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Dear friends. Since this morning, we've heard a number of speeches from this rostrum about the state of the world, and I fear I will not be very original in my description. Every speaker has described the return of imperialism, of arrogance, the return of unrestrained force which knows no rules, a world in which we see power concentrated in the hands of the few, a world in which some believe that they can undermine the international order so as to push their borders outwards. Those that believe that people's sovereignty can be toppled over that they could use that sovereignty. People who believe that they can decide the fate of the planet, whether that be as regards the climate or AI. The question we must answer is very simple. The question is, do we want to live under this state of affairs with a return to the law of the jungle? Or do we want to live in a civilised international society? Our duty today, more than ever, is to hold firm here at the United Nations in order to make decisions to further our common interests so that people can choose their fate freely, their development model choose their future. To refuse their sovereignty being taken hostage by unjust forces, by fear. Therefore, the very raison d'etre of this organisation is to bring together free people on an equal footing. It is our charter that prevents the power wielded by some from making decisions for others. This is what compels us to work together to demonstrate our commitment and our capacity to act, and usefully so. You know just how committed France is to the United Nations and its ability to shoulder the responsibilities conferred upon it by the charter. I wish to reassert our commitment to take action hand in hand with each and every one of you, so as to revive multilateralism and to demonstrate that we are stronger, more effective, more capable of tackling common challenges if we do this together. Today's challenges, future challenges, ones we do not know about yet, challenges we haven't yet tackled. I talked about the climate. It also applies to war and peace, new technologies and development. Across all of these areas, wherever might is right is being imposed, we must defend justice and our common interests, and it is in the interests of each and every one of us as well, because our charter affords us the protection, the right to live together. Given the sorry state of the world, given what we're seeing today, and that is a growing number of wars we haven't solved, multiplying myriad crises and contemporary challenges which are weighing on new generations in new ways, I believe we are duty bound not to yield. And at the end of the day, the message I wish to convey to you today, as I've been doing over the last nine years, is a message of determination. Optimism through action. What I'm trying to tell you is that we will not yield to fatalism, to defeatism, which is very much in vogue according to this rhetoric. There's not much point coming here to deliver speeches. They say might is right. We can impose a different kind of peace. That is what they say.
Distinguished Mr. President, Excellencies, I do want to congratulate first of all Dr. Rahman on his election as President of the United Nations General Assembly, and I also wish to thank Mrs. Baerbock for her leadership of the 80th Session of the General Assembly. And let me also make a special thanks to Secretary-General Guterres, whose stewardship of this organization and partnership with Montenegro over the past decade we deeply value. It is my great honor to address you today as President of Montenegro, a Balkan and Mediterranean country, a credible NATO ally, steadily advancing toward membership in the European Union, and deeply committed to regional cooperation and effective multilateralism.
Without sufficient transformation in their daily lives. New declarations and targets have value, but they cannot substitute for effective implementation. This is why this year's theme is both timely and necessary. Trust in the UN will not be restored through declarations alone. It will be restored when institutions act consistently, uphold international law, and produce results that people can see and experience. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the United Nations Charter is found on sovereign equality, territorial integrity peaceful coexistence, human rights and dignity of every person. The most important word in this year's theme is all not some. Not a selected group of nations, not only those with the greatest economy and military might. The promise of the charter belongs equally to every human being and every Member state. Yet the United Nations has increasingly become associated with political gridlocks in the Security Council, prolonged negotiations without tangible outcomes and a weakening capacity to mobilize collective action in response to the threats to international peace and security. This should concern all of us, not because the United Nations is not important, but precisely because it is indispensable and appears absent from the global solutions for peace and stability in this dangerous and unpredictable time. The Security Council must become more representative, transparent, and effective. Africa remains unrepresented in the permanent category and not represented enough in the permanent, in the in the in the permanent category as well. This historical injustice against the 54 sovereign states cannot be postponed indefinitely. Somalia supports the common African position and a meaningful African representation in both categories of the Council. Given that many of the discussions directly concerned Africa's African states, they have the right to full representation on equal par with all other permanent Security Council members. Reform is not an attack on the United Nations. Reform is necessary to protect its legitimacy, renew confidence in its institutions and ensure that it remains capable of responding to the realities of our time. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Somalia currently broadly serves as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council and as a member of the African Union Peace and Security Council. We carry these responsibilities with great seriousness, humility and determination in both institutions. Somalia works to uphold the principles of the United Nations Charter and Constitutive Act of the African Union, strengthening cooperation between the United Nations and the African Union, prevent conflict and support peaceful African led solution with global benefits, respect for national sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity is not an abstract principle for Somalia only. It is a foundation for peace and stability in our country, our region and the wider international community. Therefore, Somalia firmly rejects unilateral actions that undermine its sovereignty, unity and internationally recognized borders. This agreement is between nations must be resolved through dialogue and in accordance with international law, and not through actions that create new tensions or threaten regional stability.
Today the world needs not only more dialogue, but also more trust, more accountability, and greater capacity to act together. Humans must be at the heart of this collective response: human life, dignity, rights, and opportunities. This requires an international order based upon the UN Charter and international law, as well as the United Nations that not only formulates principles but also has the power and capacity to uphold them. This means a global order of rules by and for all, for countries small and large, without double standards. Bulgaria will continue to be a staunch defender of this order and of a strong, effective, and active UN. Ladies and gentlemen, today the UN must prove not only its capacity to bring states together but also its capacity to act. Thanks to collective efforts, it is our duty to transform a world in disorder into a world of international law and lasting peace. The Pact for the Future provides an important guideline, but it must be supported by real reform. The Security Council ought to reflect the world of today, with more equitable regional representation and greater legitimacy and effectiveness. Bulgaria is in favor of an enlargement of the Council's two membership categories, including with at least one additional non-permanent seat for the group of Eastern European states. The upcoming election of a new Secretary-General will also be a choice for the UN's leadership. We thank Mr. António Guterres for his dedication to serving the UN.
That is the only way that we will manage to find paths to progress on the all too many, all true, all too intractable conflicts blighting our world today. In Malta, the smallest member state of the European Union, we have always been a bridge between Europe and the Middle East. So allow me to focus on two of those conflicts on our doorstep. Firstly, Ukraine. It is all too easy and all too great a mistake for us to fall in the trap that repelling the invasion of Ukraine becomes another never ending conflict, a grinding tragedy on the corner of our continent about which we can do nothing. Malta will never accept that despair. Europe must never accept that despair. The world must never turn its head away in despair. Malta remains as adamant in our condemnation of that invasion today as we were on day one in February 2022. And Malta is equally as adamant that a just and lasting peace must guarantee Ukraine's sovereignty within its internationally recognised borders. That will only come about through a diplomatic process that the Ukrainian people can have full trust in. They will only have such trust if the process follows a full and unconditional cease fire and the full participation of Ukraine and its people in the subsequent peace talks. Rightly the Ukrainian people will never have trust in any search for a settlement which involves their government being frogmarched to the table, one arm tied behind its back, whilst the guns still blaze. The issue of trust is clearly also central to the very worrying situation in Gaza The people of Israel need to have trust that Hamas will be disarmed, and that they will play no future role in the governance or security structures of Gaza. But the people of Gaza need to have trust that there is a path to a just peace. It is impossible to build that trust with a humanitarian situation as acute as that being experienced in Gaza right now. Malta's voice remains unwaveringly with the global calls for safe, sustained and unhindered humanitarian access throughout Gaza in accordance with international law. We firmly believe that the Gaza peace plan provides the best path towards ending the conflict and advancing credible political progress. To achieve that progress, all parties and I emphasize all parties must fully respect and implement the objectives and commitments set out in the plan. And naturally, no progress can be made. If there is any question of the forced displacement of any of the Palestinian population. Indeed, it is incumbent on each and every one of us in the international community to rebuild the trust needed to underpin the conditions where genuine progress can be made towards a negotiated and lasting two state solution. That is the only solution. Nobody, however, is under any illusion how out of reach? Unfortunately, that seems at the moment. But nor is this the moment to shy away or run away from the only goal that will guarantee the people of Israel and Palestine living side by side with the peace, prosperity and stability that they both deserve. Sadly, any progress towards a long term solution is being endangered by the situation in the West Bank settlement expansion, running directly counter to the resolutions of this General Assembly and designed to undermine the Palestinian territorial integrity, must stop and stop now. So too, must the violent settler attacks on Palestinian communities increasing at an alarming rate. Behold, they must be halted. These are all essential preconditions to a just and lasting peace, as is a credible and reformed Palestinian Authority that can demonstrate to citizens of both Palestine and Israel that it has the transparency, the accountability, the institutional effectiveness, and, above all, the democratic legitimacy to be a truly effective partner for peace. Malta stands ready to play its part in building the capacity of both a renewed Democratic Palestinian Authority and the robust civil society that must underpin it, not just in Ukraine, Gaza and Israel, but across the world. Be it the conflict in Sudan, the ongoing violence in Myanmar or the instability across the Sahel. It is evident that diminished trust means diminished chances of finding solutions. You could put it as starkly as no trust equals no peace. Of course, no matter the conflict, each with its own individual and particular circumstances, there is no easy way of building trust. But equally, there is no easy way of avoiding the need to build trust. We all know from our lives as much as from the experiences of our own countries, just how hard it is to rebuild trust when it has evaporated. Yet we also know the consequences if we give up trying, and the rewards that can come. If, however, slowly and however tentatively, we can start. If it is hard enough to build trust human to human face to face, it can be, of course, infinitely harder to build trust.
Mr. President, Excellencies, Ladies and gentlemen, The faultlines in our world are widening. Cracks have become canyons. Over the last decade, wars erupted with devastating consequences and dragged on with despicable cruelty. Civilians were targeted. Human rights trampled. Hunger weaponized. Humanitarians killed. International law cast aside. Geopolitical divides have deepened. Inequalities have intensified. Trust has frayed. The climate crisis went from distant warning to daily reality. And artificial intelligence moved at a speed that has blindsided even those who created it. These are not separate crises. They are chapters of the same story. The story of power. Who has it. Who is denied it. How it is used. And how it is changing. Excellencies, Power is being reshaped in three fundamental ways. First, among States. New centres of economic, political and technological influence have emerged. Second, we are witnessing an extraordinary transfer of power away from governments to a handful of private corporations and individuals. Their reach now extends across politics, economies, information flows, technological development, and the civic space on which societies depend. And, third, humans are increasingly handing over power to machines – with Artificial Intelligence agents going rogue, and lethal autonomous weapons going from science fiction to military reality. Yet our institutions and systems of global governance continue to reflect the power realities and interests of a largely bygone age. That is the defining challenge before us. At the very moment when humanity faces an unprecedented convergence of threats, our mechanisms for collective action are under growing strain. Excellencies, We are clearly moving towards a multipolar world. And that movement is irreversible. But there are different ways that multipolarity can take shape. One possibility is a world of fragmentation and transactionalism. A world of rising tensions and deepening mistrust. Of fractured markets and weakened institutions. Of shrinking cooperation and zero-sum calculations. In many respects, that is the trajectory we are on today. But there is another path. A path towards networked multipolarity. A world built on interdependence – and sustained by a dense web of economic, political, social and technological connections. A world in which multiple centres of influence coexist within a common framework of international law and shared rules. Such a world can help us avoid hegemonic tendencies and what I have called the Great Fracture: The division of the world into two rival blocs with separate economic, technological and security systems. A networked world recognizes that no power can solve today’s challenges alone. Of course, competition will remain a permanent feature of international relations. But competition does not have to mean confrontation. Healthy competition can drive innovation, strengthen resilience, and expand opportunity. But only when it operates within frameworks that preserve stability and enable cooperation where cooperation is indispensable. Building a networked future begins with a recognition, especially by superpowers: That their power isn’t so super. That their power has limits. The events of recent years have made that unmistakably clear. Military power alone cannot secure peace. Economic power alone cannot command stability. And technological power alone cannot guarantee security. A networked multipolar world can create the conditions for more balanced and representative global problem-solving. But it requires a multilateral system centred in the UN that is balanced and representative. Strong, effective institutions that reflect the realities and the progressively changing relative weight of countries and economies in today’s world – not the power arrangements of 80 years ago. Fortunately, we are not starting from scratch. We already have a binding foundation: The Charter of the United Nations. And the principles that give it life. The primacy of international law. Upholding human dignity. And the pursuit of justice in all its dimensions. These are the backbone for the effective, legitimate and responsible exercise of power in the 21st century. Excellencies, It comes down to this: Will we act to ensure that power is governed by law or by force? By cooperation or coercion? By responsibility to young people and future generations or indifference to their fate? Because the defining challenges of our age are not separate from the question of power. They are expressions of it. And they will determine whether we drift deeper into division and instability – or move toward cooperation, justice and collective security. Looking ahead, our future will be shaped by how we address four great tests of power: The power over war and peace. The power that concentrates wealth and drives inequality.
We live in an interdependent world marked by growing uncertainty and by challenges that transcend borders climate change, transnational organized crime, terrorism, structural inequalities, the burden of debt, and insufficient financing for development continue to undermine our efforts towards sustainable development. Devastating conflicts also persist in several regions of the world, as do security challenges, particularly in the Sahel. In this context, Guinea-Bissau considers it essential to strengthen the international community's support to the most affected countries in the region. Ladies and gentlemen, the United Nations remains an essential pillar of multilateralism and a privileged forum for dialogue, cooperation and the search for collective solutions to the challenges facing humanity. It must be acknowledged, however, that in certain circumstances, the expectations that people have placed in it have not always been met with a response commensurate with their aspirations. This reality should not lead us to question the foundations of the multilateral system, but rather to strengthen the effectiveness representativeness and capacity for action of international institutions. It is incumbent upon Member States to renew their commitment to multilateralism that is more effective, more inclusive and more responsive to the aspirations of peoples. We also consider it urgent to reform the architecture of global governance, so that it reflects the geopolitical realities of the 21st century. It is essential that Africa have more adequate and effective representation in the international institutions that play a central role in shaping responses to the challenges of peace, security and development The reform of United Nations Security Council Council must reflect the legitimate aspirations of the African continent and ensure fairer, permanent and effective representation. In keeping with the principle of a more inclusive, equitable and representative international order, Guinea-Bissau welcomes the efforts of the United Nations to achieve achieve a lasting political solution to the question of Western Sahara. We welcome the adoption of Security Council Resolution 2797 of 2025 and view favourably the Autonomy Initiative presented by the Kingdom of Morocco as a basis for resolving this dispute. Ladies and gentlemen, on November 26th, 2025, during the electoral process, the constitutional order in Guinea-Bissau was interrupted and transitional bodies were established.
Mr. President, excellencies, at the outset, allow me to extend my warm and heartfelt congratulations to you on your election as president of the 81st session of the General Assembly. Your election reflects the confidence of Member States in your steadfast commitment to multilateral system and your vision for a United Nations that is responsive, effective, and capable of delivering for humanity. As you embark on this important journey, my delegation reaffirms its unwavering commitment to working closely with you and all Member States to ensure a productive and successful session. I also pay tribute to your predecessor, Her Excellency Ms. Baerbock, president of the 80th session of the General Assembly, with whom my delegation had the honour to serve as Vice President. Her dedicated leadership, zeal and tenacity of purpose in strengthening multilateral cooperation during a period of profound global uncertainty gave us hope that the future of this organization can be secured when all nations work together for the common goal of leaving no one behind. To the secretary general, Antonio Guterres, whose tenure is approaching an end, my delegation commends his exemplary leadership and commitment to the ideals of the United Nations. During his term the world confronted unprecedented challenges from the COVID-19 pandemic to the eruption of new conflicts, the catastrophic effects of climate change, and unstable trade regimes. Throughout these crises, he remained the moral force and steady anchor of the organization. We salute him for his distinguished service and will fondly cherish his historic visit to the Mountain Kingdom in December 2024, during which he witnessed firsthand the dividends of the UN's contribution to Lesotho. Mr. president, the theme for this session Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: A United Nations that delivers for all, resonates deeply with Lesotho's aspirations for a more inclusive, transparent and result oriented multilateral system capable of advancing respect for international law, maintaining global peace and security, accelerating sustainable development, protecting human rights, driving climate action, and implementing long overdue institutional reforms.
Ours is a concerning financial situation. It's affecting the UN's operational capacity, and that is prompting questions about how effective the UN really is. Indeed, these questions are being asked about peace operations, just as they are about the SDGs. The implementation of these is lagging behind and significantly so. In view of this reality, it is true that some might be tempted to view multilateralism as a relic and might be tempted to move outside of that of multilateralism to take action in isolation. Senegal does not espouse that view. On the contrary, it is precisely because the world is beset by a whole host of unprecedented crises that we need a UN that is stronger, more representative and more effective. We will not settle crises by allowing the multilateral system to become ever more piecemeal. We will not achieve peace. If we simply stage power struggles. We will not guarantee a just international order. If we ensure that if we see might being right being replaced by might, doing all of that would imperil the very raison d'etre of our organisation that is dialogue, conflict prevention, the peaceful resolution of disputes, cooperation and respect for international law. In this vein, and with this in mind, the UN 80 initiative provides us with a historic opportunity to usher in the structural and normative transformations that we need to see. However, reforming the United Nations must not stymie its ambitions. On the contrary, it must make it less bureaucratic in how it functions. It must remove red tape, make it more agile, and make it more effective in its expenditure. And there must be better synergies between headquarters and the field, so we can better serve the people we represent. Senegal supports that very dynamic. That was the rationale behind our contribution to efforts to strengthen the UN system. We've used our own resources to build a UN house some 30km away from Dakar. This is a cutting edge institution and the site will house all UN system entities in the region, and that will foster greater coherence and effectiveness in the UN's work. However, a stronger organization and ensuring it is stronger also involves member states upholding their financial contribution pledges and making good on their assessed contributions. President, the years are ticking by, but our efforts to reform governance have yet to produce a significant impact. The status quo when it comes to reforming the Security Council bears witness to that fact. We all agree that the composition of the Security Council is out of step with the realities of our time. We agree that the expansion of the Council should not lead to further inertia, but given the fact the Council is lacking legitimacy and that is indeed the hallmark of the Council's current structure, we cannot simply issue observations. We are in at a juncture where there is an urgent need for action. It's a matter of justice, credibility and balance across the international system, and this is indeed the rationale which underpins the SL weenie consensus, which outlines the African position in connection with the so necessary reform of the UN Security Council. In that vein, Senegal is presenting its candidacy to a non-permanent seat on the Security Council for two 2032 2033. However, beyond reform, the organisation also needs experienced leadership to steer its work in these times of crisis and uncertainty. The UN needs a secretary general able to speak to one and all, able to listen and to build bridges between member states. That is the vision embraced and espoused by Macky Sall, former president of the Republic of Senegal. Here I wish once again to express my support for his candidacy. I wish to reiterate Senegal's request that you, as Member states, support his candidacy. Ladies and gentlemen at a time when our organisation is seeking to rebuild trust, Senegal continues to believe in the vision of a world based on peace, justice, the dignity of each and every human being and human brotherhood. The world does not need unilateral posturing. It needs a fairer, more inclusive and more effective multilateralism. Addressing our challenges requires bridges and not walls, dialogue and not confrontation. Cooperation and not isolation and not might. That is the very spirit in which Sen Senegal will host the Youth Olympic Games in Dakar 2026.
Ladies and gentlemen, as global challenges become increasingly complex, no country can address them alone. And yet the growing limitations of multilateral mechanisms continue to undermine our collective ability to respond effectively to current and emerging threats. Meeting these realities requires joint action but true transformation is impossible without first restoring trust in the international order and demonstrating that multilateralism can once again deliver tangible results for all. In an era marked by division, growing intolerance and stark double standards, Azerbaijan advocates for a reinvigorated and reformed multilateral system underpinned by strict adherence to consistent and non-selective application of universally accepted norms and principles of international law. Azerbaijan supports a more effective UN capable of delivering tangible results for member states, especially in peace and security development, climate resilience and humanitarian action through inclusive multilateralism. All states, large or small, particularly developing countries, must have the opportunity to participate equally in global decision making. In this context, reform of the UN security is essential to make it more representative, effective and responsive. Ladies and gentlemen, restoring global trust begins first and foremost with respecting international law, sovereign equality, and peaceful coexistence.
We welcome the decisions of the UN Commission on the limits of the Continental Shelf, approving the submission lodged by Mauritius in December 2008 and approved in March 2011, as well as the second one filed in May 2009 and approved in July 2026. We welcome the 100th ratification of the agreement and calls for its prompt and effective implementation. We look forward to its first conference of the parties advancing the institutional, financial and procedural arrangements necessary for the effective implementation of the agreement. Collaboration is key to effective maritime security, maritime surveillance, and domain awareness.
Mr. president of the General Assembly, Secretary General. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, multilateralism is not an ideal of the past. It is the only realistic way to address the problems of today alone. No country can prevent the pandemic, stabilize the climate, secure the climate, secure, resilient supply chains regulate artificial intelligence, ensure financial stability, or deliver sustainable development alone. No country, however powerful, can build lasting peace. And this is why our message is clear we need multilateralism, multilateralism that is strong, effective, representative and capable of delivering for people, multilateralism that protects human rights, strengthens democracy and advances gender equality.
End this war. Mr. President. Sweden has been an active contributor to the United Nations for 80 years, and we remain committed. But as a staunch partner, we will continue to push for UN that is more effective, more transparent and better equipped to uphold the principles of its charter. A UN that is resolute. Sweden's first peacekeepers, 300 of them served this organization during the Suez crisis in 1956. Since then, more than 80,000 Swedes have followed in their footsteps.
Where writing and law were born. And one of the founding members of the United Nations. I stand here to renew my country's commitment to the United Nations Charter and principles, and to present Iraq's vision for its future, its region, and the world at this critical juncture. Iraq, perhaps more than others. Has experienced wars and the damage they cause. We have lived through the conditions they create, along with the siege and terrorism imposed on us. Our people have paid a hefty price and lost the lives of their children, their resources and their development opportunities. Despite these difficulties that have made our country over several decades an arena of war and conflict. Today we are confidently presenting our vision for the future. Iraq aspires to exercise its influence and have an impact as an effective economic power in the region. And as a bridge for dialogue and cooperation among the peoples of the region.
This fairness and justice should extend to the participation of women in decision-making, including in the prevention and resolution of conflict, post-conflict reconstruction, and peacebuilding. In line with the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security, the Women's Peace and Security Agenda has contributed positively to the rehabilitation, reconciliation, and reintegration efforts in conflict-affected regions, serving as a core framework for stabilizing post-conflict situations. This is a positive undertaking which should be emulated by other international and regional organizations and non-governmental organizations that are involved in peace support operations and peacebuilding efforts. Mr. President, any system needs constant transformation to be effective.
Mr. president, distinguished delegates, I congratulate His Excellency, Mr. Khalilur Rahman on his election as the president of the 81st session of the General Assembly and assure him that he can count on Kazakhstan's full support throughout this session. Excellencies, Kazakhstan remains fully committed to the purpose and principles of the charter of the United Nations and to effective multilateral cooperation, guided by pragmatic and proactive foreign policy.
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Sierra Leone09/22 · first at about 6 min3 mentions
Of course, nations have legitimate security needs, but the speed with which the world finds resources for war compared to prevention and development, reveals a grave disorder in our priorities. The credibility of international law also depends on who has the voice in applying it. The credibility weakens when institutions entrusted with the law preserve an unequal distribution of power. The Security Council still reflects the world of 1945. Africa, home to more than 1.6 billion people and the subject of most of the council's work still has no permanent seat. That's not fair. Africa seeks its rightful place because the council cannot be fully legitimate or effective while an entire continent remains permanently absent from its highest level of decision making. No durable global solution on peace, climate, food, energy or technology can be built without African leadership. The common African position espoused in the Ezulwini Consensus and Sirte Declaration calls for no fewer than two permanent seats, with all the rights and privileges of permanent membership, including the veto if it is retained, and five non-permanent seats. As coordinator of the African Union Committee of ten, Sierra Leone will continue to advance that position. Years of intergovernmental negotiations without realizing the reform has tested the credibility of the process. Before this session concludes, member states should have a consolidated model, which we committed to in the pact for the future. Sierra Leone speaks with the authority of service. During our time on the Security Council in 2024 2025, we worked as a voice of reason and a bridge across Division. We convened the Security Council's first high level debate on redressing historical injustice against Africa, placed conflict related food insecurity at the centre of its agenda and with Guyana, Co-drafted unanimously adopted resolution 2807 on youth, peace and security, strengthening young people's role in conflict prevention and peace building. Mr. president. Representation becomes meaningful when it changes decisions and improves lives.
Migration is as old as human civilization. In many countries around the world, migrants make important contributions to the economies of both their countries of origin and their countries of destination. The government of Bangladesh is committed to ensuring regular, safe and orderly migration. Bangladesh expects stronger global cooperation to ensure the rights, dignity and well-being of migrants. Mr. president, for more than nine years, Bangladesh has been sheltering more than 1.2 million forcibly displaced Rohingya from Myanmar This has placed immense pressure on our resources, environment, security and local communities. As a densely populated country, Bangladesh believes that the source and origin of the Rohingya crisis lie in Myanmar. Therefore, its solution also lies there. The only solution to this problem is the early safe return of the displaced Rohingya people to their homeland, Myanmar. For a lasting solution to this crisis Bangladesh expects firm and effective support from the United Nations and the international community. At the same time, I call upon the United Nations and the international community to continue life saving assistance programmes for the displaced Rohingya people until they can be repatriated to their own country, Myanmar. If the international community fails to ensure justice for the displaced Rohingya people, this could turn into a humanitarian crisis in the near future. Mr. president, Bangladesh is one of the countries most vulnerable to the adverse impacts of climate change.
Our world is changing at a pace far exceeding the ability of international governance institutions to respond. Our crisis does not lie in the absence of charters and principles, but rather in the widening gap between what we proclaim and what we implement, and between those who make decisions and those who are affected by them. Our world does not need a merely symbolic multilateralism that brings together states in open discussions. Rather, it needs effective multilateralism in which every state has a voice and every people receive a fair share of decisions, opportunities, and resources. It is no exaggeration to say that confidence in the effectiveness of collective action and the multilateral system has declined. There is an urgent need to restore adherence to international law to avoid policies based on power, polarization and double standards. It is no coincidence that the countries of the Global South, which comprise the overwhelming majority of the world's population, are among those most harmed by the decline of the rule of international law, the weakening role of international organizations, and the fragility of global governance and international cooperation frameworks. From this perspective, Egypt, as a founding member of the United Nations, believes that restoring trust requires three interconnected pillars justice and representation and decision making, justice and the application of the law and justice in the distribution of development and transformation opportunities. This is not a call to rebuild the international system from scratch. It is a call to fulfill its original promises and purposes. Notably, sovereign equality among states respect for law, peaceful settlement of disputes, international cooperation for the benefit of peoples, and enabling them to reap the benefits of accelerating scientific progress. The multilateral international system remains an indispensable choice. However, its survival depends on strengthening justice and ensuring the effectiveness and sustainability of its institutions. Instead of merely repeating the principles for which it was established without making meaningful action. Mr. president, if justice in the application of rules is the litmus test of the credibility of the international system, then the Palestinian issue remains the clearest example of the existing dysfunction.
Madam president, since the end of the Second World War, Japan has built the peace and prosperity it has today, through the tireless efforts of our predecessors and the goodwill of a large number of countries. In the course of these efforts, Japan itself has consistently acted in the spirit of multilateralism towards addressing challenges facing the international community. However, these challenges cannot be solved by any single country acting alone. Now more than ever, the flag of the United Nations must be held high and under that banner, Member States must mobilize the collective strength of the membership to elaborate new rules and build a framework for cooperation. I am convinced that the United Nations is the only organization capable of taking the helm on a global scale. To this end, as well, reform of the United Nations is essential. The United Nations is a vessel, and the responsibility for determining its contents lies with us, namely the Member States. Rather than lamenting the institutional fatigue of the United Nations, member States should unite with one heart, vigorously advance reform of the United Nations and transform the organization into a more resilient and effective United Nations. Let us move forward, building on the achievements of the current Secretary-General António Guterres. At the same time, the charter of the United Nations, which is now 81 years old, should also be reviewed. Regarding the so-called enemy states clauses, a United Nations General Assembly resolution was adopted in 2005 to delete references to enemy states from the charter of the United Nations, expressing the resolve of the Heads of State and Government of all Member States. In accordance with this resolution, these clauses must be deleted. I would like to strongly emphasize this position, as Japan takes pride and honor in its significant contributions to the efforts of the United Nations for the last 70 years. Furthermore, as a matter of utmost importance, reform of the Security Council is urgently needed. The current structure of the Security Council, whose mandate is to maintain international peace and security, reflects the international situation as it stood in 1945. We need to transform it without delay, into a structure that truly reflects the current realities of the international community. To this end, it is essential to expand the number of both permanent and non-permanent members in order to ensure the legitimacy and representativeness of the Security Council. A majority of member states support the expansion of both categories. Japan is determined to fulfill its solemn responsibility in these UN reforms. Madam president, in the 70 years since we became a UN member state, Japan has consistently contributed to the peace and prosperity of the international community, as a peace loving nation under its exclusively defense oriented policy. Furthermore, we have worked hand in hand with the United Nations on the two indispensable tasks of establishing rules and institutions and providing support on the ground. This policy will remain unchanged in the future. In light of this history, Japan feels a sense of responsibility to safeguard the ideals of the United Nations as our beacon of hope, and to carry that light forward into the future. To that end, with its renewed commitment to the United Nations and multilateralism, Japan will continue to steadily take actions. Now, at a time when the world is in turmoil, the United Nations itself must be reborn as a more resilient and effective United Nations and regain the trust of the international community. Together with this more resilient and effective United Nations, Japan is determined to create peace and prosperity by making the Indo-Pacific and the international community more resilient and prosperous. Thank you so very much.
I repeat: the Malvinas for us are a national cause. They are also a test of the gulf that can exist between the words of international institutions and the reality upon which they purport to act. Fifty years ago, this very Assembly adopted Resolution 3149, which calls on parties to refrain from introducing unilateral modifications while the dispute remains unresolved. Fifty years on, the situation has not changed, yet unilateral modifications continue. Today, the Sea Lion Project is moving toward oil extraction on the Argentine continental shelf in the North Malvinas Basin, under British licenses that Argentina rejects as illegal and illegitimate. Any such activity not authorized by the Argentine Republic in this regard constitutes an unlawful act under both international law, including the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, and Argentine domestic law. That is why I wish to ask a question: what use is a resolution if, for decades, the other party can act in direct contravention of it, while that resolution remains intact in the archives but powerless in the face of reality? There's no shortage of words or resolutions. What is lacking is consequences. Because an institution that cannot ensure that its words carry weight in the real world loses the most important thing of all: its authority. In these circumstances, those who follow the rules receive no reward for doing so, while those who break them suffer no repercussions whatsoever. That's why the Malvinas are not merely an issue between Argentina and the United Kingdom. They also raise a question regarding the ability of this organization to enforce its own resolutions. Argentina has taken note of that reality, and in the face of the unauthorized exploitation of our resources in the disputed area, we've acted. We've submitted formal notes of protest. We've availed ourselves of the legal remedies at our disposal. We've imposed sanctions on the companies involved and their suppliers. And we've submitted a national sovereignty defense bill to Congress. For far too long, Argentine governments opted for a rhetorical defense. We have chosen a peaceful, practical, and effective defense. I repeat: we have chosen a peaceful, practical, and effective defense. I also wish to reiterate our position regarding the population of the islands. As this very Assembly has determined in numerous resolutions, the principle of self-determination does not apply in this case, since the population was implanted by the occupying power on a territory whose sovereignty is in dispute. That principle exists to liberate colonized people, not to legitimize situations arising from colonization. If the United Kingdom maintains a selective interpretation of the principle of self-determination with regard to the Malvinas Islands, it must also explain how it reconciles that position with the debates on self-determination taking place within its own territory. Once again, we call on the United Kingdom to resume negotiations with a view to finding a peaceful solution to the sovereignty dispute, as required by international law. We also reiterate our invitation to proceed without delay to an exchange of views with a view to resolving the issue concerning the aforementioned dispute over the exploitation of our natural resources. And I want to say something more to the global energy sector. Waka Mwertha represents a historic opportunity, with the potential to become one of the major players in the energy sector in the decades ahead. Come, invest, develop it with us. But there's a limit to this invitation. We will not remain indifferent to those who exploit resources under illegal foreign occupation.
The admission of the African Union to G20 is certainly a major step in the right direction. However, it is not sufficient to meet this need for representation. As a member of the Security Council of 2026-2027, we reaffirm our support for the common African position, enshrined in the Eslawini Consensus and the SIRT Declaration. That is to say, two permanent seats for Africa, with all of the associated privileges, including veto rights as long as they exist, and two non-permanent additional seats, in order to make the Council more representative, more legitimate, and ultimately more effective. This need for representation goes hand in hand with a need for responsibility, and it is in this spirit that the DRC intends to fully exercise its responsibility when it comes to choosing the next Secretary-General, whose mandate ought to be part of the transformation of our organization and help adapt it to the priorities of a world in profound evolution. This same ambition is our driving force within the francophone world, through the candidacy of Ms. Juliana Amatulumumba for the position of Secretary-General of the OIF, with the vision of a renewed francophonia that is closer to its peoples and capable of strengthening trust between its members and to tackle the challenges we are facing. For the DRC, it is precisely in the gap between the trust we are calling to be restored and the transformation that we hope to manage that the real impact of our international commitments is measured. Our country is at the heart of several of these transformations, and sometimes at the intersection of their very contradictions.
I also thank His Excellency Her Excellency Ms. Annalena Baerbock for her stewardship of the 80th Session, and wish to thank the Secretary-General, His Excellency António Guterres, for his unwavering commitment to the United Nations." Mr. President, eight years ago the United Nations was established in the aftermath of the Second World War to foster international cooperation and prevent future armed conflicts. As we convene here today, we must confront the reality of living in very uncertain times, shadowed by the persistent threat of global conflict. It is imperative that we work together to avoid warfare. We must reflect on the founding principles of the UN Charter and recommit ourselves to saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war, reaffirming faith in fundamental human rights and the dignity of human person, ensuring equal rights for all large nations and small, establishing conditions for justice and respect for international law, and promoting social progress alongside better standards of life. Uganda firmly believes that multilateralism and international cooperation remain the most vital mechanisms for addressing our shared challenges. Accordingly, we remain and reaffirm our commitment to the principles of the UN Charter as the cornerstone of global diplomacy, supporting the interconnected pillars of peace and security, human rights, humanitarian affairs, and sustainable development. We believe the United Nations must remain agile and adaptive to evolving global realities. Uganda is committed to working with the entire membership to build consensus on necessary systemic reforms, particularly within the UN Security Council. We call for a comprehensive reform to render the Council more equitable, transparent, democratic, and representative. In this regard, we demand Africa's rightful representation in both the permanent and non-permanent categories to correct historical imbalances in line with the common African position articulated in the Eswilini Consensus and the Sate Declaration. Regarding the ongoing UN Aid Initiative, Uganda commends efforts to streamline the UN system to make it cost-effective, efficient, and well-coordinated.
The United Nations is a political masterpiece of humanity. It will be constantly evolving and will reflect the decision of its members. The results in maintaining peace and security will, to a large extent, depend on the decision by the members of the Security Council and particularly its permanent members. For the UN to achieve the goals we have set, we must. We must make it more agile and effective. To that end, we must at the outset honor our financial commitments. We must provide the UN with the appropriate resources so that peacekeeping missions in which Portugal is proud to participate can make a difference on the ground where they are deployed. We must strive to make the Security Council more representative, which requires permanent seats from Africa for Africa, Brazil and India, thereby reflecting the changing world.
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General, excellencies distinguished delegates. Good evening, Mr. President. I warmly congratulate you on your election to lead the 81st session of this General Assembly. You assume this high office at a defining moment for our organization and for humanity. Seychelles assures you of its full support and wish you every success in guiding our work. Mr. Secretary General, as this is the final General Assembly you will address in your current capacity, Seychelles extends its profound gratitude for your decade of dedicated stewardship. You have consistently championed a United Nations that is more effective, responsive and grounded in the needs of the people we serve.
Thus, the government of the Republic of Chad on the 27th of July 2026 informed the Secretary General of the United Nations as its depositary of its sovereign and irrevocable decision to withdraw from the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. This decision follows an in-depth consideration of how the court has functioned since it was set up in 2002. The data provided by the court, and the lessons learned from that, have shown us that in several states and among their populations, one can detect that the focus of the judicial activity of the court is on developing countries and in particular on Africa, which has become the target of political instrumentalisation. I'd like to be perfectly clear here. This choice does not mean we are announcing our responsibilities, nor are we becoming a refuge against justice, and even less so. Are we being complacent in the face of impunity? We will continue to strengthen our national courts and support credible, independent and effective African mechanisms that can protect victims and prosecute the perpetrators of the most serious crimes. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, nationally speaking through by the grace of God and thanks to the maturity of its people, Chad remains a country of peace and stability.
We need institutions capable of dealing with issues that transcend national borders. We need multilateralism. But multilateralism will only retain its credibility if it is also able to evolve. Switzerland therefore supports efforts to reform the UN system as part of the UN80 initiative. This reform must make the UN more coherent, more effective and more results oriented, while respecting the powers and responsibilities of member states. The UN must focus its efforts where its action brings real added value: when problems transcend borders, when national or regional capacities are insufficient, or when a universal institution is needed to provide a common framework. The key question is therefore a simple one how can we ensure that the resources, expertise and energy invested in the multilateral system yield better results for those it is meant to serve? Because our institutions do not exist for their own sake, they exist for the people, for those who live in fear of conflict, for those who have lost their home following a disaster, for those seeking work or building a future for themselves, for the children whose lives depend on access to education and the new opportunities we are creating today. It is on this scale that the value of multilateralism is ultimately measured. Ladies and gentlemen, Your Excellencies, we cannot make the diverging interests of our countries disappear. We cannot erase disagreements, rivalries, or borders, nor can we remove all of the mountains that stand between us. But we can determine how we wish to tackle them. We can preserve open dialogue rather than erect more barriers. We can keep the channels of communication open rather than resign ourselves to silence. We can ensure that technological progress creates more opportunities rather than new divisions. And we can reform our institutions rather than accept their gradual demise. Switzerland will continue to play its part, using the means at its disposal by upholding international law, promoting dialogue, providing its good offices, supporting effective multilateral institutions, and by remaining a country where the world can continue to come together and engage. We do not claim to have all the answers, but our experience in the Alps has taught us one simple thing. While a mountain might separate us, it can just as easily be crossed. Crossing it brings people together. Coming together encourages dialogue, and dialogue fosters trust. Perhaps this is where our shared responsibility begins: to keep open the pathways that allow us, in spite of our differences, to continue moving forward, hand in hand.
Our history has taught us that democracy, peace and respect for the law are not permanent achievements. They are built collectively and each generation must preserve them. A democracy rests on free elections, legitimate institutions, the separation of powers, freedom of expression, public participation, transparency and accountability But it also requires independent and effective institutions committed to the Constitution, the law and the popular mandate. Public institutions must not serve criminal networks, private agendas, personal loyalties, or political or economic interests that are at odds with the common good. They must serve the people, the constitutional order and society's democratic interests. When an institution strays from that purpose, it does more than simply lose legitimacy. It weakens the democracy it is meant to protect. Democracy also earns its legitimacy in everyday life When a family is protected from poverty, when a child learns in a decent school, when a woman lives free from violence, when a community is no longer isolated, and when a young person can envision a future without being forced to leave their country.
Your Excellency, Doctor Rahman, president of the eight first session of the United Nations General Assembly Your Majesties Excellencies, heads of State and Government, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. António Guterres, distinguished delegates. Ladies and gentlemen I congratulate you, Doctor Rahman, on your election as president of the eight first session of the General Assembly Zimbabwe's confident that under your able leadership, the Assembly will advance meaningful transformation under the theme Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation a United Nations that delivers for all. You may count on Zimbabwe's full support. I wish to thank Miss Annalena Baerbock for her effective leadership of the 80th session and their contribution to the UN aid reform process. Zimbabwe also pays tribute to Mr. António Guterres in his final general debate as Secretary general. We commend his defense of multilateralism as well as efforts to advance dialogue for conflict prevention and resolution, sustainable development and the pact for the future.
Common rules do not hold us back. They provide the stability and predictability necessary for countries to advance their ambitions. The world is being transformed by technology, climate change, demographic pressures, illegal migration and geopolitical rivalry. Our responsibility is to govern them so that change expands human freedom and security instead of weakening them. The United Nations must begin with its own transformation. Croatia supports a UN that is more effective, accountable and financially sustainable and stronger across all three pillars peace and security, sustainable development and, of course, human rights. Reform must also produce a more representative and effective Security Council. When the council is blocked, the General Assembly can and must act, but it cannot replace the council's primary responsibility under the charter. This makes the selection of the next secretary general all the more relevant. I thank, therefore, Secretary General Guterres, for his work over the last decade. The United Nations needs leadership capable of bringing member states together, defending the charter and turning reform into measurable results. No country alone can successfully respond to the global transformations we witnessed today.
Mr. president, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, what form of United Nations cooperation should we establish to support the contemporary transformation of our world? How can we restore trust? Mr. president, ladies and gentlemen, we must look to the future with greater ambition. To ensure lasting and measurable impact over the medium and long term. And to do this, we must move on to a new stage, one of increased solidarity. That is more integrated and better coordinated. Madagascar advocates for a multilateral system that is not only capable of acting, but that is also capable of supporting member states in their efforts to break the cycles of poverty and insecurity. My country aspires to an international order founded on the primacy of international law. And trusts in the virtues of dialogue and diplomatic action. Our commitment to multilateral cooperation remains unwavering. Multilateralism is a privileged forum where states unite in a shared responsibility. Enabling them to define common and appropriate solutions in the face of challenges such as epidemics and climate disasters or armed conflicts arising from contemporary geopolitical rivalries and latent multidimensional tensions. History and future generations will judge our organization according to a single criterion namely our ability to fulfil our original mission, serving all peoples without exclusion or privilege, and in full respect for the sovereignty of nations. It is imperative to restore to the United Nations fully its central role as a guardian of peace, as a strengthened institution capable of restoring order and challenge, and addressing the challenges of our time. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, our challenge today is therefore, to rethink our mechanisms of cooperation through greater synergy between UN agencies and governmental structures in order to optimize the effectiveness of our actions on the ground, but also to provide better visibility of tangible results achieved for the benefit of populations. In this regard, the success of our agenda largely depends on strengthening governance and strengthening institutions priorities that are fully integrated into Madagascar's process of refoundation. We recognize also the absolute necessity of reforming the United Nations so that it may serve all peoples. And in this spirit, we would like to propose the following first. More inclusive global governance. This must begin with a rebalancing of decision making power. First and foremost, by restoring the General Assembly's full political weight and central place in global governance, it remains indeed the only organ where every nation, regardless of power, enjoys an equal and sovereign voice. We must also correct the historical imbalance affecting Africa's representation on the Security Council. Indeed. Africa cannot remain on the margins of decisions. We have 1.4 billion inhabitants. Decisions concerning international peace and security. Africa should be granted permanent representation on the Security Council in accordance with the Ezzelini consensus and the Sirte Declaration, which expresses which express a common position grounded in justice, equity and representation. Representativeness within the African Union. We must also strengthen coherence between programmes implemented by the UN Resident Coordinator offices and national priorities. UN country teams on the ground must listen carefully and respond effectively to priorities defined by host governments. Avoiding one size fits all approaches. Secondly, we need a more accessible international financial architecture for effective development support.
The international community's hesitation to designate the Houthis as a terrorist group provided them with a valuable opportunity to expand their influence and magnify the threat they pose. We have seen that decisive action, when applied, weakens their capabilities. The Coalition to Restore Legitimacy in Yemen, led by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, has played a critical role in reducing the dangers posed by this group through its support for the Yemeni government, thereby contributing to regional and international security and stability. We believe that this firm approach adopted by the United States administration in dealing with the Houthi militias, has disrupted their calculations. The Yemeni government appreciate President Trump's clear understanding of the only language this terrorist group comprehends the language of resolve. It is the language that leaves no room for misinterpretation. We likewise value the support of every friendly state that has stood behind this position. International legitimacy and its resolutions are there. But resolutions alone do not make peace and international resolution without a political will to implement it does not stop wars. Rather, it merely prolongs a marathon of negotiations while only terrorism advances. Peace is not a distant aspiration. It is a firm determination. It is an effective deterrent action against those who threaten the security and stability of states. Ladies and gentlemen, Iranian support is not the only factor contributing to the danger posed by Houthi terrorist militias. They also benefit from the lack of an effective and decisive international position. They benefit from every statement that underestimates the threat represented by this racist terrorist movement in Yemen.
Chile understands that in a multipolar world, institutional stability is not a luxury, it is a need. For example, we are a pioneer in the energy transition. Chile possesses around a quarter of global lithium reserves, and we are the largest producer of copper on the planet. Chile has a lot of sunlight, the heat of the sun, a long Pacific coast, lakes, rivers, volcanoes that can create vast stores of energy. Chile also has the Strait of Magellan, a crucial alternative route for global trade. Our nation will become the bridge and the port for the bioceanic corridors that will unite America with Asia. This richness, this wealth is not only fortune that we have in our coffers, it brings with it responsibility. Responsibility to you. Chile will never renounce its sovereignty. Neither will it cease to exploit its own minerals. We have our sovereignty, of course, but at the same time, we say that the energy of the future must serve humankind, and energy must not be held hostage by monopolies or actors that do not abide by the rules. Please make no mistake here it is possible to reconcile growth and sustainability. The two are inseparable. Chile understands that environmental protection and economic progress form part of one single development strategy one in which investment and innovation are linchpins when it comes to improving the quality of life of our people. Sustainable development requires robust institutions, clear rules, timely decisions and effective administration able to turn commitments and diagnoses into tangible results for both people and the environment. President, I now wish to turn to a discussion of our continent, Latin America, because I sincerely believe that the coming decade can be ours.
But the United Nations must also remain a place where ambition can become action. Mr. president, we must also confront the serious challenges facing the Sustainable Development Goals. The SDGs represented a promise that by 2030 we would make meaningful progress in ending poverty and hunger, improving health and education, advancing equality, protecting our planet, and building more peaceful and inclusive societies. Today, that promise is at risk. Conflict, climate change, debt distress, inflation and persistent inequality have pushed the goals further out of reach for many developing countries. But this is not the time to abandon the 2030 agenda. It is the time to renew our commitment and concentrate on delivering results that people can see and feel in their daily lives. For Dominica, we have incorporated the SDGs as priorities in our National Resilience Development Strategy 2030, our Climate Resilience and Recovery Plan and our wider development agenda. We see sustainable development in the homes we have built for vulnerable families; in our investment in geothermal energy as cleaner, more affordable and reliable energy. We see it in our efforts to strengthen education, expand technical and vocational training, and better prepare our young people for the world of work. We see it in our support for farmers, entrepreneurs, agro-processors and tourism operators who are creating jobs and building stronger local industries. We also see it in our work to protect our forests, marine resources and natural environment. For Dominica, these resources are part of our identity, but they are also essential to our food security, our tourism product and the livelihoods of our people. Excellencies, the challenges before us cannot be overcome by any one country acting alone. They require a strong and effective United Nations, renewed international cooperation and a firm commitment to multilateralism.
Yet while our African nations, such as Burundi, make these major sacrifices to build their future, these young talents are prematurely lured away by actors who offer better material and financial conditions without having needed to make any prior investment in their training. Let us be clear: it is imperative to establish a fair partnership so that our countries receive a fair return on the investments made in the education of our youth. The other actions we must all take also include giving young people a real voice in decision-making, peace, and development processes. Youth should not be regarded solely as beneficiaries of public policy. They must be integrated both upstream and downstream in the design and implementation of these policies. This is what would make it possible to create a secure future and restore hope to these young people. This emerged from the discussions at the 5th Continental Dialogue on Youth, Peace, and Security held in Bujumbura from August 10 to 12, 2026, a dialogue that highlighted the link between water, peace, conflict prevention, and inclusive leadership by young people and women. The discussions at this dialogue made it clear that there can be no lasting peace in Africa without the full, effective, and institutionalized participation of its youth. For too long, we have spoken of youth as a generation called upon to take the reins tomorrow. But African youth is not only the future of our continent; it must also be its present. We, therefore, call for strengthening the Continental Youth, Peace, and Security Agenda and providing it with resources commensurate with its ambitions. We have a duty to create more opportunities for young people to contribute to conflict prevention, mediation, reconciliation, and peacebuilding.
There's another doctrinal concern that I wish to raise just as honestly globalism. Allow me to begin by clarifying what I mean by that. I'm not talking about international trade or cooperation among states, nor am I talking about a humanity that shares common problems and responsibilities. All of those things are absolutely necessary I'm talking about a concept according to which nation sovereignty, distinct identities, traditions, and the values of peoples are obstacles that gradually give way to increasing political and cultural uniformity decided by supranational bodies. I don't share in that doctrine, which I consider perverse and harmful. For me, multilateralism isn't about dissolving nations, but rather about facilitating cooperation among them. Loving one's homeland isn't compatible with respecting others, defending history, culture, values, and traditions doesn't mean disparaging those of another. International cooperation is richer when those who sit around this table know who they are, where they come from, and what the people in whose name they speak represent. Several of the questions that I've asked are not unfamiliar to this organization. The UN 80 initiative has placed on the table issues of duplication, fragmentation, administrative burden, and the way mandates function as part of an effort to make the United Nations more efficient and more effective. President, Secretary general, heads of State and government. Excellencies. Acknowledging an institution's imperfections doesn't mean overlooking its value. On the contrary, it might be a way of strengthening it. It has never been my style to hide behind political correctness or to tell my interlocutors what I imagine they want to hear. I'm not looking to please anyone, but rather to set out the position of the Republic of Colombia respectfully, cordially and clearly.
Freedom of navigation and uninhibited passage through international straits, as guaranteed by international law must be championed globally, and it is our collective responsibility to uphold these principles in practice and to safeguard commercial shipping. And as a leading maritime nation, Greece actively contributes to maritime security through the operation of the European Union that speeds in the Red sea, and this topic will remain a high priority when Greece assumes the presidency of the Security Council next month. We intend to place particular attention to the challenges posed by emerging technologies. Ladies and gentlemen, Greece's geography grants it the natural role of serving as a bridge between Europe and its wider neighbourhood to the east and the south. We literally sit at the intersection of the shrinking space between the east and the West. My country is a pillar of stability, connectivity and peace across the Eastern Mediterranean, the Middle East and the Gulf region Greece has developed strong strategic partnerships with key countries in the region, including Israel, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Bahrain and Qatar. We are a bridge builder. We are not a troublemaker. Yet putting this vision into practice is rarely simple. At a time of tectonic geopolitical changes in the Middle East, the Gaza peace plan agreed last year must be effectively implemented. It is of paramount concern to ensure that Hamas surrenders its arms. It can have no role, I repeat, no role in Gaza's future. At the same time, reconstruction needs to move forward, with Palestinians themselves taking ownership of Gaza's future. Greece will continue to advocate for a two state solution, with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace and security. However, developments in the West Bank remain a source of deep concern Actions that are illegal under international law and undermine the viability of a future Palestinian state cannot be allowed to continue. We strongly argue that this is also to the benefit of the long term security of Israel itself. Greece has established a durable and deep strategic partnership with Israel, while at the same time maintaining strong ties with the Arab world And it is precisely. It is precisely the strength of this partnership that allows us to engage in an open and candid dialogue. In Lebanon, there is now a real opportunity to lay the foundations for a lasting peace. The US facilitated negotiations with Israel are an important step forward and should be sustained. Greece strongly supports a sovereign, resilient and united Lebanon and the government's efforts to restore the state's monopoly over arms. Ultimately, a stronger Lebanese state will serve both domestic security and regional stability. Therefore, we will continue to deliver concrete assistance to the country, including to the Lebanese armed forces with a unifil's mandate. Ending joint action is crucial to avoid a security vacuum and maintain an effective international and European presence. Syria is another key player in the region. Lasting stability in the Middle East requires a stable Syria, a Syria that is inclusive, a Syria that is free from foreign interference and regional rivalries. A Syria where every citizen can and should feel secure. The new Syrian authorities have taken steps in this direction. Get. Further concrete progress must be demonstrated, particularly when it comes to protecting the rights and security of all religious and ethnic communities. And this, of course, includes the Orthodox Christian minority, which unfortunately continues to face the violence of Islamist extremists. The search for stability extends to Libya, a neighbour with whom we share many common interests. We praise all reunification efforts. A stable Libya free from foreign interference, would benefit not only the Libyan people, but our entire region. And Greece is ready to support Libyan institutions in border protection and migration management. And we remain fully committed to reaching an agreement on the delimitation of our maritime zones. Ladies and gentlemen, let me now turn to our relations with our neighbour, Turkey. Over the past three years, we have made a sustained effort to improve our relationship, rebuild trust and keep channels of communication open in order to prevent the escalation of tensions that could lead to unwanted crises. It is a delicate relationship. It's a relationship that carries the weight of history. And indeed, given broader and regional challenges, the situation calls urgently calls for a common understanding on how we move forward and understanding grounded in full respect for international law and the principles of good neighbourly relations. After all, as I've said repeatedly, we cannot change our geography. We are destined to live side by side. And I repeat that the UN convention on the law of the sea provides the only institutional framework to solve our only long lasting dispute concerning the delimitation of our continental shelf and our exclusive economic zones. Dialogue is essential for peace and prosperity, but meaningful dialogue cannot coexist with unilateral actions. The challenge the international legal order. Nor can meaningful progress be made when faced with threats of war in response to the exercise of lawful rights, according to international law. Such actions do not resolve differences. They end up by only deepening them, and they risk undermining the stability of our wider region, a region which we should not forget, still bears an open wound. The unresolved Cyprus issue 52 years, 52 years have passed since Turkey illegally invaded Cyprus and continued to occupy it, a flagrant violation of international law whose consequences persist to this day for the United Nations. Cyprus remains a litmus test of its credibility, of its ability to uphold its own resolutions and the principles of the charter, and Greece fully supports the recent efforts of Secretary General Gutierrez to create the appropriate conditions for the resumption of substantive negotiations, and we sincerely hope that progress can be achieved during his remaining time in office. And we expect we expect these efforts to continue under his successor with the same objective the reunification of Cyprus, free of occupation forces in accordance with the relevant UN Security Council resolutions. The principles at stake in Cyprus are being tested elsewhere to today. Two other major conflicts continue to challenge our ability to defend the values upon which this organization was founded. The war in Ukraine is now in its fifth year, five years since Russia's full scale aggression brought back war to European soil, the Ukrainian people have shown extraordinary courage defending their freedom and Greece continuously stands with them. We strongly, strongly condemn attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure. Diplomacy must now deliver an immediate cease fire and a lasting peace anchored in the principles of the United Nations Charter. Ukraine must have a decisive say in its own future, and Europe cannot be absent from these negotiations. Against this backdrop, another devastating war demands our urgent attention. In Sudan, the nearly four year conflict has resulted in a staggering humanitarian catastrophe. Reports of atrocious war crimes continue to emerge, while the conflict is fuelling instability way beyond far beyond Sudan's borders. We should not permit this tragedy to endure. Foreign interference must also cease with no impunity for war crimes. Ultimately, the way forward lies in a credible, Sudanese led political process that reflects the aspirations of the citizens Sudan. The European Union ought to leverage its capacity to play a more active role in supporting that process and assisting in bringing this destructive conflict to an end. After all, it has real skill in the game. Should the devastating war continue, our continent will be the first to suffer from a possible massive new migratory wave. Ladies and gentlemen, Greece has confidence abroad, rests on a profound transformation at home At a time when the effectiveness of governments all over the world is being challenged by populists and extremists, and public trust is being eroded in the echo chambers of social media, Greece serves as an example that sound reform oriented policies can deliver real results for people and improve their lives.
We must anticipate the consequences of a world in which force is once again being presented ever more openly as the most reliable instrument of policy, in which military budgets are growing, conflicts are multiplying, arms control mechanisms are weakening, and channels of communication are disappearing precisely when they are needed most. We must, therefore, ask the essential question: Where is the United Nations in such a world? The Security Council is often blocked precisely in the crisis in which it should be most active. Other parts of the UN system face financial pressures, overlapping mandates, bureaucratization, and the justified demand of member states to see more concrete results. These are real problems, and there is no benefit in gloating over them. Yet it by no means follows that we need the United Nations less. We may need it more than ever. It simply must be more effective, more focused, and more prepared to address the issues for which it was created. Over the past eight decades, states have not come to this building because they share the same interests, but because they understood that the cost of settling disagreements by force of arms was too high. That is why multilateralism came into being and why we are here today. Serbia supposed the United Nations in reform of the UN system so that the organization may become more effective and better adapted to today's realities. We advocate a more representative UNSC through greater representation of developing countries, particularly those from the African continent, as well as more inclusive regional representation and the addition of another seat for the Eastern European group.
We wish them well, and they as they complete their tenure at the end of this year. Mr. president, fellow, few institutions embody the principle of sovereign equality as visibly as this assembly with the. Within these walls, differences in power, wealth and influence may shape the realities our nations confront, but they do not confer a greater claim to membership or participation. And perhaps more than anywhere else, this assembly reminds us of a simple truth. Our differences are real but so is our interdependence. This is why this organization was created with the understanding that disputes must be resolved through dialogue. Human dignity must be protected, and that nations must work together. If development, peace and human rights are to be sustained. In other words, that our common future requires common institutions. Eight decades later, we must ask ourselves whether we have remained faithful to that insight. And perhaps more importantly, do we still trust one another enough to act on it? Because today, Mr. President, trust is being tested. Geopolitical divisions are widening. Wars have become more protracted, with devastating humanitarian consequences. Respect for the United Nations Charter and international law is under visible strain, with developing countries facing intensifying debt burden. Climate vulnerabilities, huge gaps between commitments made and implementation, and feeling of marginalization and inadequate representation in the global system. Therefore, the task before us is building stronger, better equipped, representative responsive and effective multilateral system and global financial architecture that delivers for all nations and regions. Mr. president, the governments own experience within the. This organization gives us grounds for optimism. We have seen within this very institution that multilateralism can still deliver. During the 80th session of the General Assembly the government had the honor of chairing the second Committee at a time of profound disagreement over some of the most consequential economic and development issues before us. That experience reminded us that multilateralism does not require unanimity on every issue. It requires the willingness to remain at the table to listen, negotiate, and courage to make compromises. Our experience demonstrates that in this period of deep disagreement, progress remains possible.
Mr. president, the theme of this session, Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: a United Nations that delivers for all, perfectly chimes with the concerns of those peoples aspiring to peace and progress, even while bombs and other devices of mass destruction are endlessly causing death and devastation in every corner of our planet. How can we restore trust and manage transformation in the world, so that the United Nations can effectively bring peace and good fortune to all peoples? How then, can we achieve this goal? I would recall that our previous session called upon us to act better together. That message remains just and it remains relevant, but it requires us to take stock to look at what has been accomplished and to acknowledge what has not been accomplished. Because trust is not built through more and more promises, but rather through their effective implementation for the benefit of the peoples. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, trust cannot be decreed. It is built, it is earned, and it requires truth and justice. How to restore trust when for decades, propaganda has been used to maintain the idea of a poor Africa condemned to do everything it is told to do to survive, thanks to the assistance of supposed international generosity, even while its resources, its riches are stolen and locked away for the benefit of other agendas. How to restore this trust when the international institutions that are supposed to protect us have become the tools of a world order in which some peoples count and others merely survive, and in which international law does not apply equally to all. What can we say of the crimes committed in Libya, in Iraq, in Palestine in Lebanon, in Cuba, in Venezuela, and in our Sahel, the Sahel, in the name of supposedly universal values, which nevertheless remain unpunished. Those crimes, even while sovereign nations are threatened with sanctions for simply having wanted to decide on their own fate. Niger, my country is following with deep concern the tragic situation in Palestine, particularly in Gaza where civilians are paying an unbearable human cost. We call for the effective protection of civilian populations, for unhindered humanitarian access, and for the pursuit of just and lasting peace. Niger reaffirms its support for a two state solution, allowing the State of Palestine and the State of Israel to live side by side in peace, security and dignity. How to restore trust when 81 years after San Francisco, Africa, with its more than around 1.5 billion inhabitants and its 54 states, still does not have a single permanent seat on the Security Council. Through me, Niger reaffirms its commitment to the Ezulwini Consensus and calls for this historic anomaly to no longer be the subject of sterile debates, repeated day after day to at long last, become subject to a full and concrete decision. Excellencies, Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, our Sahel is at war. It is in a war of liberation against a conspiracy aimed at recolonizing it. What is happening in the Sahel is not merely not simply an armed rebellion or a war of religion, nor is it the inevitable result of our own weaknesses, what some call terrorism in our region is the cynical machinery of recolonization dressed in the trappings of extremism.
It applies to the international system and it applies to Europe. We will not abandon the European idea because the European path has been difficult. The European Union remains for us our natural political, economic and institutional home, and we have work to do at home. We must strengthen the rule of law, build more effective institutions, build a more competitive economy and strengthen our citizens' confidence in their own state. That is our responsibility, and we will not shift it to Brussels. At the same time, we expect European integration to remain a merit based process based on measurable criteria, not a process in which bilateral issues can continually move the goalposts. We are not asking for an easier path. We are asking for a path governed by rules. We are not asking for lower standards. We are asking for standards to remain standards. This is equally important for Europe's credibility at a time when its geopolitical weight will increasingly depend on its ability to translate its commitments into tangible political outcome, and on its resolve to uphold the values it espouses and to remain steadfast in advancing them despite the many challenges it faces. Excellencies, the future international order will not be shaped only on battlefields or in diplomatic halls. It will be also shaped in laboratories, in schools, in factories, in energy grids, in data centers, and in the ability of societies to make sense of the changes that technology is bringing. Artificial intelligence is no longer a subject of the future. It is infrastructure for today, for the present. Today, the world is once again recognising the value of resilience, of reliable energy, of infrastructure, of diversified transport routes, of nearby and trusted supply chains. For us, the intensified development of Corridor VIII and Corridor X is a part of broader European vision to better connect the Adriatic, Ionian, the Black Sea, the Aegean and Central Europe to provide goods, energy and people with more routes and greater connectivity, and to ensure that the region becomes interconnected in the infrastructure rather than remaining on the geopolitical periphery. Our geography does not have to be our destiny. It can be our advantage if we build the institutions and infrastructure that transform our geographical position into connectivity. At the same time, we must also approach migration differently. Migration begins where there is no security, no employment, no education, no access to water, no prospects or no confidence that tomorrow will be better than today. It is not simply a matter of borders. Responsible policy must bring together security, human dignity, development and the real needs of labour markets. Climate policy, too, will have to become more grounded in reality. The green transition is essential, but if we make it socially unsustainable, we will lose the political support that is necessary to implement it. If we make it technologically dependent on a handful of sources, we will create new challenges while addressing old ones. If we expect poorer countries to move at the same pace without providing them with equal access to capital and technology, we will create injustice instead of a transition. That is why future climate policy must at the same time be environmental policy, economic policy and social policy. Mr. president, all of this brings us back to the central theme of this session: trust.
Too often, the United Nations has been more effective at responding to crises than anticipating them. This is true of pandemics, of climate shocks, of technological disruption, and it is nowhere more costly than in conflict. Eastern DRC is a clear example of that. For more than three decades, the FDLR has spread genocidal ideology, committed grave abuses in Eastern DRC, and directly threatened Rwanda's security, including through cross-border attacks. It now operates alongside Burundian troops and DRC-sponsored militias and mercenaries, in violation of the 1989 UN Convention and the 1977 OAU Convention against mercenaries. And this does not happen overnight. The roots of the conflict in Eastern DRC are political, and they lie in long-standing grievances, exclusion, and failures of governance. So the solution, too, must be political. Rwanda fully supports the diplomatic efforts underway to reach such a solution. We commend the Washington Accords between Rwanda and the DRC, and the Doha Process between the DRC and AFC M23, as steps in the right direction. We are grateful for the relentless efforts deployed by President Donald Trump, His Highness the Amir of Qatar, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, and the African Union mediator, President Fore Nyasimbe of Togo, in advancing these processes. And we remain committed to a region where all countries can coexist peacefully, where they can trade and develop together. Rwanda calls on all actors, including the Security Council, to support this same peace effort fairly and to encourage all parties to honor their commitments. There is no lasting peace without confronting the root causes of the conflict and addressing the legitimate concerns of all those affected. Excellencies, the value of prevention extends beyond conflict. It also means addressing the conditions that leave countries vulnerable to poverty, economic shocks, and exclusion from opportunity.
The principles of respect and cooperation are also at the heart of effective multilateralism at a time of growing global uncertainty. The United Nations remains indispensable as a forum for dialogue and collective action. In this regard, the UN 80 initiative provides a valuable opportunity to strengthen the effectiveness and capacity of the United Nations, while further enhancing its transparency and accountability Georgia stands ready to work constructively with international partners and contribute actively to this process. We firmly support reforms that will strengthen the organization's capacity to deliver better and become more results oriented. The choice we make today will shape the world we leave to future generations. Let's ensure that we leave them a world that is more peaceful, secure, and united than the one we know today. Thank you very much.
In recent days, the debate has acquired a new sense of urgency and gravity. The message from the UN's Independent International Scientific Panel on AI, researchers in leading AI companies, and independent experts is increasingly clear: our ability to govern this technology is not keeping pace with its development. AI can bring enormous benefits to humanity, but without effective safeguards, it can also cause immense harm. We must therefore hold on to a basic principle: human beings must remain in control of technology, not become a subject to it. Technology should advance our common goals, and no system should ever operate beyond human responsibility and accountability. Nor we can allow an unchecked race for technological dominance to determine the future of AI, with the pressure to move first, pushing safety, oversight, and responsibility aside. More than 80 years ago, the Manhattan Project showed how rapidly a scientific breakthrough can transform the balance of power, and how difficult it is for politics and international rules to catch up. Artificial intelligence confronts us with a different technology and different risks, but with a similar lesson: governance that comes only after the fact may come too late. If AI is to serve humanity, it must develop within a framework of international rules. No country and no company can meet this challenge alone. We need common standards, meaningful public oversight, and clear mechanisms of accountability. The choice is not between innovation and rules. It is between innovation governed by rules and innovation governed by the logic of the race. Ladies and gentlemen, artificial intelligence is not the only challenge that no country can manage alone. The same is true of climate change. This year has once again reminded us of the growing impacts of extreme weather affecting people and communities across the globe.
I am grateful to the Secretary General, His Excellency António Guterres, for his long lasting service and his focus on reforming the United Nations into a more effective, modern and responsive organization. This is the correct path to follow. There is no other way. No nation can confront today's challenges alone. Aggression cannot win. It is only through multilateralism, solidarity, and the unity of all Member States that we can uphold peace security and the rules based international order. It is also important to learn from the many lessons of history. Today, too many seem unwilling to recognize and confront the past crimes committed by totalitarian regimes, including Soviet crimes.
If AI is available only to a few, new divisions will appear. Entire communities may be left behind. The growing use of AI-powered weapons and autonomous systems also requires urgent attention. One principle must remain clear: machines should never be allowed to make life or death decisions on their own. Just as the international community developed rules for nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons, we also need strong international frameworks for these new technologies. The United Nations can and should play a leading role in this effort. AI is not only a potential threat on the battlefield; it is already having a negative impact on society, especially in education. An entire generation of young people is being affected. Recent assessments show declining test scores across the vast majority of countries. This is a concerning trend that deserves open and serious discussion on international platforms such as the United Nations. At the same time, we should not see AI only as a risk. It can be also a tool for peace. It can help us analyze information, identify patterns, and overcome language barriers in real time. It can support better decisions, faster responses, and more effective prevention. With responsible use, proper human oversight, and good governance, we can move this technology away from the battlefield and toward diplomacy, mediation, and conflict prevention. And prevention matters. Every conflict we prevent saves lives. It protects development. It preserves human dignity. Once violence begins, every solution becomes harder, more costly, and more painful. There is no need to reinvent the wheel when we reform international institutions. AI may be revolutionary, but we did not need to reinvent the personal computer in order to build it. The same is true in global politics. We should improve what already exists, not start again from zero.
If these institutions are to be as effective as expected, they must therefore become more representative, more inclusive and better attuned to the demands of our time. Indeed, it is becoming increasingly difficult to explain to younger generations that organizations created in the aftermath of the Second World War can no longer faithfully reflect the political, demographic and economic realities of the 21st century. My country once again reaffirms its support for an ambitious reform of the Security Council so as to ensure permanent representation for Africa in this important body, whose decisions directly affect our peace and security. That is why Cote d'Ivoire welcomes the progress achieved through the pact for the future And calls for its swift implementation. The real challenge is no longer to adopt new commitments, but rather to translate those already made into tangible results for the greater well-being of our peoples. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. There can be no lasting peace without truly inclusive and equitable development. As the 2030 deadline approaches.
Mexico and Norway founded the UN 80 global Group, supporting the reforms undertaken by the Secretary general, focused on building with practical actions a more effective and transparent United Nations with Qatar, Norway and Switzerland. We are engaging in a strengthening of the mediation capacities of the organization. Each and every conflict that diplomacy can prevent is worth more than all of those. That force seeks to resolve.
Such a partnership requires a United Nations that evolves with the aspirations of the present and future generations. Institutions that adapt preserve their relevance, those that resist change, imperialism Nigeria remains optimistic because history shows that countries acting with common purpose and determination can overcome obstacles once considered insurmountable. Our generation has the privilege of shaping the future and the responsibility to answer for it Those who follow us will judge our courage in reforming outdated institutions, building cooperation across divisions, protecting the planet, and directing technology responsibly. Mr. president, excellencies, distinguished delegates Nigeria pledges cooperation over confrontation, dialogue over division, hope over fear and partnership over isolation. These choices must shape institutions that respond to the legitimate aspirations of all nations. Restoring trust requires us to honor our obligations to one another and to manage the challenges before us with justice, wisdom and compassion. The world looks to this assembly for leadership, and our debates must lead to action worthy of that expectation. Nigeria believes that the humanity we share is stronger than the divisions we have met, and that cooperation remains wiser than conflict. A reform, inclusive and effective United Nations is indispensable to the peaceful, just and sustainable world that future generations deserve. Whatever our differences, I repeat, whatever our differences, we must remember that humanity is our oldest citizenship and peace is the inheritance we owe every child.
Pacific leaders have charted a practical roadmap through the Unlocking Blue Pacific Prosperity, UBPP, launched at COP28 and reinforced by the Pacific Leaders' Ocean Statement adopted in Palau. UBPP unites 22 Pacific countries and territories to mobilize accessible catalytic investment for 100 percent sustainable ocean management, robust food systems, and resilient livelihoods, advancing our shared 30-by-30 commitment. We continue to seek and expand investment to the UBPP to meet its goals and deliver lasting resilience for our communities. Palau is translating that UBPP vision into national action. We have launched our Sustainable Ocean Policy that commits 100 percent effective, science-based, and adaptive management of our ocean, balancing protection with production to deliver the optimal benefits for our people. In line with this effort, we support with support from partners like Japan. We are working to develop fishing ports and other critical infrastructure to truly capture the value of resources harvested in our waters. As Chair of the Pacific Island Forum and EOSS, and through Palau's leadership on the high-level panel for sustainable ocean economy, we continue to call for an ocean agenda that meets the scale of this challenge.
And finally, we need a transnational water governance regime informed by the outcomes of the various water conferences held over the last eight years. Excellencies. Samoa remains a peaceful country, steadfast in our commitment to human rights and justice. We remain concerned by the ongoing wars in Ukraine, Casa and Iran, the terrible loss of civilian lives, displacement of people as well as the destruction of infrastructure and the environment, is something we do not condone. The continued supply of weapons to fuel conflicts must end. We also reiterate our long standing call for meaningful reform of the Security Council to ensure that it remains effective, credible and representative of today's realities. It is imperative that the UN resolves disputes peacefully and strengthen international peace and security. The world needs a stronger commitment to peace, not more division, not more conflict and not more suffering Excellencies.
It is therefore, that the CARICOM ten-point plan for restorative justice is now of eminent importance. Mr. president, Suriname occupies a unique position. We are carbon negative and remain the world's most forested country with over 90% forest coverage. High Forested and Low Deforestation countries like Suriname should not first have to lose forests before climate finance institutions recognize the value of protecting them. Conservation costs cannot be borne only by the countries protecting ecosystems whose benefits are shared globally. So I will continue my plea for just and effective climate finance, because our forests are under even more pressure than when I addressed this meeting last year. I stated that the forests faced competition of rich natural resources like gold, diamonds and other precious minerals. We are now confronted, however, with a new threat of people who also want to clear parts of our rainforests for large scale agriculture. We will need to prevent that, and we can use every assistance. At this very moment, my government is introducing legal and institutional measures to better protect our forests and the immediate living environment of indigenous people and tribal communities. Their knowledge and participation are important at all stages of development.
This is where regional cooperation has a vital role. The United Nations must remain the centrepiece of the multilateral system, but we cannot expect it to do everything. It cannot settle problems when member states are not willing to act. Regional institutions can help turn that willingness into cooperation. There have been countries together around shared challenges and translate global principles suited to local realities. In this way, regionalism becomes a building block of effective multilateralism. Asean has demonstrated this for almost six decades. It has grown from 5 to 11 member states. We do not always agree, but we have learned to manage differences and preserve space for cooperation. For my country, Thailand, that practical cooperation means serving as a trusted platform. We want to leverage our strengths as a logistical hub and manufacturing base to connect markets and supply chains across our region. Our conviction is that together, we should combine Asia's diversity for co-creation, bringing together the different strengths of our countries to promote shared prosperity. The same thinking should also extend beyond Asia. Thailand continues to pursue free trade agreements with partners across region, and to expand trade and opportunities for both sides. Additionally, our Thailand Africa initiative seeks to deepen political, economic and development cooperation to build partnerships of equals across our regions. Mr. president, excellencies. Distinguished delegates. Institutions earned trust through what their members are prepared to do. A greater voice must come with a willingness to contribute. Shared ownership, therefore, must lead to shared responsibility. The shadow begins with the words we the peoples. Thailand believes that this work must begin at home. The SDG Sustainable Development Goals provide us with an important framework that goes beyond development. Ultimately, they are about enabling people to live in peace and dignity.
Ideally, the transformation that is required involves a United Nations that is responsive, that is effective, and capable of making tangible differences to the safety, security and well-being of people. Since my government was elected to office in 2025, we have pursued a people centred agenda focused on safer communities, productive investment, modern public services and expanded opportunity. A central part of our agenda has been restored in secret security to our communities. To this end, we have strengthened cooperative efforts with the United States and other partners to dismantle criminal syndicates that have wreaked havoc across our country and across our region.
Global progress must uphold the spirit of humanity in relations among nations, safeguard their legitimate interests and respect differences in history, culture and development conditions. Third, we must proactively shape technology governance so that progress serves humanity and our common development. Science, technology, digital transformation and artificial intelligence are opening up unprecedented opportunities, but they are also presenting new challenges. The future of technology does not automatically guarantee equitability, and technological progress must help narrow divides and expand development opportunities, rather than creating new forms of dependency or new sources of conflict. We need to develop inclusive, safe, transparent and accountable principles and governance frameworks to ensure that technologies will be in service of the people while respecting national sovereignty digital sovereignty and the right to development. Developing countries must be able to participate substantively in rulemaking, receive support for infrastructure and digital capacity, and enjoy equitable access to the benefits of scientific and technological progress. Vietnam's hosting of the signing ceremony for the UN Convention Against Cybercrime in Hanoi last year reflects our desire to make substantive contributions to global digital cooperation. Vietnam stands ready to work with partners to strengthen cooperation and build capacity in preventing and combating cyber crime so that people may live safely and benefit from technological progress. We also stand ready to support international initiatives on green and digital transformation, and the development of effective governance frameworks, so that science and technology can truly become drivers of shared development.
Mr. President, allow me to congratulate you, at the outset, on your election as President of the 81st Session of the General Assembly. I am convinced that your experience in multilateralism will help strengthen the role of the United Nations at a particularly decisive moment for the world and for this organization itself. The theme that you have chosen for this session—" Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation," an effective and inclusive United Nations for All— accurately expresses the challenges of our time. The crisis we face is not only geopolitical, economic, climatic, or technological; above all, it is a crisis of trust among states, between institutions and citizens, and above all in the ability of the international community to fulfill the promise that gave meaning to the creation of the UN: to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, to uphold the inherent dignity of every human being, and to promote an international order founded on human rights.
President, Liechtenstein joined the United Nations 36 years ago as its 160th member. We did so driven by the conviction that we, as one of the smallest members of the international community, should be part of the most important conversation on global governance, with the participation of all states, big or small, in developing international norms and standards, and also in upholding respect for them. Sovereignty was a key theme of our domestic discussions, resulting in our UN membership. We joined out of enlightened self-interest the belief that we need the UN to secure respect for our sovereignty through upholding international law as the basis for our security and prosperity. To this end, we also decided to make our own contribution to make best use of the opportunity offered to us as a small state, to be an active part of the biggest peace project in the history of humankind. President, our belief in the United Nations remains steadfast. This is the place where we can make our voice heard, where we can put ideas forward, and where we can gather to try to solve the issues that affect us all. We have greatly benefited from our membership, and the UN has consistently been a key platform for our foreign policy. Our membership has consistently enjoyed high levels of support in our population, but today we also find ourselves in a moment where instability and uncertainty dominate the conversation. Our organization no longer seems able to deliver on the key promises of the UN charter to save future generations from the scourge of war. It can no longer count on the unconditional support of its most powerful members for the guiding rules of international law. It is increasingly ignored or sidelined in efforts to address both the traditional and new challenges, such as the regulation of artificial intelligence. It is permanently squeezed financially. Legal obligations to pay are turned into tools to exercise political leverage. As a result the United Nations has moved down the foreign policy agenda, even of states who have a strong history of supporting it. We can no longer take it for granted that our people will continue their strongly positive views of our organization. President. This is the difficult moment in which we find ourselves. But rather than engaging in doomsday scenarios, we have to find the opportunities hidden in the challenge. The overwhelming majority of the states present in this room believe in the United Nations. They want to see positive change for the UN to emerge stronger, more effective, more relevant. But we all have to be prepared to be part of the change that we want to see. Resisting the temptation of collective inertia and of waiting for positive change to happen on its own, will require our active political investment. We are grateful to Secretary-General Guterres for his service to the organization, and for his proposals to adapt the organization to the needs of today. On the basis of his ideas, our delegations here have done good work that will show positive results over time. This is important. It shows that we can come together also during times of deep political division. It is also not enough. The steps we have taken are just the beginning of what we need, a political agreement that combines significant structural change with a reliable financial commitment and firm support for the UN charter from all. This is also the vision we are looking for in the person that will be appointed as the next Secretary-General. We hope that this decision will come very soon, in order to give the new Secretary-General the time she needs to prepare for this most unique of jobs. And we remain convinced that having a woman at the helm of the United Nations is long overdue for an organization that prides itself on its role in gender equality. President. At its core, the United Nations is a peace organization.
The Security Council must become more representative, more effective, and more accountable to the entire membership of the United Nations. Africa in particular, and it was said many times today, should have a stronger voice. And when the Security Council is paralysed, the General Assembly must be able to play its rightful role. The United Nations must reform so that it can deliver more effectively, particularly when resources are constrained. But reform must never become an end in itself. The purpose of institutions is to serve people. Ultimately, the test of multilateralism is not how many resolutions we adopt or how many meetings we hold. It's whether a child is safer because of our decisions. Whether a young person can receive an education, whether a family can live in dignity, whether a small country can believe that international law will protect it when power alone cannot. This is why trust matters, and this is why Luxembourg will continue to defend multilateralism. Because we know what happens when it fails. Madam president, climate change reminds us, perhaps more clearly than any other challenge, that we cannot solve global problems by acting alone. It transcends borders and generations. Small island developing states are already experiencing consequences that threaten their very existence. Luxembourg may be landlocked, but we are deeply committed to this common effort, including by drawing on the expertise of our financial centre in green finance. Our interests may differ, but our future is shared. Madam president, the world is becoming more fragmented. The international order is under strain. We need to recognise this reality. But we should not mistake a world of competing centres of power for a more just or stable international order. For Luxembourg, the answer is clear. Our experience has taught us that international law and multilateral institutions give countries, whatever their size, a voice and place at the table. It is not about resisting a changing world, but to make multilateralism fit for that world. I believe this is ultimately what the United Nations asks of us, not that we agree on everything, not that we abandon our national interests, but that we recognise that there are challenges for which no nation, however powerful, can find lasting solutions alone. We can look at the imperfections of multilateralism and conclude that it no longer works, or we can reform it fairly, strengthen it, and make it worthy of the trust that future generations will place in us. I know which choice I want to make, because this is the world I want to leave to my children. A world where dialogue is stronger than confrontation, where respect between nations allows differences to become sources of strength rather than division. Where international law protects the weak as well as the strong. If we restore trust, if we listen to the next generation, and if we have the courage to act together, the United Nations can continue to be more than a reflection of the world as it is. It can remain an instrument for building the world we want to leave behind. A world worthy of the trust of those who will inherit it. Young people do not expect us to solve every challenge, but they do expect us to try. They expect us to act with responsibility. And above all, they expect us not to lose faith in our ability to shape a better future.
The Marshall Islands affirms its longstanding support for Japan and its G4 partners to achieve permanent membership on the UN Security Council. Mr. president, the Marshall Islands expresses its grave concern over increased efforts to spread dangerous disinformation in these halls. Taiwan and its 23 million people are an objective reality and only its democratically elected government can represent it. Appropriate ways must be found for Taiwan's substantive participation in UN meetings if the UN is to be truly inclusive and effective.
Covid 19 and the subsequent disruptions in the supply chains of food and energy, as well as the conflicts and wars, demonstrated how the interests of states are interconnected along with their peace and security. Migration is at the core of such common challenges. People's mobility strives for a better future, better job opportunities, better, better development. However, the high influx of migration and their complexity reveals the reality that should be analyzed without any exaggeration, exaggerations, and it should also preserve the unity of societies. We need an effective response to this challenge through cooperation between the countries of origin transit and destination. We have to ensure a fair share of the responsibilities and burdens and address the root causes of irregular migration, while combating human trafficking and smuggling. To contain such influxes and ensure at the same time the dignity of migrants and their rights. The solution is in our common responsibility and solidarity.
Excellencies. The theme of this session calls upon us to restore trust. But trust cannot be restored by simple words alone. It must be earned through action, through behaviour. We will restore trust when rivers become lifelines of cooperation, not fault lines of conflict. We will restore trust when those who failed the climate, those who fuelled the climate crisis, protect those who suffer most from its devastating consequences. And above all, trust will be restored when the guns are silenced and replaced by handshakes, embraces and smiles. Mr. president, the UN80 Initiative should make the United Nations stronger, more coherent and more effective. The Security Council must become more representative, democratic and accountable. Reform must reflect the interests and aspirations of the overwhelming majority of member states, not the ambitions of a select few. Our motto remains: reform for all, privilege for none. Ladies and gentlemen, we live at a dangerous moment.
And here we are today, many years later, here we are again talking about the same thing. We firmly believe in useful multilateralism that is not an end in itself, but rather an effective tool to grow the development of peoples and to preserve peace. If we take a look now at the Straits of Hormuz, this clearly shows shortcomings in the implementation of international law. We see clearly the impossibility of providing solutions when crises first arise.
These organizations will do that with the full force of the law. But doing that is not enough. If at the same time, we do not tackle the challenge that is developing a better educational system. There need to be effective opportunities for learning for our children and young people. It's only through providing those that young people and adults can enter the labour markets. Instead of being recruited by criminal groups. Consequently, our second challenge will be that of making education a tool for social transformation and a tool for the prevention of violence and crime. The quality of education and the depth of learning enjoyed by our children and young people is a predictor of higher a higher quality of life, because such education makes it possible to develop higher income, better health habits, and that serves the cause of social mobility. On the other hand, we've noted that shortcomings and weak points in our education system combine with other factors to predict crime and indeed, fuel crime. With that in mind, my government has launched a wholesale reform of the Peruvian education system. This reform will strengthen educational infrastructure. It will increase the provision of digital learning and the provision of educational material. We will also bolster. The resources given to teachers to teach. At the heart of our reform will be the creation of a head teacher training school. The goal is to equip head teachers with the tools and skills they need to lead their schools independently, so that schools can become inspiring models that promote the participation of parents in this mission. That is, that of making every child as a citizen that stands in solidarity with others, respects them, and a citizen proud of their country. I must recognize that an ideological cultural agenda that is not in line with our reality and the imposition of it, has sowed confusion and disorder of such magnitude that today, teachers in our schools are not able to keep order in the classroom. They cannot discipline their classes because they cower under the threat of being reported. We need to re-establish the principle of respect for authority. We will make our classrooms safe spaces in which children go to learn and teachers go to teach without fear. This is our agenda. It is not that of anyone else being imposed. The role of a state is to withdraw unfair barriers, barriers that stymie people's development.
Allow me to begin my speech by quoting the sentences that I delivered, uh, 14 years ago on this rostrum on behalf of Slovenia and also on behalf of vast number of current and former heads of states at that time who signed our declaration for. And, uh, allow me to quote This was, uh, 14 years ago, this year's team of the United Nations Assembly is peaceful resolution of disputes. Last year, we celebrated the 60th anniversary of the entry into force of the convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. The convention was the fruit of the tireless effort of the Polish jurist of Jewish descent, Raphael Lemkin. I would like to remind you that since the end of the Second World War alone, there have been more than 80 countries witnessing mass atrocities. At least 53 million innocent people lost their lives. And behind these numbers are concrete men and women as well as children. They had a future, but they were not allowed to leave that future. For this reason, I call on the member states of the United Nations, regional organizations and the United Nations system to develop a new approach and a strategy for the prevention of genocide and other mass atrocities. In addition, an intergovernmental forum of like minded states should be established in order to propose a United Nations resolution that would give a clear mandate for preparation and adoption of an appropriate legal mechanism, legal mechanism that would give the concept of the responsibility to protect a new tool, a legal mechanism that will enforce the prevention of crime, a mechanism that will enable a faster and more effective response to acts of genocide and other mass atrocities. I would like to inform you that this initiative also comes from international civil society. The Institute for Cultural Diplomacy has gathered thousands of supporters and inter international non-governmental organizations among lawyers, lawyers, students, journalists and others. As early as 1960. 1946 Raphael Lemkin declared our heritage is the result of the contribution of all nations, all nations, as well as the United Nations, as we all have great responsibility, as well as an enormous opportunity to prevent atrocities in the future. We cannot escape history, but we can learn something from it. I firmly believe that the mistakes we made yesterday, we do not want to repeat tomorrow. We talk. We. We took responsibility for this word from our fathers, and we have a great responsibility to make it better for our children. I call on you to improve it by joining all our efforts for a world free from genocide and other mass atrocities. End of quote. This was 14 years ago, after 14 years. I know that despite the great initial support, our initiative has not been realized. And we can all say that today world is not better.
Because noting the limits of multilateralism should no longer mean that we renounce multilateralism. We need even more multilateralism and even more UN, a stronger UN in defending its principles, more effective in preventing and peacefully settling disputes, more representative in its decision making structures, and closer to the realities of the people. The world needs a UN that strengthens and re-establishes trust. A UN that listens without turning away from the concerns of those people that it serves, who decide without losing sight of those for whom it works and which promises, without forgetting that it needs to keep its promises. International trust cannot be restored just through speeches. It is established through the respect of shared rules. And here we're talking about international law. Unfortunately, we are seeing a worsening of geopolitical tensions and a worrisome return to war at the heart of international relations. Violations of international law and of the United Nations Charter are increasing in number. And the weakness of our responses are akin to a type of tolerance that we seem to be willing to accept. Given this situation, Togo would like to reaffirm its firm belief in international law is not an obstacle to power. It guarantees its legitimacy, its predictability, and its stability. It protects the most vulnerable states and also serves the lasting interests of the most powerful. By preventing uncontrolled clashes by shoring up exchanges, and by establishing trust. Togo thus defends a pragmatic type of multilateralism that transforms commitments into results that scaffolds power dynamics with shared rules and organizes the peaceful coexistence of interests. Mr. president, Togo supports efforts as part of the UN initiative to improve the effectiveness, the coherence and the accountability of our organization.
However, we are convinced that our size shouldn't determine our ability to contribute, much less affect our own dignity. We need more effective, more representative multilateral institutions that are closer to the people and more able to respond to the challenges of our time. We need cooperation. We need solidarity and we also need to demonstrate austerity within these institutions. But above all, we need to restore trust in our collective ability to change things, because at its heart, the very idea of well-being and progress springs from something that is profoundly human, that is the ability to recognize suffering and refuse to accept inertia. Human beings are creative precisely because they refuse to resign themselves to things. They sense what causes pain, they sense what could be different, and then they are able to sense the desire for change. And this desire for change is perhaps one of the most profound expressions of our own freedom. When our people's advance along the path of progress, they generally do so by wielding the powerful magic of freedom, knowing that freedom doesn't involve solely choosing between different possibilities. It also means having being able to transform those things that we wish to for the good of the community as a whole. Our freedom becomes fuller when we are able to expand the freedom of others. When we change our societies through dialogue, when we build more, we build fairer institutions. When we undertake significant projects that endure beyond our own lifetimes When school and new school opens its doors, when a child has an opportunity that was previously out of their reach. When a community is able to overcome a division, when two countries that were at odds finally find a path towards understanding. Today, there are more than 8 billion people living on the same planet, 8 billion different stories, 8 billion hopes, 8 billion possibilities. We're not finished as such as humanity. We are a humanity still in the making. Every morning we have the chance to decide what kind of world we want to leave. To those who come after us, we can choose to accept inequality as inevitable. We could accept war as something permanent, accept poverty as our fate.
In addition to terrorism, which remains active in some countries, particularly in Africa, the situation of global peace and security has been worsening year after year, bringing us to the present moment in which we note with deep concern that the world has taken a course that brings it alarmingly close to a global conflict. Over the years Angola has sought to make its contribution to building and consolidation of peace in Africa and the world, but the current situation in no way reflects the aspirations of peoples for harmony and understanding amongst nations. Among these contributions to peace are several initiatives undertaken in Africa, of which I highlight the 21st Extraordinary summit of Heads of State of the African Union on the strengthening of conflict prevention and resolution Mechanism in Africa recently held in Luanda, which opened serious and sound prospects for resolving the problems affecting peace and stability on the African continent. Also worthy of particular attention is the holding in July of this year in Luanda, in partnership with the United Nations Alliance of Civilisation, the third edition of the Initiative Call for Peace, an End to Wars and Respect for International Law. In these same contexts, Angola will host next October the Pan-African forum for the Culture of Peace and Non-Violence, the so-called Luanda Biennale. My country takes seriously the issues relating to peace and resolution of conflict through dialogue, respect for norms governing international relations and defence of international law, sparing no efforts to bringing the conflicting parties closer and build consensus in Africa. We remain available to render our attention and contribution to resolving the conflicts that persist on the continent. Our paradigm for peacebuilding initiatives is based on the search for realistic and sustainable solutions within the principle of African solutions to conflicts in Africa. We call for effective implementation of the Security Council Resolution 2719, which must ensure a predictable, adequate and sustainable financing for African Union led peace support operation authorized by the United Nations Security Council, because investing in Africa's capacity to prevent and resolve conflicts is also an investment in international peace and security. Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, this session of the General Assembly is of particular significance to my country as it takes place in the year in which we celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Republic of Angola's admission as full member of the United Nations organization, which took place in December 1976.
My dear colleagues, this evening I want to talk about the need for nations to work together on the new challenges that we face climate change, emerging technology and the breakdown of international rules. Eight decades ago, the citizens and leaders of our nations made a solemn promise to future generations. Having known the untold sorrow of two devastating global conflicts in their lifetimes, they vowed to work together to prevent another. The pioneers who built this institution from the ruins of war, proud Australians among them, were also coming to terms with two terrible truths the horrors of the Holocaust and the unprecedented horror of nuclear weapons. A depth of evil and a scale of destruction beyond imagining even a decade earlier. Yet rather than recoil from that reality, our leaders stood together to face it, learn from it, and most importantly, guard against its return. And instead of surrendering to fear or dealing in retribution, or abandoning their fate to a world governed by force alone, they came together to renew and affirm their faith in humanity, in the essential and equal dignity and worth of every individual, in the sovereignty of every nation and in the capacity and indeed the responsibility of all of us to give the Universal declaration of human rights, life and weight and real meaning by engaging in the dialogue that builds trust and deepens understanding and backing those words with actions. In this moment, we need to lean in and strengthen and modernise the fundamental parts of the UN system that help to build peace and promote economic development and sustainability, sovereignty, prosperity and peace are never guaranteed. They must be created, nurtured and protected by each generation, supporting the jobs, homes, schools and healthcare that represent the fullest expression of the UN's commitment to the economic and social advancement of all peoples. We know that the surest way to minimise the potential for conflict is to create the prosperity, opportunity and economic justice on which lasting peace depends. That means cooperating on the urgent challenges that confront each of our sovereign nations, and creating solutions that work for our citizens. This was the founding purpose of the United Nations. And for the leaders who have gathered here this week, this remains the test of our time. A test we can and we must pass. Whether it is climate change or artificial intelligence. There is always the temptation to say that our generation is being confronted by issues that our predecessors could not possibly have imagined while dealing with the world they would not recognise. But for all the transformation the past eight decades have brought, the fundamental, fundamental stakes haven't changed. And just as its values, our values, our ideals, our commitment to dialogue and cooperation proved equal to that task, then we can rise to meet these new challenges now. We can reaffirm our national sovereignty and our shared humanity. We can seize and share and shape the opportunities this moment holds in the interests of our citizens. But we can only do it together. From the very first days of this forum, Australia has always known that we understand that the UN mission cannot be entrusted solely to the great powers or the biggest countries, or even the loudest voices alone, nor can it be subcontracted to the world's richest companies, or dictated by the pace of technology. Then now and always, shaping a secure, peaceful and prosperous world is a task for all of us. And that world must be driven by the values and aspirations of all of us. We all have a part to play. And that is why Australia is seeking a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council for 2029 2030. The world faces tough times and Australia wants to respond to partner and to make a difference. Should our Security Council bid prove successful. Our purpose and approach will be consistent with how we have always conducted ourselves at the UN. We will listen with respect. We will partner as equals. And we will protect what matters most. Mr. president, a safer world is one governed by rules, not by power and force alone. It is a world in which all countries have the freedom to decide their own future. And all countries have their decisions. Listen to. As a member of the UN Security Council, Australia will safeguard the rules that protect us all by upholding international law, including the UN charter and the sovereignty of all states. We will amplify the voices of small states and middle powers to ensure a wider range of perspectives shape the council's decisions. We will work to prevent crisis, resolve resolve conflicts and protect civilians through diplomacy, peace building and practical action. Our objective will be to support a more effective, representative and responsive UN that is equipped to address the fast growing challenges of today. Listening, partnering. Protecting colleagues. The world is changing rapidly. New issues are becoming international issues demanding our full attention. Climate change, where the science foretold of the increase in frequency and intensity of extreme weather events that we are now experiencing emerging technology, including artificial intelligence, which is evolving at a furious pace, and the breakdown of trust, civility and social cohesion, which is promoting conflict within and between countries. Clearly, the multilateral system we have all known and benefited from is under immense strain. To promote the peace, to create a world of human dignity, to do justice to the UN's mission, we must embrace change and we must embrace reform. Australia supports the rules and institutions that underpin open trade and connectivity. That order, based on agreed rules and institutions, faces massive disruption. This doesn't mean abandoning multilateralism, it means working to reform it.
In the name of God, the most gracious, the most merciful, your Excellency. Doctor Khalilur Rahman, president of the United Nations General Assembly. Your Excellency, Mr. Antonio Guterres, Secretary general of the United Nations. Ladies and gentlemen, peace and blessings of God be upon you. Allow me to congratulate you, Excellency, on your election as president of the 81st session of the General Assembly. I wish you every success in conducting the work of the session. We would like to express the kingdom of Bahrain's appreciation to your brotherly country, the People's Republic of Bangladesh, as well as the Secretary General for his tireless efforts in the service of international peace and security and the Sustainable Development Goals. It is my honor to convey to this distinguished gathering the greetings of His Majesty King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa, king of the Kingdom of Bahrain and of His Royal Highness Prince Salman bin Hamad Al Khalifa, Crown Prince and Prime Minister and their best wishes for the success of this session. Mr. president, you have chosen for this session a theme that speaks directly to the challenges before us restoring trust, managing transformation, and a United Nations that delivers for all. Trust is not restored through statements or by repeating appeals. Instead, it is restored by upholding the law and translating the decisions of this organization into effective protection for people's lives, rights and livelihoods.
Attack from reactionary forces that wish to normalize injustices, inequality and underdevelopment or the result of political choices. It is possible to include the poor in the budget and make the rich pay their share. It is necessary to cut privileges and invest in free quality education and health care. There is a legitimate desire for change throughout the world, but change is not the same as going backwards. It's not about taking away rights. It's not about reviving theories of racial supremacy or female subjugation. It's not about recolonizing the global South. Change means moving towards a more participatory future and more achievements. It is about creating and sharing effective public solutions to development. Challenge through a democratic, strong, efficient and capable state. It's about betting on the spirit of solidarity and cooperation with Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean region. Initiatives such as the Global Alliance Against Hunger and Poverty, launched by Brazil and the UN Intergovernmental Panel on Inequalities, launched by South Africa's team.
Irregular migration is increasingly becoming a security issue, and it requires a coordinated international response. Ladies and gentlemen, if we want a United Nations that is more effective in terms of decision-making, more efficient in managing available resources, and up to date on technological developments, we adopt as its shared task to readjust the structure of the United Nations around the three pillars, and well as reassess how the United Nations operates. Estonia supports a system-wide reform of the UN 80 and humanitarian reset, which are both well underway and have already delivered some encouraging results. Now it's time to build on this momentum and to move decisively forward with reforms. We need ambition. For example, the humanitarian sector, alongside stronger data harmonization, could move towards a shared interoperability model that allows many systems to coexist while quickly and safely exchanging data. Estonian humanitarian organizations are already testing these solutions, from Palestine to Sudan. We also need determination. Above all, we need action. Action that strengthens the UN as the main actor responsible for multilateral cooperation and prepares it for future challenges. This year, the United Nations is set to make arguably one of its most consequent decisions: the selection and appointment of its next Secretary-General. As an active member of the Accountability, Coherence, and Transparency Group, Estonia has stood for a transparent, fair, and inclusive process. At this challenging time for the organization, we need a strong and principled leader with an impeccable track record in championing and upholding international law, human rights, and the principles of the Charter. Estonia also feels that after 81 years, it is time for the organization to be led by a woman. Allow me to take this opportunity to commend and express our gratitude to our current Secretary-General, Mr. António Guterres, for his steadfast commitment to the principles of the UN Charter, including his support for a just and lasting peace in Ukraine. With regard to the Security Council, it must be said that its inability to take timely and decisive decisions on some of the worst crises we are seeing today risks rendering the United Nations irrelevant. We have not seen unified and decisive council action on Ukraine, Sudan, or in Myanmar. The use of the veto and the threat of its use continue to loom over the Council and paralyze any of its attempts to take action. Estonia has strongly advocated for permanent members to refrain from vetoing resolutions aimed at ending mass atrocities, in line with the France, Mexico proposal, and the ACT Code of Conduct. It is also important to call on the Security Council members to start fully implementing Article 27(3) of the Charter once again, and to abstain in cases where members of the Council are a party to a dispute. The General Assembly resolution" United for Peace" gives the most representative and democratic body of the United Nations, a toolbox to act on matters related to international peace and security when the Council is unable to deliver. In concert, we must reinforce the role of the General Assembly when it comes to peace and security, and this will help us in collectively finding solutions where the Council is powerless. Ladies and gentlemen, Estonia firmly believes that respect of human rights is a prerequisite for peace, security, and prosperity. We stand firmly behind the United Nations human rights system and will continue to defend and strengthen it.
Fiji supports the UN reform agenda to make the organisation more coherent, efficient and effective. But reform must be judged by a single test. What improves for people and for member states? For Pacific small island developing states, efficiency must not mean distance. The Multicountry officers serving our regional, our region are essential bridges between global commitments and island realities. Reform must strengthen and not thin. Our capacity to deliver. To deliver where needed is the greatest. This assembly will also select the next Secretary General. Fiji asks for a process that is transparent and merit based, and for the Secretary General who understands the realities of small island states and more importantly, will act on them. For too long, our circumstances have been well diagnosed and poorly addressed. The promise to deliver for all must also be measured in development within. With 2030 approaching, too many sustainable development goals remain off track. National income alone cannot capture remoteness, disaster exposure and the repeated burden of rebuilding the Multidimensional Vulnerability Vulnerability Index must move from adoption to application. There is one measure of delivery that reaches Fijians households directly. Remittances.
We would be remiss not to applaud the efforts, good offices and initiatives of the Secretary General aimed at strengthening multilateralism and that include initiatives such as UN 80 and the pact for the future, as well as the ongoing efforts to address global challenges, crises, conflicts, wars, climate change and terrorism, as well as the efforts to assist member states in order to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals and to strengthen international cooperation on artificial intelligence. We hope that these efforts will continue beyond the conclusion of the Secretary General's term in an in a manner to guarantee the continuity of work to reform and develop the organizations bodies to enhance its effectiveness and performance in discharging its responsibilities. In this context, we emphasize that Security Council reform and the Security Council is the body charged with maintaining international peace and security has become essential to keep pace with the significant increase in the number of member states and the changes in international relations since the establishment of the organization. There is an urgent need for the Council to become more representative, effective and transparent in carrying out its responsibilities.
Today, Central Asia is becoming an example of constructive inter-state cooperation as well as economic, infrastructural and technological development. In this regard, we are ready to share the experience we have accumulated along this path. Distinguished heads of delegations. For the first time in its history, Kyrgyzstan has been elected as a member of the United Nations Security Council for the 2027 2028 term. Taking this opportunity, I would like to express my profound gratitude to all countries that supported our candidacy. The support of 142 member states not only confirms Kyrgyzstan's readiness to contribute to international affairs, but also demonstrates the growing role of the Central Asian region in international relations. This achievement is clear evidence that even small states can make a meaningful contribution to addressing global challenges. We fully understand that membership in the Security Council is not a privilege or reward. It is a great responsibility. One year ago, standing at this stage, I stated with confidence that Kyrgyzstan is among those states whose experience enables them to put forward substantive issues for consideration by the Security Council. We do not forget the promises we have made and will make every effort to implement them fully. Therefore, I would like to reiterate Kyrgyzstan firmly adheres to international law, justice and the protection of human rights and supports the multilateral system based on mutual respect, balance of interest and responsibility towards future generations. We intend to work closely with every country and remain committed to productive cooperation. Distinguished colleagues as you all may know, since the establishment of the United Nations in 1945, its member states and leaders have attempted to undertake systematic reforms. Reforms have ranged from expanding the membership of the Security Council to modernizing mechanisms of governance, peacekeeping and the protection of human rights. These initiatives continue to be actively discussed at the international level. However, despite numerous efforts and years of discussion, the institutional structure of our organization continues to face various challenges. Therefore, I believe that expanding the membership of the Security Council is one of the reforms that the international community expects. I consider it fair to grant two permanent seats to the African continent, with a population of more than 1 billion people and one permanent seat to Latin America. Today, the world has changed. At the same time, a number of developed countries have also expressed their aspiration to become members of the Security Council. I believe that the request of this country should be also considered. Another issue, in my view, the weakness of effective mechanisms for ensuring the implementation of the decisions of the organization. The systematic failure to implement the organization's decisions undermines the legitimacy of multilateralism concept, creates the impression that international law is not binding and encourages disregard for international obligations. Therefore, we must expand and strengthen the authority of the United Nations. In this regard, we propose to develop the United Nations mechanism for the implementation of decisions and accountability. First, it is necessary to establish, within the framework of the General Assembly, the permanent Public registry of the implementation of resolutions and obligations by Member States. This registry could include the following information and ensure the implementation of such mechanisms as. First, systematically record and verify the level of implementation of adopted decisions. Second, establish the obligation for Member States to regularly submit report in accordance with the agreed standards. Third, provide analytical reviews on sectors and regions. Fourth, ensure transparency and equal access to information for all states. The registry could be administered by the United Nations Secretariat with the support of independent experts. If decisions of the organization are systematically not implemented, I propose the gradual response mechanisms. The first stage an official notification to the concerned state, followed by consultations with the relevant bodies of the organization. The second stage deployment of a monitoring mission to the country concerned to assess the objective obstacles, preventing the implementation of the decision and to prepare recommendations. The third stage consideration of the case right here at a plenary meeting of the General Assembly to determine the status of the concerned state in terms of its systematic implementation or non implementation of United Nations decisions. The fourth stage, the initiation of appropriate procedures under the charter of the United Nations with regard to states that fail to comply with the requirements. In particular, the matter could be referred to the United Nations Security Council for consideration of restrictive measures provided for under international law, including the first temporary restriction on participation in United Nations programs. The second, recommendations to review existing formats of cooperation and other diplomatic measures, where appropriate. Distinguished colleagues, I believe that when cases of systematic non-implementation of United Nations decisions are considered, the permanent members of the Security Council should voluntarily refrain from using the veto. If a mechanism designed to ensure the implementation of the organization's decisions is systematically blocked by permanent members through the use of the veto, such practice would no longer be consistent with the spirit of the UN charter and the principle of equal responsibility of Member States. Therefore, we should once again consider the possibility of voluntarily restraining to use the veto in matters related to the implementation of the organization's decisions. This approach could promote universality, the equality of all states, regardless of their size, the primacy of diplomacy, and avoid the double standards. In order to implement this initiative, I propose establishing to open a working group within the General Assembly with the participation of the interested Member States. The working group could conduct inter-governmental consultations and prepare a report on possible models for the proposed mechanism. Following these consultations, the General Assembly and the Security Council should consider adopting the relevant resolutions and decisions. The strategic objective of this initiative is to ensure that the decisions of the organization are treated not merely as political recommendations, but as genuine international obligations. Improvement of their implementation would strengthen the rule of international law and reinforce confidence in the United Nations. Kyrgyzstan is ready to initiate interstate discussions on the development of such a mechanism. Starting from the 1st January 2027, as a member of the United Nations Security Council, we intend to formally submit all these proposals to the relevant committee. Distinguished colleagues, I would like to address separately the issues of sanctions. As we have all observed today, sanctions are in some cases, used by individual countries as an instrument to interference to the internal affairs of sovereign states.
Mr. president, allow me to conclude by returning once more to the theme of this session of the General Assembly, Restoring Trust and Managing Transformation for a United Nations that delivers for all. The truth is that we cannot call on the states of the world to change their conduct, while failing to make the necessary changes within our own organization so that it delivers the results expected of it and regains the trust of the peoples of the world. The reality is that the world has changed profoundly since 1945. The membership of the United Nations has grown nearly fourfold. Colonialism has ended Africa has risen. Asia has been transformed and new powers have emerged. The balance of the global economy has shifted. Yet the basic composition of the Security Council remains captive to a historical moment dating back to the end of the Second World War. Africa and the Arab world cannot remain without permanent representation on the Council, nor can small and medium sized states remain mere spectators to decisions that concern their security and their future. We know that Security Council reform is a complex matter, but the difficulty of reform is no argument against its necessity. Indeed, reform of the United Nations must begin here with the Security Council. For it is the Security Council that bears primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. I therefore once again add Lebanon's voice to that of the majority of the members of our organisation in calling for an expansion of the Security Council that achieves more inclusive and equitable representation. Being realists, we do not call for the abolition of the veto. Rather, we call for restraint in its use in cases of genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and serious violations of international humanitarian law. We insist on reform of the United Nations only because we want it to be more representative, more democratic and more effective organization We want an organisation true to the purposes and principles of its charter, yet ever renewed, so that it may rise to the challenges of our rapidly changing world and meet the aspirations of our peoples and their new generations.
In this context, we call upon the Security Council to discharge its responsibilities and to follow up on the United Nations reports submitted to it. This includes the report of the panel of experts on violations and cases of noncompliance. We call upon the Council to give serious consideration to the panel's recommendations and to take the necessary action within its established mandates. The purpose is to ensure the effective implementation of the Council resolutions and the relevant sanctions measures without selectivity or double standards. Documented violations should not become mere recurring facts in reports, nor should accountability end at documentation. The authority of international law and the credibility of its institutions are measured by their ability to move from monitoring violations to holding perpetrators accountable, and from resolution to implementation for all without exception. Sovereignty also means that the state's foreign relations are an extension of its national interests, not an extension of others' conflicts within it. Mr. President.
Thus, Mozambique reiterates its support for the objectives of the UN Aid Initiative to make this organization more effective, coherent, inclusive, representative, and suited to the challenges of our time. Reform must be embraced as political commitment focused on concrete results. Reforms must also correct imbalances in representation of global governance. In this regard, Africa cannot continue to be in the center of the Security Council agenda while remaining absent from its rank of permanent members. Africa must be a permanent member of the Security Council of the UN. We therefore reaffirm the common African position related to the reform of the United Nations Security Council, based on the Ezoulini Consensus and the Search Declaration, under which no fewer than two permanent seats, with all prerogatives and privileges, including the veto, as long as it exists, and five non-permanent seats, are allocated to Africa. The contribution that Mozambique wishes to make to the debate on this Assembly has the objective of restoring trust through peace, managed transformation through inclusion, and produced results through coherent actions at the national, regional, and global levels. To this, it is important to strengthen international cooperation and equip the UN with greater capacity to address the challenges of the present and make sure that the future generations can have a stronger organization than the one we have received— an organization equal to the challenges of our time, capable of serving the people with dignity, protecting the planet, and promoting a shared prosperity at the international level. Your Excellencies, 81 years ago, the founders of this organization entrusted humanity with a promise of peace, cooperation, dignity, and, most of all, hope. Today, that responsibility falls to us, and the path remains very clear: dialogue, cooperation, partnership, innovation, solidarity, and continued strengthening to the role of the United Nations, and never the use of force in order to impose decisions. This organization is the most comprehensive expression of our collective responsibility and our commitment to multilateralism to the service of humanity. Mr. President, allow me to conclude by returning to the opening words of our Magna Carta or Charter:" We, the people."
It is precisely at such times that we must honestly confront our setbacks, however profound, not with blame, cynicism or blind hope, but with action, sober reflection, clear-eyed realism and pragmatism. That is how we chart these turbulent waters. And that is how we rebuild trust in this institution, the central focus of this 81st session. (BRIEF PAUSE) So how do we build back trust? Trust is not given. It is earned. And we earn trust, I believe, in three ways. First, by being unapologetically realistic about where we are falling behind; Second, by taking a foundational look at the reforms of the Organization to deliver better; and Third, by making our work more inclusive and engaging all relevant stakeholders for effective delivery. Let me elaborate. (BRIEF PAUSE) On my first point, we must be frank about where the challenges lie and what needs to be fixed, even when the necessary changes may prove painful. Consider peace and security. Under the UN Charter, the Security Council bears primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. Yet when the Council is unable to act, Member States turn to the General Assembly. We saw this as early as 1950 with the “Uniting for Peace” resolution, and we have seen it more recently through the Assembly’s Veto Initiative. These two principal organs of our Organization are complementary, not competing. The Charter provides for an appropriate balance between them. Both chambers must do their respective part. To be fair, the Security Council, when it acts, proves its strength and effectiveness. It helped liberate Kuwait, ended civil war in El Salvador, supported Namibia’s independence, led rebuilding of Cambodia, and stabilized conflict-affected countries through peacekeeping. Yet when the Council is unable to act on important matters, the effectiveness of our Organization as a whole is called into question. In 1945, humanity placed its trust in the Council in good faith, giving it the extraordinary responsibility of maintaining international peace. The Council accepted that responsibility and entered into a compact. It must now hold up its end of the bargain. This is what the people of the world expect. And in their eyes, when the Security Council works, the United Nations works. The promise of 1945 still binds us today. I call on the Security Council to step up, to lead as we need it to lead and to act when we need it to act. Linked to this is the question of Security Council reform. I will support the General Assembly-led Intergovernmental Negotiations in its work to make the Council more representative, transparent and reflective of the geopolitical realities of our time. Ensuring fair representation for underrepresented regions must remain a priority. Nowhere is this more important, right now, than in Africa. After eight decades, the largest region by number of Member States and a key focus of UN Peacekeeping, is underrepresented on the Security Council. Africa needs to be at the table, not on the menu. Africa cannot be asked to wait indefinitely for its rightful place on the Council. Ending Africa’s underrepresentation, now, is a question of fairness, justice and, ultimately, the credibility of this Organization. (BRIEF PAUSE) Turning to development, and particularly the Sustainable Development Goals, we are right to focus on the challenges.
I would like to call this a partnership of constructive contributors. I am not seeking to propose a new organization nor an exclusive grouping. The idea is to respect the functions of the existing international order and the UN, work together in a flexible and open manner, in areas where each country has particular strengths and expand our ties of cooperation into new areas. By continuing to build on the achievements of collaborating separately yet together, we can move beyond geopolitical rivalry, deadlock and fragmentation, and rebuild trust in multilateralism. The United Nations must evolve with the times. Agreements reached at the negotiating table must translate into real change on the ground, so that people around the world can feel their impact in their daily lives. We must reduce duplication across organizations and programs, accelerate decision making, and direct limited resources where they are needed most. In this spirit, the Republic of Korea supports the UN 80 Initiative, which will improve efficiency, prioritize field operations and deliver greater results. We also support the reform of the UN Security Council so that it operates in a more effective, democratic and accountable manner. The Republic of Korea will live up to its responsibility and position to deliver results that can be vividly felt by people around the world, across the UN's three pillars of peace development and human rights. Through the Busan Global Partnership Forum, we will continue to support inclusive growth, share Korea's development experiences, such as the Saemaul Undong, and continue to make sustainable and innovative investments.
We will be resilient, and we will work individually and collectively to transcend our vulnerability. So, Mr. President, we come to this August assembly not as mere petitioners, but as partners to play our part in making our world a better place. I come at this point in the debate, having had the privilege of listening to other leaders who spoke before me. And Mr. President, I must tell you, I was moved by the hopeful vision, the fiery passion, the boundless generosity and caring of many of the speakers. They lifted my spirit and I am determined that that is where my spirit shall remain. I owe it to the people who sent me here to be hopeful. I owe it also to people whom I have never met, who come from places I have never been to, but who nevertheless are my brothers and sisters. And so that brings us to the task at hand. We all know that the United Nations has its flaws, but we must not seek to abandon it. It is what we have made it. Some, no doubt are more culpable than others. But in one way or another we are all involved. We speak of culpability, not merely to point a finger of blame, but to understand better where the solutions may lie. We believe profoundly that more than ever, humanity needs the United Nations. Try to imagine a world without it. Where would we go to have the conversations we are having now and that we are having throughout the week? And that is only the beginning. As a global institution, the United Nations is fundamentally an inclusive space where every nation can play a role in addressing our common problems. A retreat from multilateralism undermines the interests of small states and indeed, of everyone. But we acknowledge that our support for the United Nations must be matched by our willingness to embrace reform, to make it more effective. Trust cannot be built or restored by declarations alone. It is only when ordinary people see that cooperation makes their lives safer, richer and happier that trust will be restored. Mr. president, let us restore trust through organisational reform and greater inclusiveness. The United Nations governance model designed in 1945, cannot adequately address the security and economic challenges of today. Therefore, we join with other nations in calling for reform, specifically of the Security Council, to include a permanent member from the continent of Africa with all the attendant rights and privileges. Failure to do so would only confirm that the current composition is not about governance and fairness, but about power. Further, as we proceed with selecting our next Secretary General, let us be more open and inclusive. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines is pleased to join other Caribbean community members in endorsing the candidacy of Her Excellency Carolyn Rodriguez Birkett of Guyana and of the region of Latin America and the Caribbean. We know her as a distinguished diplomat, a principled multilateralist, and a compelling advocate for developing countries and small states. Mr. president, as this is my first time here, like a tourist, I walked the halls of this historic building and admired the impressive portraits on the walls, the impressive portraits of the nine men who have served as Secretary General since 1946. And while I appreciated the outstanding calibre and service of those men, I nevertheless could not resist thinking that after eight decades, surely the time has come for an equally capable woman to be Secretary General.
Tuvalu's message is clear: the world must act now and decisively, collectively and with urgency to protect the future for generations to come. Mr. president, the ocean is central to Tuvalu's identity and sustainable development. The ocean has sustained Tuvalu for generations and remains at the heart of our existence, our future and our resilience. Tuvalu may have only 26km² of land, but we are custodians of some 750,000 square kilometers of ocean, which makes Tuvalu a large ocean state. This year, Tuvalu soft launched its first ever National Ocean Policy, a comprehensive framework to strengthen our stewardship of marine resources, affirm the permanence of our maritime zones, protect biodiversity and place the ocean at the centre of our resilience and sustainable development. We thank all of our partners whose invaluable support helped turn this vision into reality. For Tuvalu, ocean governance is not simply an environmental policy. It is also an issue of economic security, food security and climate security. Tuvalu has ratified the BBNJ Agreement and looks forward to contributing to the first conference of the parties of the agreement next year. Tuvalu's objective towards the implementation of the BBNJ is simple, in that the ocean areas beyond national jurisdictions belong to our shared future and must be governed responsibly based on science, equity, the precautionary approach, and effective international cooperation. Mr. president, Tuvalu, like other small island developing states, is highly vulnerable to climate and economic shocks. But the international financing architecture is ill equipped to respond effectively to those shocks.
Dialogue is not the opposite of resolve. Diplomacy requires both. It also requires institutions capable of functioning. Defending the United Nations doesn't mean pretending that everything within it works well. The UN80 process is necessary, but there is a difference between reforming an organization and weakening it. We cannot ask more of it, steadily strip away its resources and then express surprise when it's not effective enough. Reform must preserve what gives the organization its purpose peace and security, human rights and development. It must also ensure better representation for every region of the world. And more than 80 years ago, ladies and gentlemen, Paul-Henri Spaak led the Belgian delegation to the San Francisco conference that gave birth to the United Nations. A few months later, he became the first president of this General Assembly. Belgium was emerging from war and occupation. That is precisely why multilateralism seemed the obvious choice to us. We are not here to preserve an institution for its own sake. We are here to preserve what it must make possible peace and security, human rights and prosperity for all. So, ladies and gentlemen, before we were presidents, ministers, ambassadors, or diplomats, we were all children. And despite all that sets them apart, the people we represent often want remarkably simple things to come home in the evening, to watch the children grow up and send them to school without fear, to work to love the person they love, to make plans for next year.
The security of our island also requires effective border control. Mr. president, impunity is the other face of insecurity. We need to combat it with the same resolve. This is why we have established two specialized judicial hubs to strengthen the struggle against impunity, financial crimes, mass crimes and sexual violence. The 1st of January 2027 will see the entry into force of our new Criminal Code and Code of Criminal Procedure, and in so doing, Haiti will pass an historic milestone in the modernization of its judiciary. But because it's not enough to arrest those who are terrorizing the population, they need to be judged and justice needs to be done. At the same time, we've reactivated our National Commission for disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration, and we've launched the Peace Dividend Fund in Haiti, and I invite all of our partners to support it. It is imperative to take away from violent actors their capacity to recruit by offering our young people credible alternatives and genuine opportunities. For this, security and development must come together and must progress together. Neither one can be sustainable without the other. Mr. president, emergency aid has saved lives. Haiti is grateful for that. However, the long term well-being of a people cannot remain indefinitely dependent on aid and on charity.
Whether in the Security Council or in the international financial system, institutions built for another age are being asked to govern a completely different world that we live in today. Restoring trust requires more than defending those institutions. It requires having the courage to reform them. This is not a conversation we are beginning today. For decades, member states have debated how to make the Security Council more representative, legitimate, and effective. In 2008, after years of discussion, this General Assembly moved Security Council reform into intergovernmental negotiations. Those negotiations began the following year. Seventeen years later, we are still negotiating. The central question remains before us: membership, the veto, regional representation, the size and working methods of the Security Council, and its relationship with this General Assembly. The world has not stood still while we have been debating these issues. In the Pact for the Future, member states agreed that redressing the historical injustice against Africa must be a priority in the Security Council reform. We should not accept that reform is impossible because it is difficult. This organization has changed its architecture before. In 1963, this General Assembly adopted amendments to enlarge the Security Council. The council grew from 11 members to 15 because member states recognized that the institution had to respond to a changing membership. What was possible then, ladies and gentlemen, is possible today. Reform must deliver equitable and permanent representation with all the prerogatives and privileges of permanent membership to Africa and other deserving regions. Political reform and financial reform are not separate projects. They ask the same fundamental question: whether the institutions that govern our common future will reflect the sovereign equality they proclaim or preserve inequalities inherited from another age. More than half a century ago, this General Assembly called for a new international economic order founded on sovereign equality, interdependence, and cooperation among states. We need not recreate the debates of another era. But we must ask the question they left unfinished: what does equality among nations require in the world of today? It requires a world in which no continent is permanently excluded from the highest decisions on peace and security. A world in which international law does not change with the identity of the state to which it is applied. A world in which a nation's prospects are not determined by how expensive the world has decided its capital to be. It requires that no child lose a classroom because debt service came first. That no mother finds an empty clinic because essential investment became unaffordable. And that the resources of developing countries became foundations for their prosperity rather than pathways for extraction.
The United Nations— and I am neither the first nor the last to say so—needs renewal. It needs fresh impetus. And the admirable theme of this assembly calls for a United Nations for All. An admirable theme, certainly. But I fear that it's not enough. So I ask you today, respectfully but firmly: how can we have a United Nations for All when it is led by a security council of the few? Worse still, this is a council that was designed 80 years ago, for another era, for another scenario, another entire set of circumstances. One that all too often demonstrates it is simply unable to address today's problems. That original design, a product of its time, has achieved much, without any doubt. And today I recognize and celebrate those achievements. We all should. Nonetheless, as the great Nobel laureate Bob Dylan would say, things have changed. And the organization, dear friends, has to change too. Different problems need different solutions. Otherwise, this magnificent idea, the United Nations, will simply be overtaken by events and will be reduced to a forum for beautiful speeches with very little action for ordinary people. Some have concluded from all of this that multinationalism has failed. Paraguay reaches a different conclusion. The United Nations remains indispensable. It is the only system that enables all the countries of the world to coexist. But it must become more effective at preventing conflict, protecting people, and ensuring respect for the rules that states themselves have agreed upon. Our commitment to peace is summed up in the words of a distinguished Paraguayan, Manuel Gondra:" Since we cannot ensure that the just are always strong, we must strive to ensure that the strong are always just." Paraguay wishes to shoulder greater responsibilities within the system. But this system, as it stands, simply isn't working. That is why we believe that the selection of the next Secretary-General will be a fundamental decision. The time has come for that leadership to come from Latin America and the Caribbean. Our region has a vocation for peace, dialogue, and multilateralism. And it has candidates that are capable of taking up that responsibility. We need a Secretary-General who restores the organization's political leadership, one that strengthens preventive diplomacy, acts before crises become irreversible, and one that listens to the states and the peoples whom this organization serves. In short, the Security Council must cease to be a pretty snapshot of the world as it was in 1945. It must listen more closely to this assembly and must not remain paralyzed when peace is threatened. We need a UN for 2026 or for 2050, not one for 1945. Only then will the United Nations be able to truly deliver for all of its members.
It will bring together young people with over 100 chess masters from around the globe, using chess as a tool to promote education, dialogue, friendship, peace among generations. Mr. President, our accession to ASEAN, 26 October 2025, was a historic moment for our country, marking the culmination of a 14-year process that began in Timor-Leste, formally applied for membership in March 2011. Fellow ASEAN leaders provided us generally technical assistance, capacity building, and practical guidance, and they continue to do so. It is required of us strong institutions, capable public servants, effective implementation of ASEAN commitments across political, security, economic, and sociocultural communities. Our foreign policy seeks friendship with all, and hostilities, none. We aim to maintain balanced constructive relations with all our major powers' development partners. Timor-Leste also brings the energy and aspiration of young population. Our young people are increasingly connected to the region and eager to learn, work, and contribute. As ASEAN works towards Community Vision 2045, Timor-Leste will support a united people center and resilient ASEAN. We will also support ASEAN centrality and constructive relations with all external partners. We are a small island developing state, a least developed country, and a nation whose history demonstrates both the necessity and the possibilities of multilateralism. Last but not least, in parting, I want to share a selected message from children and youth who responded to my invitation a few days ago to write a few words expressing their hopes and dreams, so that they are here and they are listening back home in Timor-Leste.
This picture must be a shocking one for all of us. And what it tells us is clear. The United Nations, established 81 years ago to maintain international peace and security, is no longer able to fulfill this mission. Or more precisely, it has been rendered unable to do so. The UN continues to be weakened. Those in Palestine, in Lebanon, Sudan and in other crisis zones who have tied their hopes to the UN are deeply disappointed. But let me remind you that one day everyone will have to seek refuge in the collective conscience of humanity. Today we may feel safe, we may feel prosperous and at peace. Um. Today we may live in comfort far away from conflict zones and from crisis areas. But none of us knows what tomorrow will bring or what might happen to us. It is for this reason that I think that this year's UN General Assembly theme is particularly timely and pertinent, because it focuses on restoring trust in the international system. We support the sincere efforts of the Secretary General in this regard, including efforts around the UN 80 initiative. We expect this commitment to reform to continue in the same direction during the next Secretary General's term. Of course, I also want to clearly state the following here. We are truly committed to restoring confidence in the UN. The steps that must be taken are actually clear. Children in Gaza must be safe. When Palestinian children look up at the sky, they will see kites flying freely, not fighter jets, UAV or drones. Children in Lebanon will not wake up in the middle of the night to the sound of bombings. The labour of Asian workers will not be exploited by ruthless capitalists. Our African brothers and sisters will look to their future with as much confidence and hope as the citizens of prosperous countries. Now, only in this way can trust in the UN possibly be restored. We must acknowledge that a system in which the will of more than 190 countries is subject to the whim of just five countries, is not a fair system, and it is not capable of fully inspiring or establishing trust either. The Security Council must absolutely be reformed in accordance with the principle that the world is bigger than five. Dear friends, while we must keep pace with rapidly advancing technology, we also have the demanding but noble responsibility of building a more equitable international order. At this point, I want to share with you some basic principles. First and foremost, we are compelled to change the current mindset where international law is applied differently to the strong versus to the weak. Let us not forget that an international system where wrongdoers get away with it, and to make it worse, where impunity has become the norm. Such an international system, let's face it, is doomed to decay. Secondly, whenever international efforts fall short in resolving crises, we must harness regional ownership as an effective means of addressing those issues. As Turkey, whenever we have acted upon this principle, as in the case of the Black Sea Grain Corridor, we have achieved results and we have contributed to both regional and to global security. Third. We must absolutely re-establish an approach that places cooperation and open diplomacy at the core, at the center of relations among states. History has shown us time and again, through bitter experiences, that there is no winner in a political approach which is built on mistrust.
Russia's bet on cruise missiles and Shaheds didn't work the way Putin planned. They still caused damage, but they didn't break us. We built our defense. What is truly difficult for us now is Russian ballistic missiles and their new jet-powered Shaheds. Iranian technologies. Just imagine this: since the beginning of this year, Russia has already used more than 2,100 missiles of different types against us, against Ukraine, our people, and our children. More than 950 of them were ballistic missiles. In 8 months of this year, Russia used 63,000 attack drones of different types against Ukraine, our people. And more than 7,700 of them were jet-powered Shaheds. Truly destructive and very dangerous weapons. Just think about it. The Russians launch jet-powered Shaheds every hour. Every hour. Against our cities, our economy, our infrastructure. Our combat aircraft are fighting them 24/7. And this is part of Russia's strategy: to create a near threat every hour, to make life harder for the economy, and to disrupt people's lives, and to stop children from being able to study, just to study at school. Would your country survive if, God forbid, you had to face something like this? Ukraine has. Our soldiers have already successfully tested four new jet-powered interceptor drones against Russian jet-powered Shaheds. So we are scaling up production, and we will build, of course we will build, protection against these threats too. We have also launched an anti-ballistic program, FREA, together with our partners. Ten countries are already part of it: Ukraine, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Germany, France, Italy, the United Kingdom, Spain, and the Netherlands. Last week, I invited Poland to join. And we are also in consultations with a couple of other allied governments who want to join FREA. And we remain open to every country that can contribute to building protection against ballistic missiles. Our FREA program does not replace proven and effective systems, like, for example, Patriot systems or upgraded anti-ballistic SAMP/T systems. We want to build a system that can be produced on a much larger scale and at a lower cost, a system that can become an integrated part of Ukraine's defense and Europe's defense. One that can help any freedom-loving nation. The global waiting list for anti-ballistic systems is very long. There are more and more ballistic threats, and the industrial capacity of those who choose war is very large. So we need to produce enough protection so that every person sitting in this hall can say," My people are truly protected." That is our approach to security. Today, even the richest countries in the world can't find enough missile interceptors. Current production is simply not enough. And even those who spend years building up interceptor stocks have already used a large part of them, unfortunately. This is the reality, even in the Gulf, where countries really worked to build strong anti-ballistic system, anti-ballistic defense. So we need a new program. We need FREA join these common efforts. And yes, sometimes it may seem that Ukraine is focused, focused only on war, because we speak about weapons, we speak about defense and sanctions against the aggressor. But Ukrainians did not choose this war. We choose not to die, not to lose our country, our families, not to lose our independence, our freedom. And we are defending ourselves. And this matters not only for us. I'm sure most of you here are like Ukraine was before this war. You are peaceful nations. And you do not think about war every second. But that does not mean you are weak. And those who may wish you harm should not make that mistake. Most of you do not have nuclear weapons. You do not have a habit of attacking your neighbors. And you may not have the money to finance years of war. But that does not mean you have no chance to stay safe, to detour those who may threaten you, to make anyone who may threaten you think twice, and to protect your life and, of course, protect your people. Ukraine has proven that even against a much bigger enemy, you can stand and survive. And we also have the drone deal format. This is not simply about selling drones. Not, of course. It is cooperation with other countries to build a modern, integrated defense system against drone threats in the air, at sea, and on land. And this is not only about protecting the sky. Drones help us control our borders. It's important. Mountain areas. And of course, roads. And without them, this would simply be impossible. And it is also about protecting infrastructure, critical infrastructure, about resilience, about organizing resources and defense forces so that critical infrastructure and transport can keep working even in the most difficult conditions. This is also part of the deals we offer. These are ready-made security formats that we adapt to each specific country and each specific region. We are already working with partners in the Gulf, the South Caucasus, and across Europe through drone deals. Today, I signed a drone deal, serious drone deal, with Finland, and this is significant. Also, today, I signed a security agreement with Australia, and drones are part of it too. And we are preparing drone deals with Canada and with other countries as well. When Russia started this war, it could never have imagined that Ukrainian long-range drones would one day reach its factories, its military factories, somewhere in Siberia and on the Yamal Peninsula, thousands of kilometers from our borders. Thousands. No Russian admiral expected that we would be able to sink Russia's pride cruisers that were supposed to dominate the sea but could not survive our naval drones. And along with different types of drones, we also produce a wide range of conventional weapons quickly, at lower cost than in many other countries, and tested in modern war. Ukraine is building its security so that we reinforce our role of a real provider of security and help others get the protection that has already worked for us and that can truly reduce the space for starting and spreading wars in the world. Peace through protection. Ladies and gentlemen, just think about it. No Russian official ever imagined that Army General Winter, which had fought on Russia's side for centuries, would one day switch sides and support those defending themselves from Russia. We will make that happen this winter if Russia continues to target our energy system and our heating. Ukrainians understand that this winter could be very harsh for us. But in response, we will have no choice but to make it painful for Russia too. And that's exactly why we say that de-escalation steps are important, are needed before winter. Now, we need diplomacy, and we need strength. And step by step, we are closing the gaps in both. Yesterday, we met with the President of the United States, and this is exactly what we discussed. Unfortunately, we have not had a chance to speak directly with the leader of China, who is in America today, but not here. And he is someone who can influence Russia too, more than many, many others can. And we would like him to want peace as much as we do in Ukraine. We believe the world has the power to make this happen. We are sure the world needs this. This is about energy, about critical infrastructure. This is about food security.
I know all of you very well, but they know that given only a short time to make this world better, safer, and more prosperous for our children, for the people on earth, we have to take advantage of it. As president of the most extraordinary nation in history, I have no interest in leaving dangers to grow for another day. I do not believe in letting problems fester. They only become harder to solve. So while others have talked, I have acted, while others have spoken of peace. I have made peace while others have ignored threats. I have confronted them while others have talked of courage. America has shown it, while others have promised strength. I have used it to make America the most powerful country in the world. Working with many nations in this room, we are solving decades of intractable challenges, and we are settling years of unfinished business. And we're doing it well. There is no better example of a danger that was allowed to gather strength at the world's peril than the number one sponsor of terror, the Islamic Republic of Iran. For 51 years, the fanatical Iranian regime has ruled by bloodshed and mass murder, spreading death and carnage and chaos across the entire Middle East and beyond. They were the bully of the Middle East, but they are the bully no more. From the first day I entered the political arena, I've been unwavering. I will never allow Iran to have a nuclear weapon. Upon taking office last year, I immediately opened negotiations with Iran and offered them full economic cooperation in exchange for ending their nuclear program and support for terror. But they refused. They absolutely refused. That was a big mistake Then in Operation Midnight Hammer, the U.S. military obliterated their nuclear program beneath mountains of rubble. And again, I urged Iran to make a deal. And again they refused. The regime continued building a vast missile and drone stockpile that threatened the security of every American service member in the region and everyone else in the region They also made a missile that was capable of hitting Europe, and they were very proud of it. I hope the Europeans realize that Iran's goal was to complete their mad dash to a nuclear bomb from behind this conventional ballistic missile shield. If they had succeeded, that wicked regime would have been free to spread terror and death forever, knowing that any attempt to stop them would face an arsenal of nuclear annihilation. In America, we just marked the 25th anniversary of the worst terror attack in history, September 11th, which killed 3000 people just a few miles from here. It was an unbelievably terrible time. In two weeks, we will mark the third anniversary of the October 7th attack in Israel, where terrorists funded by Iran tortured, mutilated and killed 1200 very innocent civilians, including dozens of Americans and many babies, babies, little tiny, beautiful babies. Iran's supreme leader celebrated that massacre and called it a service to humanity The same regime slaughtered over 72,000 of its citizens this year. Recently, 10,000 were killed for protesting. Just imagine such a vile regime wherever empowered to carry out large scale terror attacks from behind a nuclear shield. This was the reality we had to confront, a reality that far too many preferred to ignore. They all ignored it. Many presidents and many others just wanted to ignore it. They were unwilling to do anything about it, but they knew the problem. After giving Iran every chance for a deal, I took action to ensure that neither the United States nor any nation is Hall would ever have to face such a nightmare, such a catastrophic problem. As a result of Operation Epic Fury, all 159 ships of their navy are now lying at the bottom of the sea. Likewise, their air force is gone. Their radar is gone, their anti-aircraft equipment is gone. Their missiles and drone manufacturing capacity is almost gone. Their economy is gone. The only thing that isn't gone is inflation, which is destroying their country and is now well over 300%. Yet even after we agreed to a cease fire for nuclear discussions, Iran promptly violated it with brazen acts of terrorism against civilian ships from other countries. I want to thank the U.N. Security Council for voting overwhelmingly to pass a resolution condemning Iran's despicable terrorist attacks on commercial shipping. Thank you very much. That resolution, I'm pleased to say, received more co-sponsors from U.N. member nations than any Security Council resolution in history. That's something. Now, we must be equally united in maintaining pressure. The United States Navy has recently escorted more than 1 billion barrels of oil out of the Strait of Hormuz, and more oil is flowing than at any point since the start of the war. We're taking 22, 25, 30, 32 and 37 ships out, respectively, every single day, every single night. But I have a big decision to make. Will a deal be made with Iran that lets them rebuild and create a far greater country than it ever was before? Maybe one of the greatest in the Middle East, or even the world. Or do I annihilate the Islamic Republic and do it quickly, never giving them a chance to kill and destroy people and countries again? Do I drive them into hell with no chance of survival and no hope of future greatness or generations? But I believe we'll make a deal right after the election, because it doesn't make sense for them not to. They're waiting to see how I do in the midterm election. What they don't realize is that I'm not running. I did that already and won in a landslide. We won in a giant landslide, and I'll be here for two and a half years. The Republican Party is running and I'll be helping them, but I am not running. I gave absolutely no credence and will not give credence to the election. When it comes to Iran, it doesn't even enter my mind. The only thing that does is that Iran will never have a nuclear weapon. The cowards and traitors. Thank you. Thank you. The cowards and traitors would love to say the United States is low on munitions, but that's not true. We have more munitions than we could ever possibly even think of using, and we're building them at levels that we have never done before. We are adding to our stockpiles faster than we have ever been able to do before. Top of the line stuff. In addition, in the very near future, massive munition plants will be opening. There are 18 of them being built by the greatest defense companies in the world right now 18 under construction. Some of them very quickly will be completed. They're almost there. And that rapid construction will be leading to very rapid deployment of missiles of every type and ammunition of every type, and will be able to supply our allies at a much faster rate than we're doing right now. I call on all nations to join us in enforcing the complete economic isolation of Iran. Until they stop their attacks on commercial shipping, relinquish their nuclear ambitions, and cease their support of terror. The terrorist regime is behaving badly, not because they are strong and confident, but because they are weak and desperate. If we stand united, we will soon see a world free of the last 51 year menace of Iranian terror. And oil prices will come plummeting down even lower than they were at the start of the conflict. And they were very low in the United States. They were really low. With courage and resolve. Anything is possible. Big changes can happen and happen fast. One year ago, when I addressed the great leaders in this hall, the war in Gaza was still raging brutally. The hostages were still deep in Hamas tunnels and there was no end in sight. It was never going to be resolved. But here on the sidelines of the General Assembly, we took the first steps. That changed everything. A few weeks later, we ended the war in Gaza, saving untold thousands of lives. We also brought home all remaining hostages, both living and dead. Every single one of them. Thank you. Thank you. Everyone thought it was a miracle that we were able to do so. And people celebrated in the streets. I want to express my gratitude to the United Nations Security Council for their unanimous endorsement of our 20 point Gaza peace plan, and for officially approving the Board of Peace. Going to be a very significant group of people. Nearly 30 countries have joined the board, which I am honored to chair, and we're thankful to many of those member nations for contributing billions and billions of dollars to relief. And it goes right to the rebuilding and relief of Morocco, Bahrain. These are the countries that gave Qatar, Kuwait, Kazakhstan, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Uzbekistan, and many more. That money goes right to the source, right where they need it, and they desperately need it. And those countries are very have been very generous, and others also are stepping up at numbers that nobody would even believe because they want to see people live. They want to see the humanitarian thing happen properly. They've been fantastic. I also want to thank those who have committed troops police and training to help stabilize Gaza, including Indonesia, Morocco, Albania, Kosovo, Kazakhstan, Egypt, Jordan and more. Since I took office, it has been my great honor to settle eight wars and in so doing, become friendly with the leaders of many of those countries. It was a great honor to do it. Numerous of these wars have gone on for many years and even decades. The reason I was able to make these settlements was the use of my relationships. Very special relationships to this day, very, very special trade, the use of tariffs and the threat of tariffs and various other reasons depending on the country. Among them, terms of settlement, Cambodia and Thailand, Kosovo and Serbia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda, Pakistan and India, Armenia and Azerbaijan. And of course, the war in Gaza, which, as I stated previously, includes the return of all hostages, both living and dead. Almost every one of these countries wrote me a letter of thank you. The Prime Minister of Pakistan, terrific man, said that Donald Trump was responsible for saving 30 million lives, and probably many more than that. The president of Azerbaijan said President Trump had six months, did a miracle. It was an absolute miracle that nobody thought could be done. The prime Minister of Armenia said this breakthrough would simply not have been possible without President Trump's personal engagement and his resolute commitment to peace. A president of Cambodia stated President Trump's extraordinary statesmanship, marked by his commitment to resolving conflicts and preventing catastrophic wars through visionary, innovative diplomacy was most recently demonstrated in his decisive role in brokering an immediate and unconditional cease fire and peace. This timely intervention which averted a potentially devastating conflict, was vital in preventing a great loss of lives and paved the way towards the restoration of peace. The president of Rwanda said when President Trump saw the opportunity to contribute to peace, he immediately took it. This conflict has lasted for 32 years. Millions and millions of people have died. We got it settled. We've seen countless mediations and efforts, but none has succeeded in resolving the underlying issues. President Donald Trump issued a new and effective statement that really has brought great peace and space through really a breakthrough that we thought was impossible. We're working very closely with the leaders of Russia and Ukraine, and we will get that one done. It's going to happen, I think, more quickly than people understand. They've they've had it 25000 young people, mostly soldiers a month, are dying 25000 a month. And I look at those battlefield pictures and I, I really don't want to see them anymore. It's so horrible to see 25,000 a month. Both sides. In addition, the United States and Iran will definitely get it done. We will get it done one way or the other. It's going to be done. It's going to be done fast. A lot has happened since we last gathered here one year ago in January. At my direction, the United States military conducted a massive military operation penetrating deep into the Venezuelan capital. Caracas descended on a heavily defended and fortified military base, one that was supposed to be flawless against attack, and arrested the outlaw dictator, real criminal Nicolas Maduro. Since that day, hundreds of Venezuelan political prisoners have been freed. They've let them out of jails, and we're working closely with the leaders of Venezuela to forge a much better future for the Venezuelan people. Last month, we signed the largest oil deal in history, covering 65 billion barrels of oil, which will benefit both Venezuela and the United States enormously and help drive down the cost of energy all over the world. And that is starting to perk right now. It's coming out. The biggest oil companies in the world are going in, and the numbers are absolutely incredible. When you add the United States and Venezuela together, we have more than 60% of the oil in the world. So it's perhaps the biggest deal. It was a war, but it's perhaps the biggest deal ever made. To the victor belong the spoils. You've all heard that our actions in Venezuela are proof that the United States will no longer permit threats to America to gain a foothold anywhere in the Western Hemisphere. And if necessary, we will use our unmatched military might to secure the vital national interests of the United States. As you know, Venezuela had the finest equipment in the world from other countries. And guess what It didn't work. Didn't even come close to working. For decades, other administrations allowed much of this region to be dominated by vicious gangs and bloodthirsty drug cartels, destabilized by uncontrolled migration and infiltrated by hostile foreign adversaries, foreign sick, demented adversaries. But not anymore. We are reasserting American power, including American military power, where necessary in our region and around the world, to create a safer future for all of us. It's happening, and it's happening quickly.
