its efforts where its action brings real added value: when problems transcend borders, when national or regional capacities are insufficient, or when a universal institution is needed to provide a common framework. The key question is therefore a simple one how can we ensure that the resources, expertise and energy invested in the multilateral system yield better results for those it is meant to serve? Because our institutions do not exist for their own sake, they exist for the people, for those who live in fear of conflict, for those who have lost their home following a disaster, for those seeking work or building a future for themselves, for the children whose lives depend on access to education and the new opportunities we are creating today. It is on this scale that the value of multilateralism is ultimately measured. Ladies and gentlemen, Your Excellencies, we cannot make the diverging interests of our countries disappear. We cannot erase disagreements, rivalries, or borders, nor can we remove all of the mountains that stand between us. But we can determine how we wish to tackle them. We can preserve open dialogue rather than erect more barriers. We can keep the channels of communication open rather than resign ourselves to silence. We can ensure that technological progress creates more opportunities rather than new divisions. And we can reform our institutions rather than accept their gradual demise. Switzerland will continue to play its part, using the means at its disposal by upholding international law, promoting dialogue, providing its good offices, supporting effective multilateral institutions, and by remaining a country where the world can continue to come together and engage. We do not claim to have all the answers, but our experience in the Alps has taught us one simple thing. While a mountain might separate us, it can just as easily be crossed. Crossing it brings people together. Coming together encourages dialogue, and dialogue fosters trust. Perhaps this is where our shared responsibility begins: to keep open the pathways that allow us, in spite of our differences, to continue moving forward, hand in hand.
This is where regional cooperation has a vital role. The United Nations must remain the centrepiece of the multilateral system, but we cannot expect it to do everything. It cannot settle problems when member states are not willing to act. Regional institutions can help turn that willingness into cooperation. They bring countries together around shared challenges and translate global principles suited to local realities. In this way, regionalism becomes a building block of effective multilateralism. ASEAN has demonstrated this for almost six decades. It has grown from 5 to 11 member states. We do not always agree, but we have learned to manage differences and preserve space for cooperation. For my country, Thailand, that practical cooperation means serving as a trusted platform. We want to leverage our strengths as a logistical hub and manufacturing base to connect markets and supply chains across our region. Our conviction is that together, we should combine Asia's diversity for co-creation, bringing together the different strengths of our countries to promote shared prosperity. The same thinking should also extend beyond Asia. Thailand continues to pursue free trade agreements with partners across region, and to expand trade and opportunities for both sides. Additionally, our Thailand Africa initiative seeks to deepen political, economic and development cooperation to build partnerships of equals across our regions. Mr. President, excellencies.
Restoring trust in the United Nations will depend on its ability to deliver on the commitments already made, and to demonstrate that multilateralism can make a meaningful difference in the lives of people. Mr. President, the Secretary-General's UN80 Initiative to make the organisation more efficient and better equipped for the future is necessary and timely. Indeed, today, as we listen to President Trump, Honourable President shared with us some of the initiatives for reform that was taking place and will take place here at the UN. Reform should reduce duplication, strengthen accountability, retire mandates that no longer serve their purpose and direct scarce resources towards measurable results. At the same time, reform should preserve the organisation's ability to deliver across its three pillars of peace and security, development and human rights, and should not make it more difficult for small states to participate meaningfully in its work. Mr. President, as the UN begins its search for its next Secretary-General, I take this opportunity to convey our deepest appreciation to His Excellency António Guterres, whose term as the ninth Secretary-General of the UN concludes at the end of this year. Secretary-General Guterres will be well remembered for leading this organisation through a period of extraordinary global strain and for advancing important initiatives on UN reform, climate change, superintelligence and the risks posed by nuclear weapons. We also recognise some of the important initiatives advanced during his tenure, including the UN80 Initiative, efforts to achieve greater gender parity in senior UN leadership positions, and his efforts to bring superintelligence and the risks posed by nuclear weapons more firmly into the international agenda. Mr. President, as I close, I say Trinidad and Tobago's long standing commitment to multilateralism and a United Nations has been anchored in delivering results and adding value to the lives of citizens everywhere. As we chart our way forward, it is important for us all to remember that trust must be earned and built on the principles of mutual respect and cooperation.
And this is the greatest contradiction of our time. We have more capacities than ever before, but we also face challenges that no state can tackle alone. As the United Nations, we need to commit ourselves and work to redefine the international order so that we can prioritize the common well-being of the whole of humanity, regardless of whether of where they live and their condition guarantee the well-being of our brothers and sisters, the whole of humanity. We need a multilateral system that is able to listen, but also to make decisions, to safeguard present principles, to respect the sovereignty of states. But that at the same time understands that no state can resolve problems that know no borders alone. The fact is that the credibility of the United Nations is not something that we can build exclusively with resolutions. On the contrary, its legitimacy is achieved when the organization is really, truly able to preserve and save people's lives and to ensure a decent future for all people. And this is something that El Salvador has firsthand experience in.
Parallel to health security is the fundamental crisis of climate change, which is another defining challenge of our generation. Developing countries contribute minimal to global emissions, yet bear the brunt of drought, floods, shifting weather patterns, and climate-induced shocks. Therefore, climate action must be accompanied by climate justice. We call for stronger international cooperation in climate adaptation, resilience, technology transfer, capacity building, and access to predictable, affordable climate finance. We must protect our environment not only for our present generation, but for those yet unborn. In our region, we are currently confronted by what has been predicted as one of the most severe El Niño weather patterns on record. Addressing this requires us to draw deeply upon strained national resources to protect our people and preserve their livelihoods. Directly linked to climate resilience is our commitment to food security.
Madam president, excellencies, dear friends, the United Nations was born from a harsh lesson of history. The generation of 1945 had learned at terrible cost that while states can choose their actions they cannot control all the consequences they set in motion. That lesson is painfully relevant today. We are living through a period of profound uncertainty. Power is shifting, conflicts are multiplying, and there is a growing tendency to treat the rules and institutions of the international system as constraints belonging to another age. But the United Nations was built precisely for times of uncertainty, to bring rules and restraints to an unpredictable world, and to prevent conflict from descending into catastrophe. The task of our generation is both to preserve the institutions built by those that came before us, and also to remember the hard earned wisdom on which they rest. Today, that wisdom and the United Nations that embodies it is under enormous pressure. Madam president, this year marks 80 years since Iceland joined the United Nations. For eight decades, Iceland has held that a small state should enjoy the same protection, same rights and voice as a powerful one. That idea matters more today, not less. Despite its shortcomings, the United Nations has mattered and it has mattered a lot. UN peacekeeping and peace building operations have helped prevent and contain conflict around the world. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights transformed our understanding of human dignity. The convention on the law of the sea became the Constitution of the ocean, on which countries like mine depend, now strengthened further by the BBNJ agreement. The International Court of Justice has helped states settle disputes by peaceful means through law rather than force. And the International Criminal Court was created to ensure accountability for the most serious crimes. The United Nations has advanced gender equality, fought racism and discrimination, delivered humanitarian assistance, and help countries build more peaceful and prosperous societies. But loyalty to the United Nations cannot mean pretending that everything works perfectly. Bureaucracy can be cumbersome, decisions slow, and resources fragmented. The Security Council, entrusted with maintaining international peace and security, has too often been paralysed when action was needed most. Too often, the veto has become a shield against action rather than a tool for preserving peace. So yes, the United Nations needs reform, and Iceland fully supports the UN80 reform process. We need a United Nations that uses resources effectively and responds quickly when people need it. United Nations that delivers for all. The deeper challenge, however, is political. The strength of the United Nations depends on our willingness to uphold the principles and wisdom on which they were founded. Madam president, the most basic rules of international relations are being tested, not because we no longer know them. We do, but because increasingly governments apply them selectively, meaning that international law applies until it becomes inconvenient, that court decisions must be respected unless they challenge our own actions or those of our friends. That sovereignty is sacred only unless someone else's territory stands in the way of our ambitions. We cannot build courts, celebrate them when they prosecute our enemies and undermine them when they turn their attention to our friends. When grave violations go unanswered, they are more likely to be repeated.
The petition has now been referred to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. Mr. president, 64 years after Jamaica proudly raised our black, green and gold flag as politically independent nation, we remain clear eyed about the world around us. We know its dangers, but we also believe deeply in its possibilities. The United Nations must change if it is to remain credible. Jamaica supports the revitalization of this General Assembly. Meaningful reform of the Security Council and greater coherence, efficiency and accountability across the United Nations system. Reform is not an act of disloyalty to this institution. Reform is how we preserve it. Ultimately, however, Mr. President, multilateralism must mean something beyond these walls. For a small state like Jamaica, its value is felt when our people are safer, when opportunity is expanded, when vulnerability does not become a barrier to development, when countries that have acted responsibly are not penalised for shocks they did not create. And when the voice of a small nation carries the same dignity as that of a large one. That is why Jamaica remains committed to this institution, not because it is perfect, but because we're grateful for what it has achieved and we believe in what it can become. Small states can help lead that effort. Our own journey has taught us that vulnerability need not mean helplessness. That discipline creates resilience. That partnership multiplies possibility. And that even in moments of profound crisis, nations can choose to build forward. So let us restore trust through what we do. Let us manage transformation with purpose. Let us bring the same seriousness to preventing crises that we do to responding to them. And let us never lose sight of the simple idea on which this institution was founded, that nations working together can achieve what none of us can achieve alone. That is the United Nations Jamaica believes in, and that is the United Nations we will continue to work towards reforming and renewing.
That requires institutions that command legitimacy. And it requires trust. Trust between nations, trust in agreements, trust that rules will actually be enforced. Destroy that trust and every challenge becomes harder. Preserve it, and cooperation becomes possible. And in a world competing for our attention, we must be deliberate about where we direct it and vigilant about what seeks to distract it. The future is shaped not only by what we do, but what we choose to ignore. Thank you. UN. On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the King of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan.
Madagascar's foreign policy is guided above all by the imperatives of economic and social development for the well-being of its people. Madagascar has chosen a policy of engagement in all directions. We are open to all international partnerships, capable of meeting the aspirations of our people and supporting the general policy of the state of the refoundation. Madagascar's position of neutrality with regard to global conflicts is consistent with its diplomatic tradition and its desire to preserve constructive relations with all its partners. This idea is not ideological, but is based on international partnership that can meet the aspirations of our people in an open spirit, without exclusivity, in full respect for national sovereignty. The achievement of our ambitions cannot be separated from the international context in which they are pursued.
And yet, in this forum, there are no small or large states. Here, every one of the 193 members has a voice, one alone and of the same weight. Here the charter only recognizes states equal in sovereignty, equal in rights, but also, and I wish to stress this point, equal in terms of responsibility, because the equality that our organization bestows upon us is not a privilege that we enjoy. It is a responsibility that we bear. This responsibility is our shared, unique duty to uphold the law and multilateralism. Shared, because no state, regardless of how powerful it is, can preserve peace alone or address global threats alone. Unique because everybody must shoulder it without leaving it to others to honor the promise of San Francisco.
A diary that would make its way into the world and inspire millions of people. And I think that one of the reasons people are so inspired by Anne is that she had an unshakable belief in the power of people to turn the tide so that good prevails. She wrote, and I quote, how wonderful it is that nobody needs to wait a single moment before starting to improve the world. And these words are just as powerful and true today. This week is the perfect example of that. And I realize that the United Nations does not carry the most positive associations for everyone. And indeed, there is much that can and must be improved. But let us not forget what lay behind the founding of the United Nations over 80 years ago, the realization that doing nothing had led to the darkest chapters in human history. And we now live in a different time. New generations have arisen, and we face new challenges. But when we look at the world today, we see similar challenges as which preceded the founding of the United Nations. We see that the international legal order is under pressure in more and more places, even though it is a very foundation to our freedom and prosperity. We see the unending human suffering in Gaza, Sudan and so many other places in the world. We see violations of international law and of human rights, which are in stark contrast to the UN's aims. And we see institutions being undermined, institutions that were established to protect people and populations. And we must not be naive about the causes. These constant threats and attempts to dismantle the legal order are fueled by people and groups with their own agenda, an agenda that runs counter to the interests of everyone else. Yes everyone, and even those who don't feel directly threatened because they think it doesn't affect them. Sooner or later, everyone is affected. As we saw in the time before the United Nations. And when major powers chose to pursue only their own interests, it is tempting to respond defensively, but as Mahatma Gandhi, an eye for an eye will only make the whole world blind. And so it is time for us, the global community, to choose to pursue the common interest, not by trying to build an entirely new world order, but simply by working together. And the middle powers must take the lead in fostering such international cooperation. And everyone must be able to participate, including those countries who are currently too often left on the sidelines. It is time that countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America had a fully fledged place not only on the Equal Earth map, but in the real world too. To start with, here in the UN, improved African representation in the Security Council at the very least. Because if we want to preserve the UN for the future, we must change the balance of power in line with the changing times and modernize our institutions. And this means that we must focus on core tasks and stable financing, but also that we must work to protect the multilateral order with all our strength. And because international law either works for everyone or for no one. Take the attempts we've seen to undermine the International Criminal Court, which is based in my country, in my city. This undermines the international legal order as a whole, and that affects us all. This court was established to protect us against impunity. This court was built on the foundations of the Nuremberg and Tokyo trials. In the words of the Nuremberg chief prosecutor, Robert H. Jackson, and I quote one of the greatest tributes that power has ever paid to reason. And now, with the ICC under attack, the writing is truly on the wall. After all, how can you possibly be opposed to prosecuting the very worst crimes? And I believe there can be only one response to say, hands off the ICC and all those other institutions that protect the international legal order.
But our future is certainly not predetermined. Therefore, of course, war is a choice, but peace is also a far better choice. And sometimes the greater courage lies not in starting a war, but in preventing one. Pakistan has made its choice. We have chosen dialogue over confrontation. We have chosen cooperation over coercion. We have chosen peace over war. Mr. president, let this 81st Assembly make it a unanimous choice for ourselves, for our children, and for generations yet unborn. Let us therefore restore trust. Let us therefore preserve peace, and let us prove that even in a divided world, humanity can still choose to stand together.
Thank you very much. As heads of state, we know all too well that trust is not something that can be decreed through resolutions. Confidence and trust is won on the ground when institutions fulfill their promises, when international law is applied without selectivity, and when peoples see that the multilateral system delivers concrete actions and results. Just an anecdote: in 1992, when I was a young man minister in our country at that time, I participated in Indonesia, in Bali, in the first post-transformation meeting of the non-aligned movement. And at that time, everything was very vague and difficult, and the world had no better organization for a group of countries like that, like ours. And we were fighting against apartheid, against colonialism, neocolonialism disputes in the Middle East. At the end of the day, we were fighting against problems across the world. And Panama was in the final stages of completing the sovereign canal of our country. And the ambassador, Dr. César Cuéllar, here at the United Nations, he was here. And then what happened? Well, there was a very frank and short response: support us in international public law. And here we are today, many years later, here we are again talking about the same thing. We firmly believe in useful multilateralism that is not an end in itself, but rather an effective tool to grow the development of peoples and to preserve peace. If we take a look now at the Straits of Hormuz, this clearly shows shortcomings in the implementation of international law. We see clearly the impossibility of providing solutions when crises first arise.
Ladies and gentlemen, Your excellencies. In our Arab region, we reaffirm that comprehensive development and the establishment of state institutions are two fundamental pillars for realising the aspirations of peoples and achieving security and stability in the region. The vestiges of civil conflicts in some countries, and the presence of armed forces operating outside the control of the state must be eliminated. The state's monopoly over legitimate arms is among the most important foundations of the state, and it is what guarantees the ability to legislate and enforce the rule of law. Concerning brotherly Syria, we stand with its people during the phase of recovery and reconstruction. We support its state institutions, sovereignty independence and national and territorial integrity to fulfil the aspirations of the Syrian people to stability, development and dignity based on equal citizenship. In brotherly Sudan, we call for an inclusive dialogue that leads to sustainable peace and that maintains the unity and sovereignty of the state. In brotherly Libya, we support the political process, reconciliation efforts and the unification of state institutions. In brotherly Somalia, we reiterate our firm support for its sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity. In brotherly Lebanon, we support its state institutions and its sovereignty over its entire territory. We condemn the Israeli attacks against Lebanon, and we stress the need to uphold the cease fire and to uphold Security Council Resolution 1701. In brotherly Yemen, we support United Nations efforts aimed at reaching a comprehensive political settlement based on the outcomes of the national dialogue facilitated by the United Nations in a manner that preserves Yemen's unity and sovereignty and achieve security and stability. Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the State of Qatar goes beyond serving as a mediator and facilitating dialogue among parties in conflict, in pursuit of peaceful solutions.
Help us protect the planet we all share and the ocean that connects us. Ensure that everyone benefits from technological advancements. Recognise the imbalance between the funds we commit to addressing our collective development challenges and those we are prepared to spend on conflict. Let's uphold the rules and institutions that allow every nation to participate as an equal sovereign. That is the promise at the heart of the United Nations. Not that all nations would be equal in power but that no nation, however powerful, is more sovereign than another. That is the multilateral system Tonga believes in an international rules based order founded on the UN Charter and equality of nations. And that is the multilateral system we must preserve. Mr. President, I so submit. God bless us all.
Every day, the UN has an increasing reason to exist, and it must inevitably evolve in step with the geopolitical changes unfolding at dizzying speed. Every nation within this organization must play an active role within it, each to the fullest extent of their capacities. It's clear that our efforts should focus on ensuring that this is an up to date organization, properly supported, taking fair decisions that are respected. Countries' borders cannot be subject to human whims. They must be protected and respected as they represent the boundaries established to preserve identity, distinctive character, and a sense of belonging of their respective populations. We cannot continue to be held hostage to the will of a handful of countries that can be counted on the fingers of one hand, nor can we yield to the economic expediencies of the time. The aim here is clear to achieve lasting stability, to ensure that the efforts of our citizens and their governments are channeled towards generating prosperity, far removed, of course, from the destruction and suffering caused by war. And we have made a commitment. Let us honor it. Right now. The history that ultimately prevails will be the history that we write every day through our action. For all of these reasons, Uruguay will continue to support dialogue, multilateralism, cooperation, international law, and the peaceful settlement of disputes and above all, for the dignity of every human being. Humanity continues to refuse to regard itself as definitively complete. And perhaps that's our greatest hope. The hope that we can still change, that we can still learn, that we can still build, and that we can still choose peace. And this mere fact ultimately reminds us of the clear purity of the idea that together we stand and together we change. Little is contributed to the purposes of the UN by merely using this rostrum to accuse or attack. The fire doesn't need any more fuel. Let us better harness this opportunity and let us give peace another chance, because relations among states, just like relations between good people, bring happiness if we refrain from trading blows or elbowing one another aside. Thank you very much.
The test of the United Nation's credibility is not only confined to our waters. The Palestinian cause remains at the heart of our concerns. The Kingdom reaffirms its steadfast position in support of the establishment of an independent and geographically contiguous state of Palestine, living side by side with the State of Israel in peace and security. The Kingdom has also joined the Board of Peace as a founding member, pursuant to Security Council Resolution 2803. This reaffirms our unwavering support for the rights of the brotherly Palestinian people. The Kingdom also reaffirms its support for the unity, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of the Syrian Arab Republic, as well as for efforts to lift sanctions in a manner that enables the brotherly Syrian people to rebuild their country. In Sudan, we call for an immediate cease fire, the protection of civilians, unhindered humanitarian access, and a political solution that preserves Sudan's unity and the institutions of the state. Turning to Yemen, we renew our support for a political solution under United Nations auspices led by the legitimate government. We appreciate the efforts of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in this vein. Our position on other conflicts, including the conflict in Ukraine, is guided by the same principles, regardless of the parties involved. That is adherence to the charter, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. Mr. president, the Kingdom of Bahrain, where mosques, churches and temples have stood side by side for generations, believes that tolerance and coexistence are not simply policies to be adopted.
Its role has instead boiled down to managing concerns, making appeals to those who have already suffered. And that is, of course, leading to further escalation. The leadership of the European Union is particularly worrying. They have an unbridled desire to preserve their slipping hegemony, and they are attempting to undermine global stability and the maintenance of peace. And to achieve this, they are prepared to sacrifice even the well-being of their own citizens. Do the peoples of the United Europe really crave some sort of revenge against Russia, especially at the cost of their own impoverishment? Of course they don't. Do they want to be cannon fodder in a war that allegedly European politicians are preparing for by 2030? Of course not. And we know this. But in Brussels, someone is very eager to play toy soldiers and to cement their greatness in history. This has happened before, more than once, and we know how it ended. Nevertheless, in the West, they are already beginning to ask questions about their meaning.
Otherwise, why would we keep coming to New York year after year? Let us preserve what matters, adapt where we must, and design the future together. We have a choice: to shape change or to be shaped by it. And we can only shape it if we stand together.
We have built our institutions, secured our place on the global stage, strengthened our economy, strengthened our democracy, and brought our country within reach of membership in the European Union. Our transformation is not complete, but its direction is very clear. And when the next generation of Montenegro stands in this hall 20 years from now, I hope they will be able to say that we used our moment well, that Montenegro completed successfully its European journey, that our region, the Balkans, left old divisions behind, and that we stood firmly in defense of the rules and principles that protect peace in the world. But above all, I hope they will be able to say something much simpler: that we gave them more opportunities than we had ourselves. Because that is ultimately the responsibility of leadership. Not simply to manage the present, but to expand the possibilities of the future. At the beginning of my address, I spoke about the meaning we attach to keeping one's word. And perhaps this is also what the United Nations needs most today. Not new promises for every new challenge, but a renewed confidence that the promises we have already made still carry weight. To uphold the UN Charter, to protect human dignity, to preserve peace, and to leave those who come after us with more possibilities than we inherited ourselves. Excellencies, Montenegro will continue to do its part at home, in our region, and here at this great organization of the United Nations. I thank you very much.
Building on this conviction, the Kingdom of Morocco, under the leadership of His Majesty King Mohammed VI, believes that the establishment of a lasting peace in the Middle East depends on the establishment of an independent, sovereign and viable Palestinian state, on the borders of the 4th of June 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital, living side by side with the State of Israel in peace and security. In the face of the tragedy that the brotherly Palestinian people continue to endure, the Kingdom renews its call for respect for the ceasefire in Gaza and for the entry of humanitarian assistance into the strip in sufficient quantities without impediment or interruption. At the same time, Morocco stresses the need to support the Palestinian Authority, particularly in the financial, technical, structural, humanitarian and training fields and to accompany the reforms it is undertaking within its various institutions. Morocco also renews its support for the pivotal role of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East. In keeping with its approach of supporting initiatives aimed at achieving peace in the Middle East, Morocco has decided to participate in the International Stabilisation Force in Gaza and to contribute through humanitarian and security initiatives to establishing a climate of peace and security in the region by contributing to the training of the Palestinian police, deploying high ranking military officers to the internal security forces, and setting up a military field hospital, in addition to its readiness to lead a programme to counter extremism. Developments in the West Bank are deeply alarming, including the adoption of certain laws that affect the legal status of Palestinian territory and pave the way for their seizure for the purpose of settlement expansion, as well as the systematic violence perpetrated by Israeli settlers against Palestinian citizens. All these measures point in one direction the displacement of the population and the undermining of the material basis for the establishment of an independent Palestinian state. With regard to the city of Jerusalem, Morocco expresses its deep concern about unilateral Israeli measures and the repeated violations of the sanctity of Al-Aqsa Mosque, which constitutes serious transgressions that contribute to fuelling the discourse of extremism and hatred at the expense of the voice of wisdom and moderation. As the chair of Al-Quds Committee, His Majesty King Mohammed VI, may God assist him, continues his work to preserve the historical, cultural and spiritual identity of the Holy City and its legal status, as well as to improve the living conditions of the inhabitants, combining political and diplomatic action with programmes implemented on the ground by Bayt Mal Al-Quds Asharif Agency, the executive arm of Al-Quds Committee. Mr. president, despite its significant human, natural and civilizational assets, the African continent faces a gap between the scale of the commitments announced for its benefit by the international community and the value of what has actually been achieved on the ground. Contrary to the stereotypical image held by some, Africa is not a continent of conflicts and a hotbed of problems.
Mr. president, for more than 17 centuries, San Marino has shown that a small state can preserve its independence through dialogue, respect for the law, and engagement with the international community. This is why San Marino will continue to defend the United Nations charter, international law, human rights and multilateralism. At a time when the world is tempted by division, we must choose cooperation. When force challenges law, we must stand firmly by the law. And when despair grows, we must choose peace. San Marino will do its part. Together, we must ensure that the United Nations remains what it was created to be a shield for the vulnerable, a forum of dialogue and a guardian of peace, dignity and international law. Thank you.
Excellencies, this is not a retreat from multilateralism. It is a pragmatic and flexible effort to sustain cooperation when broader agreement is not yet possible, while remaining open for those who are ready to join later on. The objective remains the same to preserve the benefits of cooperation, widen participation over time, and ultimately bring these arrangements into the multilateral global architecture. Third, we must collectively formulate new rules and be prepared to create new institutions, if necessary, for new technologies.
The journey has not been easy, but the liberation generation fought for freedom. The generation of the Comprehensive peace Agreement secured the pathway to self-determination. The people of South Sudan chose independence through the ballots, and His Excellency President Salva Kiir Mayardit, carried the responsibility of leading South Sudan through referendum and into statehood. Today, President Kiir's vision is directed towards another historical responsibility to preserve peace, strengthen national institutions, pave the way towards elections through which the people of South Sudan can determine the next chapter of their nation. This ultimately about completing the promise of independence. A South Sudan at peace with itself. A South Sudan governed through strong institutions, a South Sudan where political competition does not lead to war. A South Sudan where women participate fully and where young people have opportunities, where refugees can return home, where the diaspora can contribute to national development, and where children grow up knowing South Sudan, not through the memories of war, but through the possibilities of peace. Doctor John Garang once challenged the people of South Sudan to unite and dream together. That dream did not end with independence. It continues. And today, the responsibility of President Kiir is and his government is. The political leadership is indeed is that people of South Sudan must dream and must have a functioning, peaceful and a prosperous South Sudan. To our international partners who stood with us during our liberation struggle and during the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and during the referendum and at independence, we say stand with South Sudan again, but let this chapter be a partnership that strengthen national ownership, a partnership that builds institutions, a partnership that recognizes progress while helping address remaining challenges.
Mr. president, ladies and gentlemen, we thank all the countries and peoples that have stood by our people. We thank countries and peoples that have lent political, humanitarian and economic support and helped us preserve our institutions and provide relief to our people. We also thank the countries that have recognized the state of Palestine, which now number 160 states, and we call on those countries that have not yet recognized the State of Palestine to do so. We likewise call for granting the State of Palestine full membership in the United Nations, similar to the rest of the nations and peoples of the world.
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Burkina Faso09/28 · first at about 12 min1 mention
Confidence will not be reborn in an organisation where some actors tolerate arbitrary behaviour. And the promotion and protection of fundamental rights for our states has an absolute responsibility. And we are engaging in this in a context of extreme violence imposed against our populations by terrorists. And when our state adopts exceptional measures as strictly contained by our national legislation and our international obligations, the idea is to protect the populations, to preserve public order and guarantee national security. The most important human right is the right to life, the right of a people to not live under terror. We see that these measures are often subject to selective, biased lectures from others without sufficient consideration for the realities on the ground. The Confederation reaffirms its commitment to impartial, objective and non-selective treatment of human rights. We call for dialogue based on mutual respect, good faith, and factual rigor. We accept impartial and objective reviews but we do reject political processes and being tried in the court of political appeal. Yes, to respect the law, but we reject its instrumentalisation. This is precisely due to these grave shortfalls, persistent selectivity and manifest politicization that our states made a sovereign decision to withdraw from the International Criminal Court and formally notified our withdrawal from the Rome Statute. International justice, yes. However variable justice, no. The Confederation remains committed to multilateral, independent institutions that are impartial and credible.
This is what peace will look like, the peace we want and that we must build. President. The security for which the international community must remain fully mobilized side by side with us, should also allow us to honor the second major commitment of the government, which I lead, and that is give the Haitian people a voice through elections. I belong to a generation that knew the dictatorship that placed so much hope in democracy after 1987, but too often saw these hopes collide with political instability and recurrent transitions. In order to break this cycle, I agreed to serve my country with the conviction that this transition needs to come to an end. It needs to come to an end through the ballot box and through the ballot. This is why we have committed to the electoral process with respect for the National Pact for Stability and the Organization of Elections, which is the fruit of a broad consensus among the political class today. The required resources have been mobilized, the enrollment centers are open, citizens are registering, political parties and groups have been accredited, and candidates are undertaking the formalities needed for them to participate in the elections. We want free, credible, inclusive and honest elections. The participation of women is encouraged and young people are called upon to take their full place in that election as voters, candidates and stakeholders for our democracy. Furthermore, measures have been taken to preserve the integrity of the process. Violence, criminal networks, illicit financing and those that are supporting them must find no path to access the ballot box. Because it's not just the next government that's at stake in these elections. It is the future of Haiti. And this future bears the face of our youth.
But for that conviction to carry weight, we ourselves must be consistent. Values are not sustained by speeches. They are sustained when they are upheld precisely at the moment when it is easiest to abandon them. And this may be the greatest challenge of our time. The world is changing at extraordinary speed. The centers of power are shifting. Technology is changing. Economic relations are changing. Security doctrines are changing. Alliances are changing. History is accelerating once again. In such a period, there is always a temptation to declare that old principles are no longer practical, that the law must adapt to power, that values are a luxury that can wait until the crisis has passed. But that is precisely when we need them most. Because if in times of change, we abandon the rules that protected us in times of stability, we will not gain greater freedom. We will inherit a world in which every subsequent decision depends on who has more power at that particular moment. And such a world is especially dangerous for small states. That is why our duty as leaders is not to promise our people a world without injustice, without disappointment, and without conflicting interests. Such a world does not exist. Our duty is far more demanding: to preserve faith in the rules, even when it is clear that the rules are being broken, to defend cooperation, even when confrontation appears more popular. To sustain trust in institutions, not by asking people to look less closely and ask fewer questions, but by making institutions more worthy of their trust and not to allow disappointment with the imperfections of the international order to lead us towards something far worse: a world in which there is no order at all. That, in my view, is one of the greatest political and moral responsibilities of our generation.
Mr. President, Excellencies, Ladies and gentlemen, The faultlines in our world are widening. Cracks have become canyons. Over the last decade, wars erupted with devastating consequences and dragged on with despicable cruelty. Civilians were targeted. Human rights trampled. Hunger weaponized. Humanitarians killed. International law cast aside. Geopolitical divides have deepened. Inequalities have intensified. Trust has frayed. The climate crisis went from distant warning to daily reality. And artificial intelligence moved at a speed that has blindsided even those who created it. These are not separate crises. They are chapters of the same story. The story of power. Who has it. Who is denied it. How it is used. And how it is changing. Excellencies, Power is being reshaped in three fundamental ways. First, among States. New centres of economic, political and technological influence have emerged. Second, we are witnessing an extraordinary transfer of power away from governments to a handful of private corporations and individuals. Their reach now extends across politics, economies, information flows, technological development, and the civic space on which societies depend. And, third, humans are increasingly handing over power to machines – with Artificial Intelligence agents going rogue, and lethal autonomous weapons going from science fiction to military reality. Yet our institutions and systems of global governance continue to reflect the power realities and interests of a largely bygone age. That is the defining challenge before us. At the very moment when humanity faces an unprecedented convergence of threats, our mechanisms for collective action are under growing strain. Excellencies, We are clearly moving towards a multipolar world. And that movement is irreversible. But there are different ways that multipolarity can take shape. One possibility is a world of fragmentation and transactionalism. A world of rising tensions and deepening mistrust. Of fractured markets and weakened institutions. Of shrinking cooperation and zero-sum calculations. In many respects, that is the trajectory we are on today. But there is another path. A path towards networked multipolarity. A world built on interdependence – and sustained by a dense web of economic, political, social and technological connections. A world in which multiple centres of influence coexist within a common framework of international law and shared rules. Such a world can help us avoid hegemonic tendencies and what I have called the Great Fracture: The division of the world into two rival blocs with separate economic, technological and security systems. A networked world recognizes that no power can solve today’s challenges alone. Of course, competition will remain a permanent feature of international relations. But competition does not have to mean confrontation. Healthy competition can drive innovation, strengthen resilience, and expand opportunity. But only when it operates within frameworks that preserve stability and enable cooperation where cooperation is indispensable. Building a networked future begins with a recognition, especially by superpowers: That their power isn’t so super. That their power has limits. The events of recent years have made that unmistakably clear. Military power alone cannot secure peace. Economic power alone cannot command stability. And technological power alone cannot guarantee security. A networked multipolar world can create the conditions for more balanced and representative global problem-solving. But it requires a multilateral system centred in the UN that is balanced and representative. Strong, effective institutions that reflect the realities and the progressively changing relative weight of countries and economies in today’s world – not the power arrangements of 80 years ago. Fortunately, we are not starting from scratch. We already have a binding foundation: The Charter of the United Nations. And the principles that give it life. The primacy of international law. Upholding human dignity. And the pursuit of justice in all its dimensions. These are the backbone for the effective, legitimate and responsible exercise of power in the 21st century. Excellencies, It comes down to this: Will we act to ensure that power is governed by law or by force? By cooperation or coercion? By responsibility to young people and future generations or indifference to their fate? Because the defining challenges of our age are not separate from the question of power. They are expressions of it. And they will determine whether we drift deeper into division and instability – or move toward cooperation, justice and collective security. Looking ahead, our future will be shaped by how we address four great tests of power: The power over war and peace. The power that concentrates wealth and drives inequality.
The UN reform process must strengthen the organisation's effectiveness and relevance without diminishing its presence, services or support in the most vulnerable regions, where assistance is needed most. Reform must enhance delivery, not reduce it. The UN is not perfect, but it remains the cornerstone of multilateral diplomacy and the indispensable platform through which nations preserve peace, advance sustainable development, uphold international law and protect human rights. Solomon Islands looks to the next secretary general to lead with vision and to ensure that the Secretariat is accountable to all member states, serving the interests of small and large states on an equal footing. Mr. president, Solomon Islands reiterates its support for comprehensive reform of the Security Council to make it more representative, transparent, accountable and reflective of today's realities. A council with a dedicated seat for small island developing states would strengthen the legitimacy and effectiveness of the entire multilateral system. The veto is a relic of 1945. Too often it has been used to shield violations of international law and to entrench the double standards that fuel conflict. At a minimum, the veto must never again be used in situations of genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes. Ultimately, it should be abolished. Mr. president, it is with great pride that Solomon Islands is again contributing personnel to UN peacekeeping in South Sudan. Despite our small size, our participation reaffirms our enduring commitment to the charter, to international peace and security, and to the noble work of peacekeepers serving communities affected by conflict.
