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We have committed fully. Now let me tell you why GMC is built to succeed. Begin with location. GMC sits directly on the border with India, our closest friend and neighbour. The vision enjoys the support of Prime Minister Narendra Modi the government of India and our neighbours across the border in Assam. Beyond that border lies the world's most populous country and one of its largest and fastest growing economies. GMC is also a gateway to the markets of South Asia and Southeast Asia. So GMC begins with what many new cities spend decades trying to acquire access to vast and growing markets, connectivity and in India, a trusted friend. Bhutan brings another advantage one that cannot be bought. Trust. Trust built through peace, political stability, the rule of law and a record for honouring our commitments. For long term investors, trust creates something invaluable. Predictability. Bhutan has spent generations building that trust. GMC puts it to work.
It is exactly these principles that are guiding our efforts for peace and stability in the South Caucasus. Even though the decades long conflict with Armenia brought immense tragedy to our people and left deep scars across our land, Azerbaijan has chosen to look ahead and turn the page of enmity. We offered Armenia peace fully in line with norms and principles of international law, based on mutual recognition of and respect for each other's sovereignty and territorial integrity. Our normalization efforts produced historic results at the Washington Peace Summit last August, where the leaders of Azerbaijan and Armenia signed a joint declaration witnessed by President Trump of the United States of America. Through this declaration, both sides confirmed the end of the conflict and their will to jointly chart a peaceful and prosperous future. The sides also initialled the agreement on Establishment of peace and inter-state relations. Today, we have achieved de facto peace Moreover, by unilaterally lifting transit restrictions, Azerbaijan facilitates transportation of goods to and from Armenia. We have also established bilateral trade. Azerbaijan provides strategically important oil products to Armenia on a regular basis. Despite increased volatility in markets and growing international demand for these commodities. As we proceed with the peace agenda initiated by Azerbaijan, our entire region is now turning into a promising anchor of stability, connectivity and tangible economic dividends. To make this process irreversible, it is of crucial importance to eliminate the remaining obstacle, which will allow finalization of the normalization process through the signing of the already initialed bilateral agreement.
We thank them all for their staunch commitment side by side with the Haitian people. President, before this august Assembly, I am bringing to you the voice of a people that has etched its name in the annals of history by daring to do what was unthinkable, breaking the chains of slavery and bringing to life, on a land conquered by sacrifice, blood and sweat, the first free black republic of the world. This epic story is the eternal proof that no empire can be more powerful than the thirst for freedom of a people. How can we forget the destiny and the hidden tears of Toussaint Louverture, torn violently away from the land of his birth, cast into icy solitude and a dungeon in Fort de Joux, made to suffer hardship and humiliation. This all brought down Toussaint Louverture, but his fight for freedom remained alive through Dessalines, Christophe, Pétion and all of our other founding fathers and mothers. Toussaint Louverture predicted it. He said, in overthrowing me, you have done no more than cut down the trunk of the Tree of Liberty in Saint-Domingue. It will spring back from the roots, for they are numerous and deep. The tree did grow back. It got larger. It has gone through the centuries and is continuing. And even though today criminal violence is threatening its roots and trying to strip our children of the fruits of this liberty so dearly won, Haiti will resist. Haiti is standing tall. It is standing tall because the peoples born in light have never given in to the forces of chaos. Haiti is standing tall because the people born of sacrifice know the price of liberty, peace, and security. Haiti knows because it felt it in its own flesh, that these gains are never definitively won, and that when they are under threat, one must have the courage to defend them. This is the struggle that Haiti is undergoing today, and that's why we call upon the world not to save it, but to stand side by side with it while it takes its own destiny into its own hands. Mr. president, I am bringing to you the voice of Haiti, but also the voice of those peoples who our world too often asks to bear the weight of crises that they did not create. For small states such as Haiti, the cost of climate change has become unsustainable. This is a deep injustice. The fact that those who historically contributed the least are among those who are paying the heaviest price, often to the detriment of their own development. Resources devoted to adaptation and resilience need to be commensurate with these challenges. No people must have to choose between responding to an emergency and financing its development. Access to capital, to markets, and to technologies need to be more fair. Our international financial architecture must evolve to better respond to the needs and realities of the most vulnerable countries. Artificial intelligence offers up colossal opportunities, but without regulations or ethical guardrails, it risks deepening existing rifts. Technology must remain a tool for shared progress, and it must serve humanity. We need to be the masters of technology and never its subjects, and no people should ever be left behind.
Provide the necessary legal, tax and customs facilities and guarantees for the growth of business and foreign trade. And build effective partnerships with the global market to accelerate achieving sustainable development. In the field of global energy. Iraq's influence is prominent as our government is adopting an ambitious program to increase the production of crude oil in a manner consistent with the size of our proven reserves. Our government is also working to develop gas fields and expand refining capacities and our capacities to produce derivatives, and we are also working to improve our petrochemical industry capacities. Our ambition is for Iraq to be a global hub for energy production and to leverage its potential to promote regional and international security and stability in a sustainable manner. Nevertheless, we express concern regarding developments concerned with freedom of transport and maritime navigation. And the crisis this has caused in terms of the rise of global energy prices. In order to contain the subsequent risks and the consequences on our peoples, we are working to diversify our oil export ports and develop energy lines and corridors linking Iraq, Turkey, Jordan and Syria. In order to reach global markets with the aim of contributing to energy security and diversifying supply routes. Excellencies. Economic diversification on the basis of genuine partnerships is a central strategic objective of our economic policy.
And I do so at a moment of particular importance. As Greece reaches the end of our second year on the U.N. Security Council and is again preparing to assume its presidency next month. 12 months ago, as we marked the 80th anniversary of the United Nations, we spoke of the need to reinvigorate multilateralism And one year later, that need has only become much more urgent as we are living through extremely perilous times. Conflicts are multiplying, tensions are deepening, and perhaps most alarmingly, we're witnessing a further erosion of restraint and international affairs. The rules and understandings that have long provided a relative degree of stability in international relations between states are increasingly being tested. Secretary General Antonio Gutierrez has steered these United Nations through this exceptionally turbulent decade, with a steadfast commitment to its charter and the values it embodies, and the selection of the 10th Secretary general presents a historic opportunity for the reinvigoration of the organization when it is most needed. Ladies and gentlemen, the first step in restoring confidence in multilateralism is acknowledging where it has actually succeeded. And few examples are more powerful than the United Nations Convention on the law of the sea. With 172 parties, Unclose provides the binding legal framework within which disputes can be managed peacefully rather than through force, and from the Strait of Hormuz and the Red sea to the Indo-Pacific. Strategic maritime routes are increasingly becoming arenas of geopolitical confrontation. Commercial vessels are being targeted and vital trade routes are used as instruments of pressure, with grave consequences for supply chains, for energy markets and for future food security worldwide.
The test of equality does not end with the institutions that govern peace. It extends to the institutions that shape prosperity. The same question confronts us there: Does the international financial system give every nation a fair opportunity to secure the well-being of its citizens? The charter did not conceive development as charity. It pledged social progress, better standards of life, and economic and social advancement for all people. Yet, for too many countries, the resources required to fulfill that promise are being consumed before they can reach their people. Global public debt reached a record $102 trillion in 2024. Developing countries accounted for less than a third of that debt, yet paid about a trillion dollars in interest on debt in that year alone. Put it differently: 46 developing countries now spend more on interest on debt than on classrooms and medicine. Behind these numbers lies a simple reality. The hospital competes with a creditor. The classroom competes with debt service. And too often, the creditor. Debt service is paid fast. And it is our children who inherit the consequences. Today, 251 million children and young people remain out of school. Millions more enter classrooms without teachers, books, meals, and facilities they need to learn. When debt service displaces investment in education, we are not merely balancing budgets. We are transferring the cost of today's financial burden to the next generation of citizens. Kenya has chosen to invest in the next generation. Over the last four years, we have spent an additional $5.3 billion in education, recruited 100,000 additional teachers, built more than 23,000 new classrooms, and we are developing another 1,600 laboratories while expanding support for universities and technical institutions. We do this because education is not consumption. It is the infrastructure of opportunity, productivity, and national transformation that supports global advancement. But national effort can only go so far when the international financial system makes development more expensive. The countries that most need capital frequently pay the highest price to obtain it. Developing countries have recently borrowed at rates two to four times higher on average than developed nations. The question, therefore, is not simply whether finance is available. It is who can access it, at what price, for how long, and under whose assessment of risk. Africa knows the cost of that assessment. Sovereign credit rating shapes perceptions of risk. The interest countries pay, and even the volume of finance available to them. UNDP estimates that subjectivities in credit ratings have cost African countries approximately $75 billion through excessive interest and foregone lending. Risk, ladies and gentlemen, must be measured, but it must also be measured fairly. We cannot build a fair global economy if the nations with the greatest development needs face the highest cost of development finance. A road that is commercially viable should not become unviable merely because it crosses an African border. A power project should not cost more simply because of the passport of the country it is building. Capital must price risk. It must not price prejudice. Reform of the international financial architecture must therefore begin with the cost and availability of capital. The UN charter envisaged multilateral development banks that lend more, lend longer, and mobilize private capital at scale. It further contemplated guarantees and risk-sharing instruments that reduce the cost of viable investments. And we need greater access to long-term and local currency finance so that countries are not forced to build long-term infrastructure with short-term expensive money. And by the way, this is not an argument against responsibility. Governments must also do their part to manage debt prudently, strengthen institutions, prepare pipelines of credible projects, deepen domestic capital markets, honor contracts, and confront corruption without equivocation. A fairer international system requires responsibility on both sides. Reform abroad cannot substitute for accountability at home. Distinguished delegates, Africa does not come to plead. We come with a proposal.
Artificial intelligence will transform professions, industries, and the ways in which decisions are made. Energy will be governed by a new configuration and a new logic of operation. Climate change will affect economies, agriculture, cities and the movement of people. Demographic change will reshape labour markets and social protection systems. Security will no longer depend on armies and borders, but also on power grids, data centers, cables, satellites, algorithms and trust in the information we receive every day. And yet today, as we prepare for the future, millions of people are living through war or under the threat of war. More than 100 million people have been displaced by force, more than 270 million children and young people are not in the school. This is the paradox of our time. Humanity has never possessed such immense scientific and technological capabilities, and yet it has never been more evident that technological capability does not automatically produce political wisdom. That is why the real question before this assembly is not simply how we will manage the crisis of 2026. The real question is this: what kind of international order will we leave to the generation that is entering school today? For a small size country like mine, this is not an academic question. It is a question of survival. 33 years ago, since we become a part of the United Nations, the world looked very different. The Cold War had ended. There was hope that a new era was beginning, an era in which cooperation would gradually replace confrontation. Our region, however, was living through a very different reality. Yugoslavia was disintegrating in bloodshed. Wars were being fought just beyond our borders. The fear that the violence might spread was real. And yet my country chose peace. It chose stability. It was in those circumstances on our territory that the United Nations did something it had never done before. It established the first preventive peacekeeping mission in the history of the organization. That experience left a profound lesson in our national memory, a lesson to which I will return towards the end of my speech. Peace does not begin when war ends. Peace begins when politics is wise enough to prevent war from beginning. Perhaps that is why small countries sometimes see international politics differently. Great powers have room for strategic shifts that small sized states simply do not have. For a great power, a mistaken geopolitical calculation may mean a change of strategy. For a small sized country, the same mistake can mean a lost decade. That is why we cannot afford to be indifferent to the rules, nor can we afford to believe that the rules will defend themselves. The world taking shape before us is a world of sharper competition. Power is being redistributed.
Mr. President, Excellencies, Ladies and gentlemen, The faultlines in our world are widening. Cracks have become canyons. Over the last decade, wars erupted with devastating consequences and dragged on with despicable cruelty. Civilians were targeted. Human rights trampled. Hunger weaponized. Humanitarians killed. International law cast aside. Geopolitical divides have deepened. Inequalities have intensified. Trust has frayed. The climate crisis went from distant warning to daily reality. And artificial intelligence moved at a speed that has blindsided even those who created it. These are not separate crises. They are chapters of the same story. The story of power. Who has it. Who is denied it. How it is used. And how it is changing. Excellencies, Power is being reshaped in three fundamental ways. First, among States. New centres of economic, political and technological influence have emerged. Second, we are witnessing an extraordinary transfer of power away from governments to a handful of private corporations and individuals. Their reach now extends across politics, economies, information flows, technological development, and the civic space on which societies depend. And, third, humans are increasingly handing over power to machines – with Artificial Intelligence agents going rogue, and lethal autonomous weapons going from science fiction to military reality. Yet our institutions and systems of global governance continue to reflect the power realities and interests of a largely bygone age. That is the defining challenge before us. At the very moment when humanity faces an unprecedented convergence of threats, our mechanisms for collective action are under growing strain. Excellencies, We are clearly moving towards a multipolar world. And that movement is irreversible. But there are different ways that multipolarity can take shape. One possibility is a world of fragmentation and transactionalism. A world of rising tensions and deepening mistrust. Of fractured markets and weakened institutions. Of shrinking cooperation and zero-sum calculations. In many respects, that is the trajectory we are on today. But there is another path. A path towards networked multipolarity. A world built on interdependence – and sustained by a dense web of economic, political, social and technological connections. A world in which multiple centres of influence coexist within a common framework of international law and shared rules. Such a world can help us avoid hegemonic tendencies and what I have called the Great Fracture: The division of the world into two rival blocs with separate economic, technological and security systems. A networked world recognizes that no power can solve today’s challenges alone. Of course, competition will remain a permanent feature of international relations. But competition does not have to mean confrontation. Healthy competition can drive innovation, strengthen resilience, and expand opportunity. But only when it operates within frameworks that preserve stability and enable cooperation where cooperation is indispensable. Building a networked future begins with a recognition, especially by superpowers: That their power isn’t so super. That their power has limits. The events of recent years have made that unmistakably clear. Military power alone cannot secure peace. Economic power alone cannot command stability. And technological power alone cannot guarantee security. A networked multipolar world can create the conditions for more balanced and representative global problem-solving. But it requires a multilateral system centred in the UN that is balanced and representative. Strong, effective institutions that reflect the realities and the progressively changing relative weight of countries and economies in today’s world – not the power arrangements of 80 years ago. Fortunately, we are not starting from scratch. We already have a binding foundation: The Charter of the United Nations. And the principles that give it life. The primacy of international law. Upholding human dignity. And the pursuit of justice in all its dimensions. These are the backbone for the effective, legitimate and responsible exercise of power in the 21st century. Excellencies, It comes down to this: Will we act to ensure that power is governed by law or by force? By cooperation or coercion? By responsibility to young people and future generations or indifference to their fate? Because the defining challenges of our age are not separate from the question of power. They are expressions of it. And they will determine whether we drift deeper into division and instability – or move toward cooperation, justice and collective security. Looking ahead, our future will be shaped by how we address four great tests of power: The power over war and peace. The power that concentrates wealth and drives inequality.
I do not have a concrete solution which is very complex and difficult, but I wonder if it makes sense for all of us to be so dependent on speculation and the volatility of financial and futures markets, which affect the entire production sector, even when the instability originates only from a portion or a limited period of that production. Excellencies, we also bear the intergenerational responsibility to accelerate the energy transition in order to reduce dependencies and mitigate the effects of climate change. I will share with you that in Portugal, we feel the devastating impacts of climate change firsthand in the increase in forest fires, coastal erosion, and the degradation of marine ecosystems, and also and more frequently in extreme weather events, new such as storms, high winds and flash floods. That is why we take a strategic approach to the energy transition. More than 70% of our energy production comes from renewable sources. We have anticipated our carbon neutrality target to 2045. We maintain close collaboration and continued support for countries that are particularly vulnerable to climate change, and we are investing in innovative solutions, such as agreements to convert debt into green investment, climate change and freedom of navigation share a common priority of our policy the sea and ocean protecting the marine environment and its biodiversity. Combating ocean warming, addressing the threat of sea level rise and ensuring universal freedom of navigation are essential priorities on the ocean agenda, which is an agenda we all have to pay attention to. These are shared responsibilities and opportunities that require a collective effort that must unite us all. Mr. President. Excellencies. Despite everything, despite everything.
International law applies everywhere. International humanitarian law applies everywhere and human rights apply everywhere in Ukraine, in the Middle East, in Africa, in Asia or in Latin America. We are well aware that conflicts never remain purely local. They have repercussions on food security, energy markets, immigration development and global stability. We can see that with the war of aggression by Ukraine, Russia on Ukraine, this was a war chosen by Russia the consequences of which are worldwide in scope. This is a devastating aggression on a sovereign state committed by a permanent member of the UN Security Council, the violation of the UN charter and of international law. Attacks by Russia on Ukraine also threaten the security of civilian populations beyond Ukraine's borders, and it is unacceptable that over the last 12 months, Russia has on several occasions threatened the security of several European Union member states. Russia must bring an end to this dangerous escalation, and the international community must do its utmost and use all of the tools available to it to bring an end to this war and to create the conditions for negotiations for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. This war must end. The same goes in the Middle East. We regret the current stalemate in Gaza and more broadly speaking, in Palestine, which is prolonging the suffering of millions of civilians. Despite the momentum towards the end of the conflict that we thought we saw at the end of last year, the European Union and its member states are made a their positions clear. The two state solution is the only one that can ensure lasting peace in the Middle East. With the State of Israel and the State of Palestine independent and living side by side in peace and security. And we also support all of the efforts to find a solution to the conflict in Iran. The cease fire must be fully respected. Freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz must be preserved without conditions and without hindrance. For a lasting solution. It is also necessary that security of the countries in the region be ensured. It is essential that Iran never be allowed to acquire nuclear weapons.
We are the largest coffee exporter in Central America and the fifth largest globally. Fifty percent—57%— of the coffee which Honduras exports is coffee recognized to be of extremely high quality, as well as accredited and specialized coffee. That is a reflection of the quality of our production and its standard of excellence. Honduras sees its agriculture, fisheries, and poultry industries as fundamental pillars for economic development, as well as for food security and job creation. Our commitment is to breathe momentum into these sectors sustainably. We want to empower our producers and bring high-quality Honduran products to international markets. Our land harbors mineral wealth with vast potential that has yet to be harnessed. We have the opportunity to develop a modern, responsible, and sustainable mining industry so that we can create employment and transform these resources into development and prosperity for our people.
And the same is true for every country represented in this hall. When one state believes it can redraw the borders of another by force, every border, on every continent, becomes negotiable. These principles now are being tested in Ukraine. Russia's war against Ukraine strikes at the very heart of the United Nations Charter. Borders changed by force. Territory sized by force. Children taken by force. Ukrainian civilians targeted by Russia. Schools, hospitals, homes, markets, energy infrastructure. Russia's attacks reach far beyond the battlefield. They are directed against the people of Ukraine and their foundations of daily lives. Drones are used to hunt civilians. Human lives are treated like targets in a safari. These are not policy disagreements. These are grave violations of international law. And where crimes are committed, there must be accountability. Let us not look away. Russia is a permanent member of the Security Council. With that comes a special responsibility for international peace and security. Instead, Russia is violating the very principles it is entrusted to uphold. Russia started this brutal war. Russia can end it. It can stop its attacks. It can withdraw its forces. It can leave Ukraine's sovereign territory. Latvia continues to call for an immediate and full ceasefire. Ukraine deserves just peace. Members of the United Nations, not every attack on the international order looks like war. Drones carrying explosives at airports. Drones crashing into homes. Airspace violated. Critical infrastructure damaged. Power stations suddenly in flames. Cyber attacks. We sometimes call them hybrid threats. But it sounds as innocent as hybrid cars. In reality, those threats to international peace and security are as dangerous as conventional wars. Guarding the eastern border of NATO and the European Union, Latvia faces these threats every day. Illegal migrants are deliberately exploited and pushed toward our border with Belarus. Cyber attacks target our critical networks. Acts of sabotage seek to create fear and instability in our societies. Russia's shadow fleet exploits legal gray zones and puts our security and environment at risk. Even in this very building, at the Security Council table, we have heard Russia spread blatant lies and make threats against Latvia and other free and democratic countries. Distinguished delegates, that brings us back to a fundamental question: what is the United Nations' role if its members are threatened and if its principles are violated?
For more than 80 years, this organization has stood for one answer. Power must be bound by rules agreed together, that answer secured Austria's sovereignty and our prosperity. It still does. We are a nation of 9 million people, an open, liberal democracy, and we are proud of it. Alone we cannot. We cannot keep trade routes open, stabilize energy markets, or prevent wars. Like most countries in this whole, we depend on a world in which borders are respected, agreements are kept, and strength is bound by law. When that order weakens, the gravest price is paid by those least able to bear it. By countries already in crisis. By populations heavily dependent on food imports and by people caught in conflict. In Austria, we are fortunate to live in peace, but the consequences reach us. Energy prices rise, factories close and families are forced to flee war and seek safety across Europe. This is why the United Nations matters. It is our life insurance. This is why we are a proud host country of the organization, why we successfully campaign for a seat on the UN Security Council. I would like to thank you wholeheartedly for your support at the elections in June.
Thirty-seven years ago, the Maldives asked this Assembly to face a simple truth: that “Small States can be highly vulnerable to external threats and acts of influence.” In response, this Assembly adopted resolution 44/51, an initiative led by the Maldives, affirming the importance of protecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of small States. That was true then, and it is true even today. But the threats have evolved. Insecurity now travels through sea lanes, supply chains, financial markets, digital networks and new technologies. Today, sovereignty can be weakened without a single border being crossed. It can be undermined when external powers limit a State’s freedom to choose. This is why the Maldives comes before this Assembly with a clear message: “Every State, large or small, must have the freedom and capacity to shape its own future.” A sovereign future. And that future begins with peace.
Mr. president, Africa is ready for the future. Our resilience, our ingenuity, our youthful population, our natural wealth and our expanding markets can make us a major driver of global growth in this century. The African Continental Free Trade Area offers exceptional scope to deepen regional integration, accelerate industrialization, and strengthen our place in global value chains. Developing countries must recognize as indispensable partners whose contributions to global solutions and shared prosperity extend far beyond their need for assistance.
Mr. President, congratulations on your successful election as President of the 81st Session of the UN General Assembly. Secretary-General Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Ali and warm greetings from the people of Palau. Secretary-General António Guterres, thank you for your leadership and service to the United Nations. Your climate leadership, steadfast defense of multilateralism, international law, human dignity, and the voices of the vulnerable carries a special meaning for small island developing states. I stand before this Assembly for a people whose future depends on a healthy ocean and a stable climate, and the sovereign right to determine their own path. For us, sovereignty is lived in our ability to feed our people from healthy oceans, power our homes independently from distant fuel markets, and protect our shorelines from rising seas and chart our own path.
Mr. president, as mentioned before, the international community is experiencing profound uncertainty, including energy and food security crises, leading to intensified displacement of many people globally. Armed conflict continued to claim innocent lives while geopolitical tensions escalate. Children are living through unimaginable horrors. The United Nations has not been able to prevent this or to end the continuation, and we have to ponder on that. Other developments, for example in the Strait of Hormuz, demonstrate how quickly wars can affect energy markets suddenly and steeply, increasing the cost of energy, adversely impacting economic and social development in our countries. Common people suffer when food and energy prices rise, so the quality of life of our people is directly threatened, even by wars in regions far from their homes. And we as government, we have to make sure that we try to protect them. Suriname, therefore, calls for a renewed commitment to the purposes and principles of the UN charter, namely, the peaceful resolution of disputes. Dialogue is paramount for safeguarding a solid and proven UN system. The people of Cuba, a Caribbean country, are adversely affected by the current situation in their country. Suriname calls on the parties involved to remain committed to dialogue and negotiation to end the economic commercial and financial embargo. We plea for continuing negotiations in order to prevent further escalation and to reach a resolution that will benefit the people of Cuba.
Supply chains built up over decades of interdependence are being reorganized or fragmented as a result of geopolitical tensions. The multilateral trading system has been weakened, and the WTO can no longer fully carry out some of its essential functions. Yet what is at stake here is not merely a technical issue of trade policy. The question is whether relations between states will continue to be governed by common rules, or if they will increasingly depend on the weight and power of each individual state. For Switzerland, this is a fundamental issue. That is because my country is an open economy with few natural resources. A large part of its prosperity, therefore depends on trade, but also on the stability and predictability of the rules that make such trade possible. Economic resilience requires us to diversify relationships, forge new partnerships, and keep trade between different regions of the world as open as possible. This is particularly important for economies with fewer resources or limited market access. Access to markets knowledge and technology can create opportunities that would not otherwise exist. These abstract concepts encompass quite concrete realities a business that can take on an apprentice, a family that can secure a more stable income, a producer who can trade beyond their local market. Young people for whom the range of possibilities suddenly widens. That is also what we mean when we talk about a global economy. Trust is built when the rules offer everyone a genuine opportunity to participate.
This is where regional cooperation has a vital role. The United Nations must remain the centrepiece of the multilateral system, but we cannot expect it to do everything. It cannot settle problems when member states are not willing to act. Regional institutions can help turn that willingness into cooperation. There have been countries together around shared challenges and translate global principles suited to local realities. In this way, regionalism becomes a building block of effective multilateralism. Asean has demonstrated this for almost six decades. It has grown from 5 to 11 member states. We do not always agree, but we have learned to manage differences and preserve space for cooperation. For my country, Thailand, that practical cooperation means serving as a trusted platform. We want to leverage our strengths as a logistical hub and manufacturing base to connect markets and supply chains across our region. Our conviction is that together, we should combine Asia's diversity for co-creation, bringing together the different strengths of our countries to promote shared prosperity. The same thinking should also extend beyond Asia. Thailand continues to pursue free trade agreements with partners across region, and to expand trade and opportunities for both sides. Additionally, our Thailand Africa initiative seeks to deepen political, economic and development cooperation to build partnerships of equals across our regions. Mr. president, excellencies. Distinguished delegates. Institutions earned trust through what their members are prepared to do. A greater voice must come with a willingness to contribute. Shared ownership, therefore, must lead to shared responsibility. The shadow begins with the words we the peoples. Thailand believes that this work must begin at home. The SDG Sustainable Development Goals provide us with an important framework that goes beyond development. Ultimately, they are about enabling people to live in peace and dignity.
Bold reforms and under macroeconomic policies have resulted in a three fold growth in our GDP since 2017. Zimbabwe is indeed open for business. We are also pursuing food and nutrition, security and the climate smart agriculture. My government is leaving no one and no place behind. Through our rural industrialisation agenda and the Invest Rural policy, we are directing investment towards rural infrastructure, manufacturing hubs and agro processing facilities. More women and youth continue to enter value chain industries for both our local and regional markets. As droughts, floods and declining productivity threaten water, food and energy security. Developed countries are called upon to honour their climate finance commitments in line with common but differentiated responsibilities Mr. president, Zimbabwe welcomes the recommendations of the Secretary-General's Panel on Critical Energy Transition Minerals and the country's support mechanism.
I am appearing once again before this assembly on behalf of the Republic of Panama, a nation whose own geography defined its destiny. It's the bridge of the world and connects continents, cultures, and markets. At a time in history in which geopolitical fractures threaten to polarize us in a dangerous manner, Panama reaffirms its historic vocation to bring people together and seek common understandings. I must say that polarization is coupled with a large mass of people who feel that international organizations have forgotten the values and priorities of the majority of citizens.
These organizations will do that with the full force of the law. But doing that is not enough. If at the same time, we do not tackle the challenge that is developing a better educational system. There need to be effective opportunities for learning for our children and young people. It's only through providing those that young people and adults can enter the labour markets. Instead of being recruited by criminal groups. Consequently, our second challenge will be that of making education a tool for social transformation and a tool for the prevention of violence and crime. The quality of education and the depth of learning enjoyed by our children and young people is a predictor of higher a higher quality of life, because such education makes it possible to develop higher income, better health habits, and that serves the cause of social mobility. On the other hand, we've noted that shortcomings and weak points in our education system combine with other factors to predict crime and indeed, fuel crime. With that in mind, my government has launched a wholesale reform of the Peruvian education system. This reform will strengthen educational infrastructure. It will increase the provision of digital learning and the provision of educational material. We will also bolster. The resources given to teachers to teach. At the heart of our reform will be the creation of a head teacher training school. The goal is to equip head teachers with the tools and skills they need to lead their schools independently, so that schools can become inspiring models that promote the participation of parents in this mission. That is, that of making every child as a citizen that stands in solidarity with others, respects them, and a citizen proud of their country. I must recognize that an ideological cultural agenda that is not in line with our reality and the imposition of it, has sowed confusion and disorder of such magnitude that today, teachers in our schools are not able to keep order in the classroom. They cannot discipline their classes because they cower under the threat of being reported. We need to re-establish the principle of respect for authority. We will make our classrooms safe spaces in which children go to learn and teachers go to teach without fear. This is our agenda. It is not that of anyone else being imposed. The role of a state is to withdraw unfair barriers, barriers that stymie people's development.
We must also empower Africa to play a more active role. Africa, with its 55 states and more than 1.4 billion inhabitants, cannot remain on the margins of the bodies that shape the rules of global trade. On behalf of the African Union, I reiterate our continent's call for full and equitable representation within the World Trade Organization. This is not a favor we are seeking. It is a demand for justice. It is also a guarantee of progress for the entire multilateral trading system. With the African Continental Free Trade Area, our continent has already demonstrated its capacity to develop rules and to integrate markets. It is now up to global trade governance to draw on this. But in order to succeed, we must be more resilient in order to preserve an environment favorable to agriculture, a source of life, and food security. Indeed, Mr. President, climate change strikes the most vulnerable populations particularly hard. Africa has contributed little to historical greenhouse gas emissions, yet it is already suffering severe consequences. We, therefore, call for stronger international solidarity on adaptation, climate financing, and technology transfer.
Specifically, my government's foreign policy is guided by national interests by the defense of our sovereignty, and by the pursuit of results. That national interest I refer to also has a specific objective that is ensuring the prosperity of our people. Foreign policy should serve to create jobs, to attract investment and technology, to open markets, and to create opportunities for Colombians. With that goal in mind, I wish to extend an invitation to the world. Come to Colombia, invest in Colombia grow and prosper with Colombia Believe in Colombia. I don't promise you a perfect country, but I can assure you that I am working tirelessly to build you a nation that is, to build a nation that is safer, more prosperous, and with more opportunities for its people. Colombia does not come before the world today to ask others to do for us what it is our responsibility to do for ourselves rebuilding our country, restoring security, growing the economy, protecting our institutions, and giving opportunities back to millions of people are first and foremost responsibilities that fall to Colombians. But we also know that no nation can turn its back on the world. We need partners and friends with whom we can trade, invest, exchange knowledge, and address common threats. That is the Colombia that I present to you today, a country that is well aware of its difficulties, but also of its enormous potential. A country that doesn't try to hide its problems, but rather to confront them. A country that is getting back on its feet and knows where it wants to go. To the nations represented here, I extend my hand respectfully and through friendship. Colombia wants to work with you on everything that we can build together. I want within a few years, when the world looks again at my country, I want them to see a nation that is safer, more prosperous, more well respected and above all, far more confident in its own abilities. And if that is the Colombia that the world sees, there'll be no need to explain what I meant when I spoke of the Patria Milagro, the miracle nation.
For Dominica, this is not an abstract question. When a hurricane destroys our infrastructure, when international energy prices rise, when access to capital becomes more expensive, when global markets change, or when climate finance remains beyond our reach, the consequences are felt immediately in our homes, in our businesses, in our schools and hospitals, and in the very lives of our people. Yet, Mr. President, I do not come before this assembly to speak only of vulnerability. I wish to speak of transformation and resilience. Dominica has made a choice. We have chosen not only to rebuild after disaster, but to build differently, build better, build stronger. We have chosen not only to adapt to climate change, but to demonstrate what a climate resilient economy and country can look like. And we have chosen to move from dependence to greater resilience. Mr. president, in 2017, category five Hurricane Maria demonstrated with devastating force the vulnerability of small island states like Dominica. The economic and human consequences were enormous. Hurricane Maria, however, also taught us an important lesson resilience should never begin after the disaster. Resilience must begin before disasters. The international community must therefore move from a model that primarily finances reconstruction after catastrophe to one that invests systematically in resilience before disaster strikes. For Dominica, this means resilient roads and bridges, resilient buildings, reliable communications, modern water systems, strengthened health infrastructure and disaster ready communities. But resilience is not only physical. A resilient country must have resilient institutions. It must have resilient public finances. It must have resilient energy systems and must have resilient food systems. Above all, a resilient nation must have people who possess the skills and confidence to withstand shocks and move forward. That is the Dominica that we are building. Excellencies.
Mr. president, as we work to correct the imbalances inherited from the last century, we must not allow them to be reproduced in the future. Artificial intelligence opens boundless horizons for growth, knowledge, innovation and improved services. Yet it may also create a vast new divide and power linked to computing capacity, data models skills and financing. Therefore managing this transformation requires the establishment of governance frameworks for artificial intelligence and emerging technologies on the basis that technology is a global public benefit and not an exclusive privilege enjoyed by a limited number of states or corporations. Egypt supports the role of the United Nations and a global dialogue to develop principles that balance innovation and responsibility, protect privacy, guarantee transparency, accountability, non-discrimination, human oversight, respect for international law, technology and knowledge transfer, financing of digital infrastructure and skills development. This would enable developing countries to become producers and developers of technology, rather than merely being markets for its consumption. Artificial intelligence should also reflect the linguistic and cultural diversity of the world Arab and African languages and communities should receive fair representation and data and models. Egypt has launched the second edition of its National Artificial Intelligence Strategy 2025 2030, grounded in its firm conviction that the safe and responsible use of technology and the development of national capacities are inseparable requirements. The same principle governs the green transition. There can be no just transition if ambition is dissociated from fair implementation.
Mr. president since last February, the state of Kuwait, the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan have been subjected to illegal Iranian aggression involving ballistic, ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and drones. All while we are not a party to the conflict in the region. These attacks are a flagrant violation of the international law, international humanitarian law and the UN charter. These brutal attacks have systematically and repeatedly targeted civilian objects and critical infrastructure, including Kuwait International Airport, power and water stations, oil facilities as well, revealing a hostile approach aimed at disrupting the foundations of life and critical infrastructure. These heinous attacks have claimed the lives of several martyrs and innocent civilians. They have also resulted in numerous injuries and have inflicted material and economic damage. And furthermore, to inflict harm on the economies of the region and the world, and to disrupt global trade and oil markets, Iran is obstructing maritime navigation and closing the Strait of Hormuz to use it as a bargaining chip in the war in violation of international law and the relevant Security Council resolutions. In this regard, the State of Kuwait expresses its deep appreciation to the brotherly and friendly nations who have stood by Kuwait and demonstrated solidarity. We also salute the countries that have sponsored Security Council Resolution 2017 and the other resolutions issued by the Human Rights Council and the International Maritime Organization, which have condemned the Iranian aggression as a threat to international peace and security. Demanding its cessation and affirming the inherent rights of states to self-defence, as per article 51 of the UN charter. They have also stressed the importance of guaranteeing freedom of navigation without restrictions or conditions and based on. Kuwait's belief that the security and stability of the Arabian Gulf region constitutes a fundamental pillar of regional and international security and stability, as demonstrated by the repercussions of the war and Iranian aggressions. We reiterate the support for all diplomatic efforts aimed at de-escalation and a peaceful resolution to the existing dispute, and we applaud the mediation efforts led by Qatar and Pakistan, while emphasizing the need to reach a sustainable regional understanding based on a firm commitment to the principles of good neighbourliness, respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs, as well as refraining from the use or threat of use of force. In addition to ceasing support for proxies and militias and addressing the security concerns of all countries in the region, including. The Iranian nuclear file, ballistic missiles and drones, while stressing the guarantee of freedom and safety of navigation and the right of passage through the Straits of Hormuz and Bab el Mandeb. In accordance with the international law and the 1982 UN convention on the law of the sea.
We believe that a just and lasting peace must be achieved through dialogue and diplomacy. In Gaza, our responsibility begins with the protection of human lives. Civilians must be protected, and humanitarian assistance must reach those in need safely and without any obstruction. Israelis deserve lasting security, and Palestinians deserve dignity, freedom, and a viable state of their own. Montenegro supports a two-state solution, with the State of Israel and a viable state of Palestine living side by side in peace, security, and mutual recognition. The disarmament of Hamas remains an important element of a sustainable settlement, while full respect for international humanitarian law must guide us throughout. Different conflicts have different histories, but human dignity cannot have different standards. Neither can international law. The same commitment to international law applies to freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz, a route whose security has implications far beyond the region. Disruptions affect energy markets and global trade, but they also affect food security through the supply and price of fertilizers and other critical agricultural inputs, with particularly serious consequences for vulnerable import-dependent countries. At the same time, we must not allow conflicts that receive less international attention to become forgotten conflicts. In Sudan, in Myanmar, in Haiti, and elsewhere, civilians continue to endure violence, displacement, and profound insecurity.
Africa faces, however, a paradox: it is rich in resources yet retains little of the value that it generates. Therefore, investment must involve from simple extraction to the transformation, creation of value chain at the local level, moving from transactions to partnerships, from dependence to capacity building, and from exploitation of resources to the construction of value chains, both national, regional, and international. In this context, the regional integration takes strategic importance as it amplifies markets, creates economies, integrates productive challenges, attracts investment, and stimulates innovation, and also transforms the economic potential into concrete opportunities, especially for its people and young people in particular. In Mozambique, this vision translates into progress on electricity interconnectors with neighboring countries, as well as in one-stop border crossing points that we are building.
The governance of strategic resources ought to be an issue of peace, development, and global security from now on. The energy transition, the electrification of transport, energy storage, as well as the expansion of digital and AI infrastructure are accelerating demand for copper, cobalt, lithium, nickel, and other critical minerals. As the largest global producer of cobalt and a major copper-producing power, the DRC is at the heart of this transformation. Congolese cobalt is already being used in batteries, power grids, digital equipment, and technologies that are crucial for the decarbonization of the global economy. It would be both unjust and dangerous for added value, jobs, know-how, and technologies to remain concentrated far away from the communities that are making these changes possible. We cannot build a decarbonized economy through blood-stained minerals. And we will not bring about a just transition by reproducing a greenwashed version of our past dependencies. The DRC, therefore, rejects the old model that limits producer countries to crude extraction while processing, research, technology, and the bulk of the profits are concentrated elsewhere. Our ambition is clear. We no longer wish to be simply the basement of the world's economy. We plan to become a workshop, a laboratory, and a sovereign partner. Nous voulons transformer. We'd like to further transform cobalt and copper, process more cobalt and copper on our territory, develop precursors for batteries and industrial components, train our engineers, support our researchers, and include our enterprises in global value chains. We'd like to build, together with our African and international partners, competitive regional businesses that create jobs, skills, and shared prosperity. This ambition, first and foremost, entails taking up our own responsibilities. The DRC is pursuing the modernization of mining governance through the transparency of contracts, extractive revenue, and effective beneficiaries, improving mining registries, the deployment of traceability mechanisms, and the fight against fraud. We're also accelerating the formalization of small-scale mining, the regulation of traders, organization of cooperatives, and by securing exploitation zones. The battle against child labor in mines, in this regard, is a moral and national obligation. Together with the International Labor Organization, UNICEF, and our other partners, we are strengthening our identification, monitoring, and remediation mechanisms, as well as the training of our inspectors, school attendance of children, and economic solutions for their families. Our goal is unambiguous. We need to achieve zero children in the mines. This responsibility is one that lies with the Congolese state, but it also involves businesses, traders, refiners, manufacturers, financial institutions, and destination markets. The real proof of a responsible supply chain is not the electric vehicle sold downstream. It is the child who no longer descends into the mines upstream. That is why the DRC proposes creating, under UN auspices and together with the African Union, as well as producer, processor, and consumer countries, a global framework for just, traceable, and resilient critical mineral value chains. Based upon the sovereignty of producer states, it ought to guarantee traceability of minerals, responsibility of economic actors, protection of workers and communities, as well as a more equitable sharing of added value thanks to local processing and technology transfer. The corridor of Lobito ought to become one of the tools to further this ambition. We commend the commitment of Angola, Zambia, the USA, the European Union, the African Development Bank, financial institutions, and the private sector to promote its implementation. The rehabilitation of railway links, the modernization of infrastructure, the facilitation of exchange and energy investments can connect our territories, reduce logistical costs, and stimulate regional trade. But our vision goes far beyond accelerating the export of our raw materials. A corridor that only shortens the path from the mine to the port only reproduces the past. The corridor of Lobito ought to become a real backbone for regional industrialization, with the support of investors, with the help of whom we hope to build transparent, sustainable, and mutually beneficial partnerships for the well-being of future generations.
We are, therefore, entering a period marked by a more complex and less predictable distribution of power, in which the risk of potential conflict is greater than it has been for decades. There is no longer confined to conventional armed conflicts between states. Confrontations are increasingly taking the form of economic pressure, technological restrictions, competition for resources and markets, cyberattacks, disinformation, and attempts to influence other societies. Cultural and identity-based divisions are also becoming more pronounced, increasingly exploited for political purposes, and further deepening mistrust among peoples. The boundary between peace and conflict is becoming ever less distinct, while the consequences of confrontation among global and regional powers increasingly affect even those countries that are not directly involved. For small and medium-sized countries just like the Republic of Serbia, such an environment represents an enormous challenge. The space for independent decision-making is narrowing, while pressure on states to choose sides is steadily increasing. At the same time, disagreements among the most powerful actors are increasingly paralyzing the very institutions that should be protecting all countries equally.
Mr. Secretary General, you have been a true champion of multilateralism and of small island developing states. Your unwavering advocacy on climate action and your repeated visits to our region told the world a simple truth that the Pacific matters, and that our challenges and how the world responds to them remain a litmus test for this organisation and for us all. We meet at a time when multilateralism is under serious strain, and when the notion that might is right appears to be making a return. Yet we continue to gather in forums and dialogues around the world. And here in the General Assembly, the pinnacle of multilateralism. That in itself is cause for hope. Mr. president, for my people, what is said in this hall is measured not in declarations but in results. Classrooms with teachers and books, clinics with medicines, roads that reach markets and villages that thrive.
Excellencies, Nupasadu and Marsh. Excellencies, at the margins of the United Nations General Assembly, many of us, including heads of states and Nobel Peace Prize laureates, came together to launch the Global Declaration of Compassion. The Prime Minister of Bhutan and I were among the declaration's first signatories joining its call for shared moral responsibility and greater accountability in global governance. As my friend and fellow Nobel Peace Prize laureate Kailash Satyarthi has said, we have globalized markets and technology. The time has now come to globalize compassion. But as a powerful force to reach justice and peace for all.
Our military is the most powerful on earth. Our technology is second to none and we are leading in virtually everything. Our energy is fueling the planet. America is rising. Our nation is growing. Our power is expanding. Our country is doing better than ever before, and our future is very, very bright. Since I took office, we have created more than 1 million new private sector jobs, and more Americans are working today by far than ever before. Last week, it was announced that the poverty rate has reached its lowest level in American history. We lifted 1.5 million Americans out of poverty last year alone. Another record, the African American and Hispanic American poverty rates are at all time lows. Real household incomes for Americans have soared to the highest level in history, 87,000 on average, surpassing the prior record that I set in my first term. From day one, my administration has worked to remove every single unnecessary regulation and obstacle to doing business in America. We passed the largest tax cuts in American history, and as a result, more money is being invested in the United States right now than has ever been invested in any nation, anywhere in the world. U.S. stock markets have set all time records. And that's just in the last 12 months. We've secured commitments for $21 trillion in new investments from all over the planet, compared to less than $1 trillion in four years in the previous administration. Two years ago, our country was dead, and now we have the hottest country anywhere in the world. Before I took office, we had the worst and most dangerous border on earth. And now we have the most secure border in American history. Nobody comes in unless they're invited. Unless they have permission. In the past 16 months, zero illegal aliens have been admitted to the United States. And that's done by some very sophisticated people. It's not done by the Trump administration. Zero. As a result, last year we achieved the largest drop in violent crime ever recorded. The murder rate has plummeted to its lowest level in 125 years. Since the year 1900, I sent our crime busters into Memphis, Tennessee, and New Orleans, Louisiana, and crime in each place went down over 80% and will go down still further. More importantly, when I arrived on January 20th of last year in Washington, D.C., it was riddled with crime. And now crime is down 87% and we're going for 100. Tourism is, if you take a look and I guess a lot of you have been there. Tourism is thriving. Restaurants are bustling, and people are proud of our nation's capital. They're proud like never before. We've invested more money in the United States military in the past 12 months than ever before And this term, it will be $1.5 trillion. We inherited a dark Age of America from the previous administration, and we turned it into the golden age of America. The entire world is being lifted by the wealth, strength, spirit, and momentum of a newly energized and a very powerful United States of America. And just as we moved quickly to address problems we inherited at home, we have acted with decisiveness and speed to reshape the world stage and solve problems that have plagued us for far too long. Every leader in this room and your great leaders, many great leaders.
