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I return to this issue of belonging at the end of my speech. But, Mr. President, last year, from this very podium, I made a solemn pledge on behalf of Africa and the global African diaspora to seek full international recognition of the transatlantic trafficking and racialized chattel enslavement of Africans as the gravest crime against humanity. Some cautioned that we were reopening old wounds, but we came not to provoke division or render empty judgment. We came to seek healing. And true healing requires truth, and truth requires acknowledgement, and acknowledgement must lead to meaningful repair. Mr. president, for centuries, this tragedy was rendered in the passive voice as though the millions of African men, women and children just vanished into the shadows of time. Mr. president, they do not vanish. They were hunted. They were captured. They were trafficked. They were bought, they were sold. They were exploited and exchanged for profit. They were ripped from their families and communities they belonged to. They are unpaid labor built. The cities, industries, banking institutions, and empires of the modern Western world. Meanwhile, the African continent was left depopulated. Split families, structural disruption and generational trauma. Mr. president, on 25th March this year, the International Day of Remembrance of the Victims of Slavery and the Transatlantic Slave Trade. Ghana had the honor of tabling resolution 8250 in this very August Assembly. Mr. president, 123 nations voted to affirm this fundamental truth that the transatlantic slave trade and chattel enslavement were the gravest crimes against humanity I stand with respect at this podium to thank every nation that voted for justice, and am deeply grateful to our brothers and sisters in the African Union, the Caricom, Celac and our partners across the Global South. That resolution was not a mere gesture. It was adopted because the structural legacies of those historic crimes continue to fuel systematic racism, economic marginalization, and a global financial architecture that is weighted against Africa and people of African descent. Since the passage of the historic resolution, we welcome the positive overtures from many countries and institutions that have joined the dialogue on reparative justice. The Netherlands, Germany and France have all made positive moves to join the conversation on Reparatory justice. Mr. president, real repair demands structural transformation. It requires dismantling the persistent engines of exploitation, unfair global trade, predatory resource extraction, discriminatory, discriminatory credit ratings, unsustainable debt burdens of the global South, and the continued export of raw materials from Africa. While real value addition and job creation occur elsewhere. Mr. president, the injustices of the past remain embedded in today's power structures.
Where writing and law were born. And one of the founding members of the United Nations. I stand here to renew my country's commitment to the United Nations Charter and principles, and to present Iraq's vision for its future, its region, and the world at this critical juncture. Iraq, perhaps more than others. Has experienced wars and the damage they cause. We have lived through the conditions they create, along with the siege and terrorism imposed on us. Our people have paid a hefty price and lost the lives of their children, their resources and their development opportunities. Despite these difficulties that have made our country over several decades an arena of war and conflict. Today we are confidently presenting our vision for the future. Iraq aspires to exercise its influence and have an impact as an effective economic power in the region. And as a bridge for dialogue and cooperation among the peoples of the region.
Beyond the immediate human tragedy, these conflicts exert a heavy economic toll. They divert resources that are urgently needed for development into military expenditure. They also drive up energy and transportation costs, disrupt global supply chains, and exacerbate the rising cost of living felt by people everywhere. Peace remains the indispensable foundation upon which all development is built. Where there is war, development is reversed. Where there is instability, investment withdraws. Where there is fear, human potential is lost. The Kingdom of Eswatini remains deeply concerned by the continued conflicts and humanitarian crises affecting various parts of our world. We call for the continued pursuit of diplomatic and political solutions to these conflicts. While war may create temporal victors on the battlefield, only through dialogue can sustainable peace be established. The United Nations must remain the place where the door to dialogue never closes. On the African continent, continued instability validates the urgent need to strengthen African-led peace processes. There is also a need to support the capacity of African regional organizations to prevent conflict, mediate disputes, and build sustainable peace. The Kingdom of Eswatini believes firmly that peace in Europe, the Middle East, and Africa must be echoed in preventing diplomacy, fully supported by the United Nations. We call upon the UN to ensure that countries respect peace agreements that have been signed to avoid drawing back on the gains already made, thus causing more destruction to infrastructure and innocent lives. The UN should provide oversight to ensure follow-ups and monitor compliance on these agreements to last forever.
We wish them well, and they as they complete their tenure at the end of this year. Mr. president, fellow, few institutions embody the principle of sovereign equality as visibly as this assembly with the. Within these walls, differences in power, wealth and influence may shape the realities our nations confront, but they do not confer a greater claim to membership or participation. And perhaps more than anywhere else, this assembly reminds us of a simple truth. Our differences are real but so is our interdependence. This is why this organization was created with the understanding that disputes must be resolved through dialogue. Human dignity must be protected, and that nations must work together. If development, peace and human rights are to be sustained. In other words, that our common future requires common institutions. Eight decades later, we must ask ourselves whether we have remained faithful to that insight. And perhaps more importantly, do we still trust one another enough to act on it? Because today, Mr. President, trust is being tested. Geopolitical divisions are widening. Wars have become more protracted, with devastating humanitarian consequences. Respect for the United Nations Charter and international law is under visible strain, with developing countries facing intensifying debt burden. Climate vulnerabilities, huge gaps between commitments made and implementation, and feeling of marginalization and inadequate representation in the global system. Therefore, the task before us is building stronger, better equipped, representative responsive and effective multilateral system and global financial architecture that delivers for all nations and regions. Mr. president, the governments own experience within the. This organization gives us grounds for optimism. We have seen within this very institution that multilateralism can still deliver. During the 80th session of the General Assembly the government had the honor of chairing the second Committee at a time of profound disagreement over some of the most consequential economic and development issues before us. That experience reminded us that multilateralism does not require unanimity on every issue. It requires the willingness to remain at the table to listen, negotiate, and courage to make compromises. Our experience demonstrates that in this period of deep disagreement, progress remains possible.
Mr. president, Papua New Guinea comes to this assembly with profound respect for the charter of the United Nations and for the principles and purposes upon which this great institution was founded. The United Nations reminds us that whether we are big or small nations, rich or poor nations developed or developing, powerful or less powerful, we are all members of one international community. The challenges confronting humanity do not recognise the size of our economies, the strength of our militaries, or the boundaries on our map. No nation can address them alone. We must therefore continue to work together, respecting the sovereignty of all nations, upholding the international law and the United Nations Charter, resolving our differences peacefully and recognising that every nation, regardless of its size or economic strength or military might, has a voice and a place in this assembly. For Papua New Guinea and all the nations of the Pacific, multilateralism matters. The United Nations place provides a place rather, where small nations can sit alongside the largest, where voice can be heard and where we can work together on the common challenges facing humanity. And with this, I want to place on record Papua New Guinea's fullest acknowledgement on all speakers from the Pacific who have spoken, all leaders who spoke. We are fully, on behalf of Papua New Guinea, affirm all their points, the points that was raised. I also wish to acknowledge the Secretary General of United Nations, His Excellency Antonio Guterres as he approaches the completion of his tenure on behalf of the government and people of Papua New Guinea. I want to thank the Secretary General for his strong and consistent advocacy for humanity. At a time when our world has confronted war, displacement, poverty, inequality, climate change and many other challenges. He has consistently called for peace, human dignity, international cooperation and respect for the principles of United Nations. He has demonstrated the qualities of a global statesman. If there is anyone befitting of a Nobel Peace Award and label a global statesman, His Excellency Guterres is perhaps the leading person at this time. He has used his office to speak for humanity, including those voices that are often too dim and seemingly unheard. Secretary-General Guterres, on behalf of my 11 million people, Papua New Guinea, thank you for your service to the United Nations and to humanity. We remember fondly your three nights you stayed with us in the mountains and islands of Papua New Guinea. Thank you for being a strong voice of not just Papua New Guinea, but small nations, especially my small Pacific island nations. Your advocacy reminds us that beyond our national borders and political differences, cultures and beliefs, we belong to one human family. And we share one planet called the planet earth. Mr. president, it is in the spirit of common humanity that I wish to speak about human rights, human freedoms, and particularly freedom of conscience, thought, belief, and religion.
The trials of history have also taught us that sovereignty can never be taken for granted. The stability must be protected, and the strength of the international order ultimately depends on these same principles being upheld for every nation. Our commitment to these principles carries particular meaning. For Georgia 20% of our country remains under the occupation of the Russian Federation, while hundreds of thousands of our citizens continue to live in displacement, unable to return to their homes. While restoring trust and a major theme of this year's session, I would like to address our Abkhaz and Ossetian brothers and sisters. We have shared our homeland and a history for centuries. The divisions of today cannot erase that history, nor should they determine the future of our children. We believe that the dividends of peace and economic growth of Georgia should know no artificial boundaries.
It is exactly these principles that are guiding our efforts for peace and stability in the South Caucasus. Even though the decades long conflict with Armenia brought immense tragedy to our people and left deep scars across our land, Azerbaijan has chosen to look ahead and turn the page of enmity. We offered Armenia peace fully in line with norms and principles of international law, based on mutual recognition of and respect for each other's sovereignty and territorial integrity. Our normalization efforts produced historic results at the Washington Peace Summit last August, where the leaders of Azerbaijan and Armenia signed a joint declaration witnessed by President Trump of the United States of America. Through this declaration, both sides confirmed the end of the conflict and their will to jointly chart a peaceful and prosperous future. The sides also initialled the agreement on Establishment of peace and inter-state relations. Today, we have achieved de facto peace Moreover, by unilaterally lifting transit restrictions, Azerbaijan facilitates transportation of goods to and from Armenia. We have also established bilateral trade. Azerbaijan provides strategically important oil products to Armenia on a regular basis. Despite increased volatility in markets and growing international demand for these commodities. As we proceed with the peace agenda initiated by Azerbaijan, our entire region is now turning into a promising anchor of stability, connectivity and tangible economic dividends. To make this process irreversible, it is of crucial importance to eliminate the remaining obstacle, which will allow finalization of the normalization process through the signing of the already initialed bilateral agreement.
Even in the face of conflict and grievance, a region may be able to agree on principles that foster cooperation and prevent further conflict. My third observation is that a new economic world order is taking shape. Instruments once used for economic integration, such as trade, technology, energy investment and supply chains, have become instruments of geopolitical competition. There was perhaps, at times, a naive belief that interdependence would bring about stability and peace. Now the focus on opportunities has been replaced by the focus on threats. We've entered a world of coercion where dependencies are vulnerabilities. Countries seek choke points that can be weaponized to pressure others. But dependencies are complex. No nation, not even the biggest ones, can go it alone. All coercive actions come at a cost. And even if a mightier state dominates in one domain, a smaller state can respond in another. In the new geopolitical environment, the economic order of the post World War II era is seeking new forms. A new order must be based on a realistic understanding of the power balance in the world. We in the West must acknowledge that the global South and East are an expanding economic and political force. Many nations around the world have made remarkable advances in competence and know how. We should put this collective expertise to work for the global common good. Countries are right to be wary of dangerous dependencies, but our focus on the threats should not lead us to abandon cooperation. We should strive for an economic world order built on institutions and agreements. Multilateralism is also needed in the global economy. Now, this was the first part. It's all good and well to diagnose the problem.
We view this experience not as a reason for complacency, but as a commitment to share with others. As we engage in the work of the G20, we view this forum as key to rebuilding trust in international relations and developing responses to the most important challenges of the modern world, from economic security through supply chain resilience to the stability of the trading system. In this context, an important step toward a more representative governance structure was the decision to expand this format so that every region could be represented. In 2023, the African Union was admitted to the G20. This was a good decision. It has strengthened the voice of the African continent, and it better reflects the actual processes taking place in the global economy. Now it is the time for the voice of Central Europe, which has been absent from this forum until now, to be heard in the G20 as well. This is a region that is developing dynamically and has a slightly different perspective and set of experiences compared to its Western partners and friends.
Technology is changing how we work, communicate, and understand the world. Climate change is reshaping economies, communities, and entire ecosystems. Conflicts are destroying lives and displacing families. Economic uncertainty is deepening inequality while progress towards achieving the Sustainable Development Goals has stalled. These challenges are not unfolding in isolation. They are interconnected, global in scale and beyond the capacity of any one nation to address alone. They demand stronger cooperation and renewed confidence in multilateralism. Yet, excellencies, at the very moment when collective action is most urgently needed, this organization stands at a crossroads. The question before us, therefore, is whether we possess the courage, solidarity and political will to shape that change and guide our world towards peace, justice and shared prosperity. I strongly believe that most right thinking individuals would agree that the UN system has substantially delivered for all countries over the several decades of its existence. For more than 80 years, this organization has embodied humanity's highest collective aspiration that countries large and small, rich and poor can work together to prevent conflict, protect human dignity and improve the lives of their people. The United Nations provides shelter and protection to people enduring conflict, displacement, and natural disaster. It supports education healthcare, peacekeeping, elections and development in communities that might otherwise be forgotten. These achievements matter and must never be dismissed or diminished. What the United Nations does not currently do enough is deliver at the transformative level. Too often humanity and the institutions we have created to serve us have had to concentrate on managing one crisis after another, without giving enough attention to the conditions that allow them to persist. Excellencies, there is no question that managing crises is necessary. It brings relief, restores hope, and saves lives. But we cannot stop there. Our responsibility must also be to address the root causes of these problems and build systems that are fairer, stronger and better able to serve our people. The true test of this organization, therefore is not only how well we respond after people have suffered, it is also whether we can work together to prevent that suffering in the first place. This is not to dismiss what has already been achieved. It is a call for us to build on that progress, strengthen our cooperation and deliver the meaningful change that our people expect from us. A fundamental question that one must ask is, can the international system still deliver?
There, I appealed that it is essential for countries to acquire the capabilities to freely determine their own futures and resilience across economic, social and security domains. Japan places particular emphasis on following three pillars that embody this idea. First, Japan is engaged in strengthening the resilience of supply chains for energy and critical minerals. For global energy security, it is crucial to ensure free and transparent energy trade, engage in international coordination on strengthening oil stockpiling and enhance collaboration between producing and consuming countries. Japan has also launched the Partnership on Wide Energy Resources Resilience Asia POWERR Asia to strengthen energy and resource supply resilience in Asia, and has been promoting cooperation in areas such as stockpiling, capacity development and credit provision. Furthermore, Japan is currently formulating a comprehensive cooperation plan aimed at strengthening the economic and energy resilience of Gulf countries in the Middle East. Through this initiative, we will work to further strengthen the collaboration between the Asia Pacific region including Japan and the Gulf countries, to ensure a stable global energy supply. Moreover, concerns about arbitrary export restrictions are growing throughout the international community.
In short, a United Nations that delivers for all. If multilateralism is to deliver, it must first secure the peace upon which all human progress depends. Without peace, sustainable development is an illusion. Conflict destroys lives, uproots communities, and diverts vital resources away from health care, education and climate resilience. We must reject the normalisation of perpetual conflict and the selective application of international law. International law must apply equally to all, without exception, bias or double standards. This principle is vital to maritime security. The oceans are the lifeblood of global trade. When maritime routes are threatened by piracy geopolitical friction or armed aggression, the shocks ripple far beyond regional waters, devastating vulnerable island economies. Freedom of navigation and maritime security must be preserved under international law. Small and vulnerable states like ours should never bear the collateral economic costs of conflicts in which they have no part.
Mr. president, as mentioned before, the international community is experiencing profound uncertainty, including energy and food security crises, leading to intensified displacement of many people globally. Armed conflict continued to claim innocent lives while geopolitical tensions escalate. Children are living through unimaginable horrors. The United Nations has not been able to prevent this or to end the continuation, and we have to ponder on that. Other developments, for example in the Strait of Hormuz, demonstrate how quickly wars can affect energy markets suddenly and steeply, increasing the cost of energy, adversely impacting economic and social development in our countries. Common people suffer when food and energy prices rise, so the quality of life of our people is directly threatened, even by wars in regions far from their homes. And we as government, we have to make sure that we try to protect them. Suriname, therefore, calls for a renewed commitment to the purposes and principles of the UN charter, namely, the peaceful resolution of disputes. Dialogue is paramount for safeguarding a solid and proven UN system. The people of Cuba, a Caribbean country, are adversely affected by the current situation in their country. Suriname calls on the parties involved to remain committed to dialogue and negotiation to end the economic commercial and financial embargo. We plea for continuing negotiations in order to prevent further escalation and to reach a resolution that will benefit the people of Cuba.
Own country · at 1 min · 3 mentions in this passage
And I'm here not to sell you a product or a policy, or yet another declaration. I am here to sell you an idea. An idea conceived and spearheaded by His Majesty King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck, an idea embraced by the people of Bhutan. An idea already being built. That idea is Gelephu Mindfulness City, GMC. And my sales pitch is simple. Come and build it with us. Now, the world has built new cities before financial centers, freeports, technology hubs, special economic zones. But GMC is different. You see, Gelephu Mindfulness City is a special administrative region, an SAR. Under its Royal Charter, GMC exercises full autonomy in governance, legislation and the judiciary. Think one country, two systems. Think of the agility of a microstate. But GMC was not inherited from history. It was not created to manage a transfer of sovereignty. It is being deliberately created by Bhutan within Bhutan on sovereign Bhutanese territory for the future. GMC covers more than 4000km². That is more than five times the size of Singapore. But its greatest opportunity is not its size. Its greatest opportunity is an institutional blank slate. GMC was given something extraordinarily rare the freedom to design an entire city and its operating systems from first principles. So we asked if you could begin again. How would you govern? What laws would you write? How would we regulate business? How would we guarantee an independent judiciary? How would we attract the best talent? How would we use technology and especially artificial intelligence? How would we create wealth while protecting nature? And ultimately, what would all that prosperity be for? These were not theoretical questions. We answered them. And we are making full use of that institutional blank slate. If Singapore has legal principles that work, we learn from Singapore. If Abu Dhabi has financial regulations that work we learn from Abu Dhabi. If leading jurists from the United Kingdom can help us build an independent judiciary, we learn from them. And if international experts can strengthen our institutions, we learn from them. The principle is simple. Search the world for what works. Take the best, adapt it, and make it work for GMC. The result is a core operating system that is now in place, designed to give investors clarity, familiarity, and predictability. But GMC's operating system was designed around a deeper conviction that prosperity and values should reinforce one another. That means rejecting the assumption that we must choose between enterprise and well-being, between technology and humanity between development and nature. At GMC, we believe a balanced approach can deliver substantial profits while protecting the values that make prosperity worthwhile. Balance is not the enemy of profit. It is the foundation of lasting profit. And at GMC, balance is not a slogan. It is built into the operating system. And this matters deeply to Bhutan. You see, Bhutan is peaceful and stable. Our forests are intact. Our culture is alive. Our people are educated. But our economy is small. It cannot yet create enough opportunities for our young people. So too many of them leave home to find opportunity elsewhere. For a country as small as ours, this is not only an economic challenge, it is an existential one. We cannot simply tell them to stay. We must give them a reason to stay and a reason to return. Jobs. Opportunities. Enterprise, a future. So Bhutan must transform. But we refuse to believe that transformation requires us to become somebody else. We want economic growth. We want investment. We want technology. We want successful companies. We want our people to become wealthier. But we also want to protect what makes Bhutan Bhutan. That is the driving force behind His Majesty's vision for GMC. And that is why His Majesty is personally spearheading its development. GMC is not a project on the margins of Bhutan. It is at the heart of our national transformation. Our people have embraced GMC as a people's project and investment in our children, our economy and our shared future. Bhutan is not waiting to see whether the world believes in GMC before committing to it.
Human made conflicts have created situations of unrest in many countries. Vast numbers of people are being displaced, giving rise to humanitarian crisis. Wars and conflicts are placing immense pressure on the global economy. Energy security concerns, disruptions to global energy supply systems and rising inflation are worsening the economic situation. We believe that every conflict should be resolved through dialogue, diplomatic processes and mutual cooperation. Equality, fairness, protection of mutual interests and respect and dignity among disputing states should form the basis of bilateral and multilateral relations. We aspire to a peaceful world, a humane, global community where, rather than weapons of destruction, reason and debate, diplomacy, education and humanity become the instruments of change. Bangladesh sees the United Nations as the centerpiece for establishing an accommodative global community based on mutual respect for one another's independence and sovereignty. The tendency to divert development budgets towards military expenditure in different parts of the world verses the direction of our journey towards global peace. As a peace loving nation, Bangladesh remains committed to the goals of complete and general disarmament, preventing the proliferation of nuclear weapons and arms control. I reiterate Bangladesh's support for any initiative at the United Nations dedicated to establishing world peace and serving humanity. The people of Bangladesh who believe in democracy remain deeply concerned about the plight of the freedom seeking Palestinian people. Bangladesh once again reaffirms its unwavering support for their legitimate demands, including their right to self-determination and their right to establish an independent state of Palestine. Mr. president, in the prevailing global circumstances the theme of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all, is highly relevant and timely. Bangladesh remains steadfast in its commitment to multilateralism in maintaining international peace and security. As vice chair of the Peacebuilding Commission, Bangladesh continues to serve as a strong voice for sustainable peace, conflict prevention and inclusive peace. As a consistent contributor to United Nations peacekeeping missions. Bangladeshi peace keepers are serving humanity in different parts of the world. The courageous participation of Bangladeshi women in peacekeeping missions, even under adverse circumstances, reflects our strong commitment to advancing the agenda of women, peace and security. This year, Bangladesh is observing the 40th anniversary of the declaration on the Right to Development and the 25th anniversary of the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action.
Tuvalu acknowledges the efforts of the international community to address the climate crisis, but the pace and scale of global actions remain insufficient. With a temporary overshoot of the 1.5°C target now inevitable, a fast, fair, just and orderly transition away from fossil fuel is even more urgent and require serious attention. Although the science may be clear that methane mitigation is the only scalable near-term solution capable of rapidly slowing global temperature rise and buying time for long term CO2 decarbonisation strategies to take effect. Tuvalu will insist that CO2 mitigation must also remain a top priority, and that both methane mitigation and CO2 mitigation should be vigorously pursued simultaneously. Therefore, the call for a fossil fuel free Pacific and the Funafuti call for climate justice and climate actions are critical Pacific led instruments championing Pacific regional survival and global climate actions. Towards that objective, Tuvalu is determined to play its part in driving greater ambition, including the hosting of the Leaders' Segment event of the Pre-COP31 next month and co-hosting with Ireland in Tuvalu next year the Second Conference on Transitioning Away from Fossil Fuels. Tuvalu reminds states of their legal obligation to take appropriate action to protect the climate system from greenhouse gas emissions, as failure to do so constitutes an internationally wrongful act, as confirmed by the ICJ advisory opinion. Tuvalu welcomes the operationalization of the Loss and Damage Fund and call on countries to honour their pledges and commitments. Adequate, predictable and timely financing is essential to ensure the fund can fully deliver on its mandate and provide meaningful support to those most vulnerable to climate related loss and damage including non-economic loss and damage. Finance, therefore, must be provided as grants at the scale required to address the climate impacts already unavoidable, and the increasing loss and damage caused by further warming. Tuvalu stands ready to work with all nations to advance climate ambitions and strengthen resilience and ensure that no country is left behind.
Mr. president since last February, the state of Kuwait, the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan have been subjected to illegal Iranian aggression involving ballistic, ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and drones. All while we are not a party to the conflict in the region. These attacks are a flagrant violation of the international law, international humanitarian law and the UN charter. These brutal attacks have systematically and repeatedly targeted civilian objects and critical infrastructure, including Kuwait International Airport, power and water stations, oil facilities as well, revealing a hostile approach aimed at disrupting the foundations of life and critical infrastructure. These heinous attacks have claimed the lives of several martyrs and innocent civilians. They have also resulted in numerous injuries and have inflicted material and economic damage. And furthermore, to inflict harm on the economies of the region and the world, and to disrupt global trade and oil markets, Iran is obstructing maritime navigation and closing the Strait of Hormuz to use it as a bargaining chip in the war in violation of international law and the relevant Security Council resolutions. In this regard, the State of Kuwait expresses its deep appreciation to the brotherly and friendly nations who have stood by Kuwait and demonstrated solidarity. We also salute the countries that have sponsored Security Council Resolution 2017 and the other resolutions issued by the Human Rights Council and the International Maritime Organization, which have condemned the Iranian aggression as a threat to international peace and security. Demanding its cessation and affirming the inherent rights of states to self-defence, as per article 51 of the UN charter. They have also stressed the importance of guaranteeing freedom of navigation without restrictions or conditions and based on. Kuwait's belief that the security and stability of the Arabian Gulf region constitutes a fundamental pillar of regional and international security and stability, as demonstrated by the repercussions of the war and Iranian aggressions. We reiterate the support for all diplomatic efforts aimed at de-escalation and a peaceful resolution to the existing dispute, and we applaud the mediation efforts led by Qatar and Pakistan, while emphasizing the need to reach a sustainable regional understanding based on a firm commitment to the principles of good neighbourliness, respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs, as well as refraining from the use or threat of use of force. In addition to ceasing support for proxies and militias and addressing the security concerns of all countries in the region, including. The Iranian nuclear file, ballistic missiles and drones, while stressing the guarantee of freedom and safety of navigation and the right of passage through the Straits of Hormuz and Bab el Mandeb. In accordance with the international law and the 1982 UN convention on the law of the sea.
The values enshrined in the United Nations Charter elevate this organization to be the epicenter for global multilateralism. For this reason, we oppose the imposition of unilateral coercive measures, which continue to penalize entire people in clear violation of the aforementioned Charter of the UN. We thus reiterate our position in support of the ending of the economic, commercial, and financial blockade imposed against Cuba. Likewise, we wish to express our solidarity with the broader people of Zimbabwe and reiterate our position in favor of the unconditional lifting of sanctions against Zimbabwe and other countries in the world.
We know that sanctions undermine economic and financial freedoms and hinder human development. Three, we believe in respecting the rights of nature; that is the only way in which we can duly consecrate human life. Four, equally, the institutional failure of global trade is today patently clear, because no nation can thrive in supranational systems which do not promote national industry and which prioritize outsourcing and award that strategy. Five, international stability means that we must resolve our three-pronged energy-like dilemma: we must, at the same time, guarantee security of supply, affordable prices, and environmental sustainability.
Today, Central Asia is becoming an example of constructive inter-state cooperation as well as economic, infrastructural and technological development. In this regard, we are ready to share the experience we have accumulated along this path. Distinguished heads of delegations. For the first time in its history, Kyrgyzstan has been elected as a member of the United Nations Security Council for the 2027 2028 term. Taking this opportunity, I would like to express my profound gratitude to all countries that supported our candidacy. The support of 142 member states not only confirms Kyrgyzstan's readiness to contribute to international affairs, but also demonstrates the growing role of the Central Asian region in international relations. This achievement is clear evidence that even small states can make a meaningful contribution to addressing global challenges. We fully understand that membership in the Security Council is not a privilege or reward. It is a great responsibility. One year ago, standing at this stage, I stated with confidence that Kyrgyzstan is among those states whose experience enables them to put forward substantive issues for consideration by the Security Council. We do not forget the promises we have made and will make every effort to implement them fully. Therefore, I would like to reiterate Kyrgyzstan firmly adheres to international law, justice and the protection of human rights and supports the multilateral system based on mutual respect, balance of interest and responsibility towards future generations. We intend to work closely with every country and remain committed to productive cooperation. Distinguished colleagues as you all may know, since the establishment of the United Nations in 1945, its member states and leaders have attempted to undertake systematic reforms. Reforms have ranged from expanding the membership of the Security Council to modernizing mechanisms of governance, peacekeeping and the protection of human rights. These initiatives continue to be actively discussed at the international level. However, despite numerous efforts and years of discussion, the institutional structure of our organization continues to face various challenges. Therefore, I believe that expanding the membership of the Security Council is one of the reforms that the international community expects. I consider it fair to grant two permanent seats to the African continent, with a population of more than 1 billion people and one permanent seat to Latin America. Today, the world has changed. At the same time, a number of developed countries have also expressed their aspiration to become members of the Security Council. I believe that the request of this country should be also considered. Another issue, in my view, the weakness of effective mechanisms for ensuring the implementation of the decisions of the organization. The systematic failure to implement the organization's decisions undermines the legitimacy of multilateralism concept, creates the impression that international law is not binding and encourages disregard for international obligations. Therefore, we must expand and strengthen the authority of the United Nations. In this regard, we propose to develop the United Nations mechanism for the implementation of decisions and accountability. First, it is necessary to establish, within the framework of the General Assembly, the permanent Public registry of the implementation of resolutions and obligations by Member States. This registry could include the following information and ensure the implementation of such mechanisms as. First, systematically record and verify the level of implementation of adopted decisions. Second, establish the obligation for Member States to regularly submit report in accordance with the agreed standards. Third, provide analytical reviews on sectors and regions. Fourth, ensure transparency and equal access to information for all states. The registry could be administered by the United Nations Secretariat with the support of independent experts. If decisions of the organization are systematically not implemented, I propose the gradual response mechanisms. The first stage an official notification to the concerned state, followed by consultations with the relevant bodies of the organization. The second stage deployment of a monitoring mission to the country concerned to assess the objective obstacles, preventing the implementation of the decision and to prepare recommendations. The third stage consideration of the case right here at a plenary meeting of the General Assembly to determine the status of the concerned state in terms of its systematic implementation or non implementation of United Nations decisions. The fourth stage, the initiation of appropriate procedures under the charter of the United Nations with regard to states that fail to comply with the requirements. In particular, the matter could be referred to the United Nations Security Council for consideration of restrictive measures provided for under international law, including the first temporary restriction on participation in United Nations programs. The second, recommendations to review existing formats of cooperation and other diplomatic measures, where appropriate. Distinguished colleagues, I believe that when cases of systematic non-implementation of United Nations decisions are considered, the permanent members of the Security Council should voluntarily refrain from using the veto. If a mechanism designed to ensure the implementation of the organization's decisions is systematically blocked by permanent members through the use of the veto, such practice would no longer be consistent with the spirit of the UN charter and the principle of equal responsibility of Member States. Therefore, we should once again consider the possibility of voluntarily restraining to use the veto in matters related to the implementation of the organization's decisions. This approach could promote universality, the equality of all states, regardless of their size, the primacy of diplomacy, and avoid the double standards. In order to implement this initiative, I propose establishing to open a working group within the General Assembly with the participation of the interested Member States. The working group could conduct inter-governmental consultations and prepare a report on possible models for the proposed mechanism. Following these consultations, the General Assembly and the Security Council should consider adopting the relevant resolutions and decisions. The strategic objective of this initiative is to ensure that the decisions of the organization are treated not merely as political recommendations, but as genuine international obligations. Improvement of their implementation would strengthen the rule of international law and reinforce confidence in the United Nations. Kyrgyzstan is ready to initiate interstate discussions on the development of such a mechanism. Starting from the 1st January 2027, as a member of the United Nations Security Council, we intend to formally submit all these proposals to the relevant committee. Distinguished colleagues, I would like to address separately the issues of sanctions. As we have all observed today, sanctions are in some cases, used by individual countries as an instrument to interference to the internal affairs of sovereign states.
Mr. President, Excellencies, Ladies and gentlemen, The faultlines in our world are widening. Cracks have become canyons. Over the last decade, wars erupted with devastating consequences and dragged on with despicable cruelty. Civilians were targeted. Human rights trampled. Hunger weaponized. Humanitarians killed. International law cast aside. Geopolitical divides have deepened. Inequalities have intensified. Trust has frayed. The climate crisis went from distant warning to daily reality. And artificial intelligence moved at a speed that has blindsided even those who created it. These are not separate crises. They are chapters of the same story. The story of power. Who has it. Who is denied it. How it is used. And how it is changing. Excellencies, Power is being reshaped in three fundamental ways. First, among States. New centres of economic, political and technological influence have emerged. Second, we are witnessing an extraordinary transfer of power away from governments to a handful of private corporations and individuals. Their reach now extends across politics, economies, information flows, technological development, and the civic space on which societies depend. And, third, humans are increasingly handing over power to machines – with Artificial Intelligence agents going rogue, and lethal autonomous weapons going from science fiction to military reality. Yet our institutions and systems of global governance continue to reflect the power realities and interests of a largely bygone age. That is the defining challenge before us. At the very moment when humanity faces an unprecedented convergence of threats, our mechanisms for collective action are under growing strain. Excellencies, We are clearly moving towards a multipolar world. And that movement is irreversible. But there are different ways that multipolarity can take shape. One possibility is a world of fragmentation and transactionalism. A world of rising tensions and deepening mistrust. Of fractured markets and weakened institutions. Of shrinking cooperation and zero-sum calculations. In many respects, that is the trajectory we are on today. But there is another path. A path towards networked multipolarity. A world built on interdependence – and sustained by a dense web of economic, political, social and technological connections. A world in which multiple centres of influence coexist within a common framework of international law and shared rules. Such a world can help us avoid hegemonic tendencies and what I have called the Great Fracture: The division of the world into two rival blocs with separate economic, technological and security systems. A networked world recognizes that no power can solve today’s challenges alone. Of course, competition will remain a permanent feature of international relations. But competition does not have to mean confrontation. Healthy competition can drive innovation, strengthen resilience, and expand opportunity. But only when it operates within frameworks that preserve stability and enable cooperation where cooperation is indispensable. Building a networked future begins with a recognition, especially by superpowers: That their power isn’t so super. That their power has limits. The events of recent years have made that unmistakably clear. Military power alone cannot secure peace. Economic power alone cannot command stability. And technological power alone cannot guarantee security. A networked multipolar world can create the conditions for more balanced and representative global problem-solving. But it requires a multilateral system centred in the UN that is balanced and representative. Strong, effective institutions that reflect the realities and the progressively changing relative weight of countries and economies in today’s world – not the power arrangements of 80 years ago. Fortunately, we are not starting from scratch. We already have a binding foundation: The Charter of the United Nations. And the principles that give it life. The primacy of international law. Upholding human dignity. And the pursuit of justice in all its dimensions. These are the backbone for the effective, legitimate and responsible exercise of power in the 21st century. Excellencies, It comes down to this: Will we act to ensure that power is governed by law or by force? By cooperation or coercion? By responsibility to young people and future generations or indifference to their fate? Because the defining challenges of our age are not separate from the question of power. They are expressions of it. And they will determine whether we drift deeper into division and instability – or move toward cooperation, justice and collective security. Looking ahead, our future will be shaped by how we address four great tests of power: The power over war and peace. The power that concentrates wealth and drives inequality.
Nigeria stands ready to assume greater responsibility on the strength of obligations honoured and sacrifices made over decades in the service of peace from Liberia and Sierra Leone to Darfur, Mali and The Gambia. We have committed personnel resources when international solidarity required action through a course the African Union and our Gulf of Guinea partnerships we continue to advance mediation, democratic governance, counter-terrorism and maritime security. Mr. president, our foreign policy rests on the same conviction that guides our economic reforms through sound macroeconomic management, stronger institutions, private sector development and strategic public investment. We seek to give practical meaning to our sustainable development commitments.
Managing transformation requires institutions capable of adapting to a rapidly changing world, and delivering for all requires us to move beyond declarations toward tangible improvements in the lives and livelihoods of our peoples. Ultimately, our declarations, communices, and resolutions must travel the difficult road from this assembly hall to the daily lives of the peoples we represent. Persistent conflicts, geopolitical tensions, and growing divisions have tested trust between nations. Concurrently, our world is undergoing transformation driven by technology, climate change, demographic shifts, and changing patterns of economic power. The pertinent question is how we strengthen multilateralism so that the United Nations can deliver meaningful results for all member states. Humanity has traveled far enough to know that, on the great challenges of our age, none of us can go it alone. Whether a nation of a billion people or, like Botswana with just over 2.5 million people, we share one fragile planet and one imperfect but irreplaceable United Nations. The choices we make will determine whether multilateralism restores trust, manages transformation, and delivers for all, or becomes a cautionary tale of promises made and forgotten.
Yet challenges persist. Economic diversification remains limited, youth unemployment stands at 38%, and climate related shocks and inequality continue to constrain inclusive transformation. With only three years remaining until 2030, we appeal to the international community to honour their official Development assistance commitments, which is an essential step in restoring trust. We further call for reform of the international financial architecture to make it more equitable, fit for purpose and responsive to the needs of developing countries, as agreed at the Fourth Summit for Financing for Development, FfD4, held in Seville, Spain last year. We also urge full implementation of the outcomes of the Third Summit of Landlocked Developing Countries held in Awasa, Turkmenistan, in August 2025. The implementation of these outcomes without further delay, together with the Pact for the Future, will undoubtedly help restore eroded trust.
Cote d'Ivoire hopes that this process will result in the appointment of a figure of the highest caliber, whose moral values independence of mind, diplomatic experience and commitment to dialogue will enable the United Nations to pursue, with ambition and effectiveness its mission in the service of peace, development and solidarity among nations. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Current international events remind us every day of the human, political and economic cost of protracted conflicts. Cote d'Ivoire remains deeply concerned about the resumption of hostilities in the Near and Middle East, the consequences of which weigh on peace and on food, energy and economic security throughout the world. The dire situation in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and in the Sudan is equally alarming, with severe and endless humanitarian consequences. All these persistent conflicts are exacerbating the suffering of the affected populations and producing harmful effects that extend far beyond the borders of the states concerned. We therefore call for dialogue to prevail over arms. We also express our solidarity with the Haitian people. Cote d'Ivoire will continue to contribute to ongoing initiatives aimed at supporting the Haitian authorities and international partners in order to restore security in the sister nation so as to restore democratic legitimacy to its institutions. My country takes this opportunity to reaffirm its commitment to the peaceful settlement of disputes in accordance with the United Nations Charter. And to lend its full support for the many mediation efforts undertaken by the United Nations, the African Union and relevant regional organizations. Ladies and gentlemen.
of this United Nations, my country, Saint Lucia, though small in geography, but large in courage, dignity and conviction, took its seat among the community of nations brimming with hope, optimism and trust in the promise and goals of this body. Today we meet at a moment of profound international uncertainty. Conflict is spreading, trust is eroding, developmental gains are being reversed, and the rules intended to protect humanity are too often applied selectively. For small island developing states, these crises are not abstract. They are lived realities. Climate change threatens our homes, livelihoods and very existence. Debt limits our ability to invest in people. Digital technologies are transforming our societies. Without safeguards, they can reproduce old patterns of domination in a new form. And in our own Caribbean neighborhood, people of Haiti continue to endure a humanitarian and security crisis that demands more than statements of concern. The theme before us, Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: a United Nations that delivers for all, must not remain a slogan. Trust will be restored only when promises are matched by action, when commitments are honored, and when the United Nations delivers meaningful results for every nation. And when there is due regard for multilateral principles, not only for the most powerful, but for the weakest of us as well. This assembly should not be a place where the world expresses sympathy without accepting responsibility. We need action. We need justice. And we need a renewed international compact based not on power, but on principle. We need multilateralism, not unilateralism. And in the words of the former UN secretary general, the United Nations was not created in order to bring us to heaven, but in order to save us from hell. For Saint Lucia, climate change is not a distant environmental issue. It is a direct threat to national security, economic stability, food and water security, and human survival.
My dear colleagues, this evening I want to talk about the need for nations to work together on the new challenges that we face climate change, emerging technology and the breakdown of international rules. Eight decades ago, the citizens and leaders of our nations made a solemn promise to future generations. Having known the untold sorrow of two devastating global conflicts in their lifetimes, they vowed to work together to prevent another. The pioneers who built this institution from the ruins of war, proud Australians among them, were also coming to terms with two terrible truths the horrors of the Holocaust and the unprecedented horror of nuclear weapons. A depth of evil and a scale of destruction beyond imagining even a decade earlier. Yet rather than recoil from that reality, our leaders stood together to face it, learn from it, and most importantly, guard against its return. And instead of surrendering to fear or dealing in retribution, or abandoning their fate to a world governed by force alone, they came together to renew and affirm their faith in humanity, in the essential and equal dignity and worth of every individual, in the sovereignty of every nation and in the capacity and indeed the responsibility of all of us to give the Universal declaration of human rights, life and weight and real meaning by engaging in the dialogue that builds trust and deepens understanding and backing those words with actions. In this moment, we need to lean in and strengthen and modernise the fundamental parts of the UN system that help to build peace and promote economic development and sustainability, sovereignty, prosperity and peace are never guaranteed. They must be created, nurtured and protected by each generation, supporting the jobs, homes, schools and healthcare that represent the fullest expression of the UN's commitment to the economic and social advancement of all peoples. We know that the surest way to minimise the potential for conflict is to create the prosperity, opportunity and economic justice on which lasting peace depends. That means cooperating on the urgent challenges that confront each of our sovereign nations, and creating solutions that work for our citizens. This was the founding purpose of the United Nations. And for the leaders who have gathered here this week, this remains the test of our time. A test we can and we must pass. Whether it is climate change or artificial intelligence. There is always the temptation to say that our generation is being confronted by issues that our predecessors could not possibly have imagined while dealing with the world they would not recognise. But for all the transformation the past eight decades have brought, the fundamental, fundamental stakes haven't changed. And just as its values, our values, our ideals, our commitment to dialogue and cooperation proved equal to that task, then we can rise to meet these new challenges now. We can reaffirm our national sovereignty and our shared humanity. We can seize and share and shape the opportunities this moment holds in the interests of our citizens. But we can only do it together. From the very first days of this forum, Australia has always known that we understand that the UN mission cannot be entrusted solely to the great powers or the biggest countries, or even the loudest voices alone, nor can it be subcontracted to the world's richest companies, or dictated by the pace of technology. Then now and always, shaping a secure, peaceful and prosperous world is a task for all of us. And that world must be driven by the values and aspirations of all of us. We all have a part to play. And that is why Australia is seeking a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council for 2029 2030. The world faces tough times and Australia wants to respond to partner and to make a difference. Should our Security Council bid prove successful. Our purpose and approach will be consistent with how we have always conducted ourselves at the UN. We will listen with respect. We will partner as equals. And we will protect what matters most. Mr. president, a safer world is one governed by rules, not by power and force alone. It is a world in which all countries have the freedom to decide their own future. And all countries have their decisions. Listen to. As a member of the UN Security Council, Australia will safeguard the rules that protect us all by upholding international law, including the UN charter and the sovereignty of all states. We will amplify the voices of small states and middle powers to ensure a wider range of perspectives shape the council's decisions. We will work to prevent crisis, resolve resolve conflicts and protect civilians through diplomacy, peace building and practical action. Our objective will be to support a more effective, representative and responsive UN that is equipped to address the fast growing challenges of today. Listening, partnering. Protecting colleagues. The world is changing rapidly. New issues are becoming international issues demanding our full attention. Climate change, where the science foretold of the increase in frequency and intensity of extreme weather events that we are now experiencing emerging technology, including artificial intelligence, which is evolving at a furious pace, and the breakdown of trust, civility and social cohesion, which is promoting conflict within and between countries. Clearly, the multilateral system we have all known and benefited from is under immense strain. To promote the peace, to create a world of human dignity, to do justice to the UN's mission, we must embrace change and we must embrace reform. Australia supports the rules and institutions that underpin open trade and connectivity. That order, based on agreed rules and institutions, faces massive disruption. This doesn't mean abandoning multilateralism, it means working to reform it.
Own country · at 1 min · 2 mentions in this passage
What has changed is the world around it. What has changed, first and foremost is Chile. For the vast swathes of the 90s and until the beginning of the 2000, Chile was a success story and a model for many regions and nations. Our country implemented economic policies that prioritized economic stability, openness to trade, and private investment in the Latin American context in which many nations were facing inflation crises and external debt. Chile distinguished itself because it continued to show fiscal responsibility, display high rates of growth and poverty reduction. What happened then? Chile ground to a halt. Things stagnated. It took bad decisions. Public policies were implemented that increased taxation, regulation and obstacles to entrepreneurship. We also weathered a very difficult juncture. In October 2019, Chile then fell to its knees in our streets. For months, there was an outbreak of violence. Chaos reigned and disorder prevailed. All of that brought consequences. With it, investment plummeted, employment ground to a standstill and homicide levels rose to an extent that Chile had never seen in modern history as a result of the rising tide of organized crime. And that all happened until very recently. Until now. Distinguished. I've come to this forum to tell you that Chile is back, and that is no slogan. It is the very reality of a country that today begins to stride towards development. Our government took office with one conviction. Order does not run counter to freedom. Order is one of the preconditions of freedom. The freedom to walk home worry free and to not be a victim of crime. The freedom to run a business and not be stymied by the action of the state. The freedom to invest and not find ourselves in a situation where the rules of the game are continually changing. We have been in government for six years and we're getting our house in order. Today, Chile is a safer, more competitive country and a nation with far less red tape.
Freedom of navigation and uninhibited passage through international straits, as guaranteed by international law must be championed globally, and it is our collective responsibility to uphold these principles in practice and to safeguard commercial shipping. And as a leading maritime nation, Greece actively contributes to maritime security through the operation of the European Union that speeds in the Red sea, and this topic will remain a high priority when Greece assumes the presidency of the Security Council next month. We intend to place particular attention to the challenges posed by emerging technologies. Ladies and gentlemen, Greece's geography grants it the natural role of serving as a bridge between Europe and its wider neighbourhood to the east and the south. We literally sit at the intersection of the shrinking space between the east and the West. My country is a pillar of stability, connectivity and peace across the Eastern Mediterranean, the Middle East and the Gulf region Greece has developed strong strategic partnerships with key countries in the region, including Israel, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Bahrain and Qatar. We are a bridge builder. We are not a troublemaker. Yet putting this vision into practice is rarely simple. At a time of tectonic geopolitical changes in the Middle East, the Gaza peace plan agreed last year must be effectively implemented. It is of paramount concern to ensure that Hamas surrenders its arms. It can have no role, I repeat, no role in Gaza's future. At the same time, reconstruction needs to move forward, with Palestinians themselves taking ownership of Gaza's future. Greece will continue to advocate for a two state solution, with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace and security. However, developments in the West Bank remain a source of deep concern Actions that are illegal under international law and undermine the viability of a future Palestinian state cannot be allowed to continue. We strongly argue that this is also to the benefit of the long term security of Israel itself. Greece has established a durable and deep strategic partnership with Israel, while at the same time maintaining strong ties with the Arab world And it is precisely. It is precisely the strength of this partnership that allows us to engage in an open and candid dialogue. In Lebanon, there is now a real opportunity to lay the foundations for a lasting peace. The US facilitated negotiations with Israel are an important step forward and should be sustained. Greece strongly supports a sovereign, resilient and united Lebanon and the government's efforts to restore the state's monopoly over arms. Ultimately, a stronger Lebanese state will serve both domestic security and regional stability. Therefore, we will continue to deliver concrete assistance to the country, including to the Lebanese armed forces with a unifil's mandate. Ending joint action is crucial to avoid a security vacuum and maintain an effective international and European presence. Syria is another key player in the region. Lasting stability in the Middle East requires a stable Syria, a Syria that is inclusive, a Syria that is free from foreign interference and regional rivalries. A Syria where every citizen can and should feel secure. The new Syrian authorities have taken steps in this direction. Get. Further concrete progress must be demonstrated, particularly when it comes to protecting the rights and security of all religious and ethnic communities. And this, of course, includes the Orthodox Christian minority, which unfortunately continues to face the violence of Islamist extremists. The search for stability extends to Libya, a neighbour with whom we share many common interests. We praise all reunification efforts. A stable Libya free from foreign interference, would benefit not only the Libyan people, but our entire region. And Greece is ready to support Libyan institutions in border protection and migration management. And we remain fully committed to reaching an agreement on the delimitation of our maritime zones. Ladies and gentlemen, let me now turn to our relations with our neighbour, Turkey. Over the past three years, we have made a sustained effort to improve our relationship, rebuild trust and keep channels of communication open in order to prevent the escalation of tensions that could lead to unwanted crises. It is a delicate relationship. It's a relationship that carries the weight of history. And indeed, given broader and regional challenges, the situation calls urgently calls for a common understanding on how we move forward and understanding grounded in full respect for international law and the principles of good neighbourly relations. After all, as I've said repeatedly, we cannot change our geography. We are destined to live side by side. And I repeat that the UN convention on the law of the sea provides the only institutional framework to solve our only long lasting dispute concerning the delimitation of our continental shelf and our exclusive economic zones. Dialogue is essential for peace and prosperity, but meaningful dialogue cannot coexist with unilateral actions. The challenge the international legal order. Nor can meaningful progress be made when faced with threats of war in response to the exercise of lawful rights, according to international law. Such actions do not resolve differences. They end up by only deepening them, and they risk undermining the stability of our wider region, a region which we should not forget, still bears an open wound. The unresolved Cyprus issue 52 years, 52 years have passed since Turkey illegally invaded Cyprus and continued to occupy it, a flagrant violation of international law whose consequences persist to this day for the United Nations. Cyprus remains a litmus test of its credibility, of its ability to uphold its own resolutions and the principles of the charter, and Greece fully supports the recent efforts of Secretary General Gutierrez to create the appropriate conditions for the resumption of substantive negotiations, and we sincerely hope that progress can be achieved during his remaining time in office. And we expect we expect these efforts to continue under his successor with the same objective the reunification of Cyprus, free of occupation forces in accordance with the relevant UN Security Council resolutions. The principles at stake in Cyprus are being tested elsewhere to today. Two other major conflicts continue to challenge our ability to defend the values upon which this organization was founded. The war in Ukraine is now in its fifth year, five years since Russia's full scale aggression brought back war to European soil, the Ukrainian people have shown extraordinary courage defending their freedom and Greece continuously stands with them. We strongly, strongly condemn attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure. Diplomacy must now deliver an immediate cease fire and a lasting peace anchored in the principles of the United Nations Charter. Ukraine must have a decisive say in its own future, and Europe cannot be absent from these negotiations. Against this backdrop, another devastating war demands our urgent attention. In Sudan, the nearly four year conflict has resulted in a staggering humanitarian catastrophe. Reports of atrocious war crimes continue to emerge, while the conflict is fuelling instability way beyond far beyond Sudan's borders. We should not permit this tragedy to endure. Foreign interference must also cease with no impunity for war crimes. Ultimately, the way forward lies in a credible, Sudanese led political process that reflects the aspirations of the citizens Sudan. The European Union ought to leverage its capacity to play a more active role in supporting that process and assisting in bringing this destructive conflict to an end. After all, it has real skill in the game. Should the devastating war continue, our continent will be the first to suffer from a possible massive new migratory wave. Ladies and gentlemen, Greece has confidence abroad, rests on a profound transformation at home At a time when the effectiveness of governments all over the world is being challenged by populists and extremists, and public trust is being eroded in the echo chambers of social media, Greece serves as an example that sound reform oriented policies can deliver real results for people and improve their lives.
They resolved to save succeeding generations from its scourge. They reaffirmed faith in human dignity and in the equal rights of nations, large and small. And they pledged social progress, better standards of life, and the economic and social advancement of all peoples. These were not mere words; they were the foundations of a new global order: peace over war, law over force, sovereign equality over dependency, cooperation over division, and human dignity over ambitions of power. On 16 December 1963, four days after our independence, Kenya took its seat in this Assembly. We arrived with one vote and the same sovereign rights as every other state. The promise made in San Francisco now belonged to us as well. And that promise changed the world. When the United Nations was founded, some 750 million people lived under colonial rule. At San Francisco, only four African countries were represented, while most of our continent remained under colonial rule. Decolonization transformed the map of the world, replacing colonial subjugation with self-determination, as peoples once governed from afar took their place in this Assembly as sovereign equals. The United Nations also made a difference where peace had been broken.
This session of the General Assembly is convening on the eve of the 65th anniversary of Mongolia's full fledged membership in the United Nations. In 1961, Mongolia made history by raising its national flag with the Golden Soyombo at the United Nations and becoming the 101st member of the United Nations, the guarantor of global peace and security, and the beacon of hope and trust for the world's nations. Mongolia welcomes the convening of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly under the theme Restoring Trust Managing Transformation a United Nations that Delivers for all, reaffirming its belief in the central role of the United Nations in fostering mutual trust, mutual respect and cooperation among the nations and peoples of the world. Mongols say if you do your best, fate will do the rest. The United Nations is an organization based on the trust and commitment of each member state, and the UN is strengthened by their dedication and sustained efforts. Therefore, it is incumbent upon us, Member States to uphold the mission of the United Nations with a sincere heart. Rather than simply expecting support and assistance, we must remain deeply conscious of our own responsibilities and duties and dedicate our wholehearted efforts to strengthening the United Nations. It is through trust and hope, dedication and commitment and engagement and participation of every Member State that we can strengthen the United Nations. A stronger United Nations, in turn, will deliver more efficiently towards global peace, security and sustainable development, thereby creating conditions for all Member States to benefit. As the conflicts and confrontations flash across the world, the walls of distrust rise higher and the chasm of misunderstanding grows deeper, it is becoming crucial to shape and develop international relations, not through a form of multipolarity that risks driving the world toward division, but through a multi-pillared principle that respects the pluralism inherent in each nation's history, culture, civilization, core national interests and chosen path of development. Eight centuries ago, our ancestors established the great Pax Mongolica, promoting, for the first time the idea to the world that nations could mutually recognize one another's values, and that peoples of diverse civilizations and faiths could coexist. This historic contribution of the Mongols to the advancement of humankind continues to be recognized by the international community. Let us strengthen multilateral cooperation through the multi-pillar principle, inspired by the ideas of Pax Mongolica, so that we may restore our trust and hope through shared responsibility, reform the United Nations with a common purpose and build a better, more peaceful world through the strength of our collective action. Mr. President, despite the remarkable heights of development and progress humanity has reached, our planet is currently confronted with more than 90 armed conflicts, around 30 of which are international, demonstrating that global peace and security remain unstable and that geopolitical and geostrategic competition continues to intensify. This results in the disruption of global economic supply chains, a rise in the prices of energy, fuel, raw materials and food, as well as economic strains on nations around the world. All of this is weakening the international order established since the Second World War, changing the universally recognized norms of international law and undermining the stability of multilateral relations and cooperation. Mongolia shares the view expressed by United Nations Secretary General Antonio Guterres in his annual report on the work of the organisation that in a world marked by turbulence, division and uncertainty, the United Nations is more necessary than ever. Hence, Mongolia underscores the tangible progress made under Secretary General's UN80 initiative to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of the United Nations in response to the challenges of our time and reaffirms its active support for this initiative. The effectiveness of the United Nations, the decisiveness of its actions, and the ability of nations to unite their efforts will ultimately depend upon us, the Member States. Mongolia is confident that the soon to be appointed Secretary General will steadfastly uphold the principles and purposes of the United Nations and international law, ensure that the voices and positions of all Member States are equally heard and reflected, and provide strong leadership in restoring trust and managing transformation within the UN. Believing that reform of the Security Council should be at the core of broader United Nations reform, Mongolia maintains its principled position in support of expanding the number of both permanent and non-permanent members of the Security Council ensuring equitable representation of developing countries in the Council, and promoting greater openness and transparency in its work. Mongolia is one of the 58 countries that have never served as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. Therefore, Mongolia aspires to actively participate in the work of the Security Council and contribute to finding collective solutions to the problems and challenges facing the international community. In manifestation of this aspiration, I officially announce from this rostrum today that Mongolia is presenting its candidature for a non-permanent seat of the UN Security Council for the term 2048 2049. Mr. President, on behalf of the people of Mongolia, I extend my heartfelt gratitude to the United Nations and its system organizations for their valuable contributions to our country's development and progress and their long standing, constructive cooperation over the 65 years since Mongolia's accession to the United Nations as a full fledged member. Mongolia has been contributing with honor to the efforts on strengthening international peace and security, advancing social and economic development and protecting human rights, the core pillars of the United Nations. For instance, more than three decades ago, in pursuit of its foreign policy to ensure national security through political and diplomatic means, Mongolia declared its territory nuclear weapon free. Since then Mongolia has consistently pursued policies and taken actions to verify the status legally. In this spirit, the United Nations General Assembly adopts on a biennial basis the resolution entitled Mongolia's International Security and Nuclear Weapon Free Status, initiated by Mongolia in 1998.
Relations among the major powers increasingly shape trade, technology, energy, critical raw materials, transport routes and digital infrastructure. What we called economic interdependence yesterday, we increasingly see today as a matter of national security. Globalization is not disappearing. It is being reshaped. Supply chains are changing. Production is once again becoming a geopolitical question. States are asking not only where something can be produced more cheaply, but who can be trusted, not only where energy comes from, but whether it will be available when crisis strikes. Not only who develops the next generation of technology, but who will set the rules under which it will operate. Alliances, too, are changing under the pressure of this same world. Macedonian citizens know where they belong. We are a NATO ally. The United States are our strategic partner. Full membership in the European Union is our strategic commitment. These are not three separate policies. They are one geopolitical orientation, an orientation grounded in democracy, collective security, the rule of law and an open economy. In a time of uncertainty, our response is not strategic ambiguity. Our response is clarity. But clarity in our alliances does not mean turning away from the world. Quite the opposite.
Mr. President, the theme of this session—restoring trust, managing transformation, the United Nations that delivers for all— expresses perfectly the challenge that we must collectively address to restore the hope that the UN nurtured when it was created. For the DRC, this session is another occasion to reaffirm its faith in a multilateralism based upon the unwavering quest for peace and justice, which paved the way not to the prosperity of a select few, but to the creation of a true common horizon for peoples and generations of the future. This faith, however, calls upon us to be clear-eyed about the world's transformations, and to ask about the ability of the UN to evolve alongside it for our peoples. I have never ceased to believe in the need for international cooperation, a cooperation which, at the most difficult times, can be promptly mobilized but, in other circumstances, may seem to drag its feet when territorial integrity is vigorously defended in one crisis but seems negotiable in another, when the suffering of civilians calls for immediate action in one place but seems less urgent in another. In reality, there can be no lasting trust when the force of our principles varies depending on the people's crises or circumstances. In a world in constant flux, the trust of our peoples in multilateralism begins when the law is applied uniformly, regardless of geography, economic power, or alliances. Our transformation ought to be based upon the need to uphold the Charter in its entirety, especially through the respect for the principle of the sovereign equality of states, peaceful dispute settlement, the prohibition of the use of force, respect for territorial integrity, and human dignity. This ought to be the ambition of the United Nations. Mr. President, we cannot speak of restoring trust toward the UN, let alone of a transformation, as long as the UN continues to reflect a world that has ceased to exist. The world of 1945 no longer exists. Digital revolution, energy transition, and climate deregulation are now altering equilibria, and yet the institutions charged with managing these changes too often reflect an order that no longer exists. Artificial intelligence today offers one of the most striking examples of this.
I will switch— The same principles that underpin international law, human rights, the rule of law, and democratic governance are the principles that helped transform my country. Romania's evolution over the past 37 years proves the crucial importance of upholding these principles. Millions of Romanians know, from their personal experience, the difference between a communist system that oppressed them and stifled their initiative and freedom of choice, and a democracy that rewards work, innovation, and personal responsibility. This choice has turned Romania into one of Europe's most dynamic destinations in Europe for investment and industrial development. Romania has aligned itself with the standards of the OECD: leading global companies have established manufacturing, engineering, technology, and service centers in my country, attracted by our conducive business environment and highly skilled workforce. Our most important strategic asset is our people: Romanian scientists, engineers, physicians, and technology specialists are shaping the industries of the future—artificial intelligence, cybersecurity, defense technologies, advanced manufacturing, and robotics. Moreover, Romania is strengthening Europe's resilience: we are developing significant reserves of natural gas, critical minerals, and other strategic resources essential for securing supply chains and reducing dependence on unpredictable energy sources. Next year, we will begin extracting and exploiting 100 billion cubic meters of natural gas in the Black Sea. Romania is a gateway between Europe and the rest of the world, located at the intersection of the Danube, the Black Sea, and major trade corridors. My country serves as a strategic hub for trade, energy, and transport. Economic growth is all the stronger when it is based on partnership. Our message is simple: Romania is open to business and innovation.
Mr. President. Excellencies, I want to tell you about my grandmother, Alice. Growing up in rural Sweden as the seventh of 11 siblings, her opportunities were very different from those of her brothers. Her parents expected her to focus first and foremost on family life. Yet she was curious, capable and determined to build a life of her own. A job at a local bank gave her not only an income but also independence and confidence. There at the bank, she met many women with little to no experience with finances and who were left vulnerable when circumstances changed. She wrote in her diary about some of the women she met, many of whom were recently widowed, coming to the bank in tears because they didn't know anything about their own family finances. One woman came to the bank holding two safe deposit keys without knowing which bank they belonged to. My grandmother was as independent as a woman in that time and place could be, but she worried deeply about the consequences for the women who were not. During her life, she witnessed extraordinary progress. But two generations later, far too many women are still entirely economically dependent on men. Mr. President, 80 years ago, when Sweden joined the United Nations, the foundations of our modern society were being laid. In the 1940s and 50s Swedish women joined the labour market in large numbers. This was not only a matter of principle, it also came from the realization that our economy needed women in the workforce. Women's economic empowerment is a matter of freedom. When women work and earn their own money, their self-determination grows. Gender equality is not only the right thing to do, it's also the smart thing to do. When women work, economies grow. Mr. President, each generation must fight for equality. In 1919, the same year my grandmother was born, Sweden decided that women should have the right to vote. That very same year, women in Afghanistan were also granted the right to vote. More than a century later, the contrast between women's freedoms in our two countries is as striking as it is saddening. It is a painful reminder that progress is never irreversible. Rights, once gained can be lost. Freedoms do not defend themselves. It is up to us to protect them, for women and girls everywhere and for generations to come.
Energy security has become a defining issue for many small island nations. While we have one of the highest shares of renewable electricity in the Pacific, Samoa remains heavily dependent on imported fuels. Successive energy crisis and the 2026 fuel crisis exposed the economic costs of our energy dependence. We are working towards a whole of system transformation that delivers electricity that is reliable and affordable, reduces our dependence on imported fuels, strengthens resilience and support sustainable development. The clean energy transition is also an opportunity for Samoa to build a smarter, more resilient and investment ready energy system. The digital transformation, including AI and data analytics, offers real opportunities to drive an inclusive, just energy transition, particularly through off grid solutions and smarter energy planning. Excellencies the ocean defines who we are as Pacific people. It connects us, sustains us, and shapes our identity.
And as we mark 80 years of membership to the United Nations. When Thailand joined this organization, the postwar international order was still taking shape. Today, it is being reshaped once again. Many of its old certainties are giving way. But what comes next is not yet settled. We are seeing many transformations taking place. Power is becoming more fragmented. Strategic competition is becoming sharper and international rules are under strain. At the same time, technology is transforming our societies. While climate change is testing our resilience, our institutions, however, are struggling to keep pace. Confidence in our ability to work together is weakening, and that is why this year's theme speaks directly to the task before us. Managing the transformation requires trust. Trust between countries, trust in the rules we share, and trust that our institutions can deliver. But trust cannot be taken for granted. It must be earned. Trust weakens when principles are applied selectively. When. When countries have little say in decisions that shape the future and when promises made in this assembly fail to improve lives beyond it. Rebuilding trust means addressing each of these concerns. We must uphold common principles and consistently, we must give countries a genuine stake in the international system, including a stronger voice for the global South. And we must take shared responsibility for turning commitments into results. Mr. president, the UN's purposes remain as relevant as ever to promote peace and security, human rights and dignity, sustainable development and cooperation among sovereign equals. But we cannot build lasting peace if security is assured for some and denied to others. Universal human rights lose their meaning when applied selectively. Development loses its purpose when prosperity remains in the hands of a few. For Thailand, peace means more than the absence of war. It requires dialogue to settle differences and respect for international law, so that all countries can live with security and dignity. The situation in Palestine continues to demand our attention. It reminds us that the principles we uphold must protect people when they need them the most. That is why humans must be. Human rights must be universal in practice. As a member of Human Rights Council, Thailand believes that our work must reach beyond resolutions and make a real difference in people's lives. Development must be people centred and sustainable. Growth must improve people's lives. Today, without closing off the opportunities of tomorrow. Consistent application of principles gives countries the confidence that they will be treated fairly. But that confidence must also extend to how decisions are made. Countries need to know that their voices count. Mr. president, the UN's membership has become nearly universal, but representation has not evolved at the same pace, and international system cannot command trust. If large parts of its membership feel they have too little to say in shaping it. Rebuilding trust requires shared ownership. The United Nations must reflect today's world, not the distribution of power. 80 years ago. And that is why Thailand supports Security Council reform that gives developing countries and underrepresented regions, particularly in the global south, a greater role in decision making. Asia, too, must be better represented. For all its economic weight, Asia must be able to help shape global decisions and carry more responsibility for the outcomes And representation must also mean that women have a meaningful voice in the decisions that shape our common future. They are already at the forefront of this organisation's work, from development to peacekeeping. As the UN considers its next secretary general, maybe it is time that this representation be reflected at the highest level. Representation and effectiveness must advance together. We commend Mr. Secretary General Antonio Guterres for his commitment to reform, including through the UN aid initiative. We stand ready to work with his successor to carry this work forward. Mr. president, having a stronger voice in global institutions means countries working together on the problems closest to them.
Mr. President, confidence in the international system is increasingly declining; international organizations are grappling with reduced capacity; political and economic impunity is being entrenched. The UN Charter underscores resolving international disputes through peaceful means, and the obligation of states to pursue diplomatic solutions before resorting to escalation or the use of force. Notwithstanding, we continue to be intended with the image of suffering of innocent civilians, such as in Sudan and Eastern DRC, large-scale internal displacement, cross-border migration, and humanitarian crises across the world. Those conflicts continue to undermine international mechanisms and the structures established to maintain international peace and security. Hence, we commend you, Mr. President, for the timely and befitting theme of the 81st Session of the UN General Assembly, namely "Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a United Nation That Delivers for All." Namibia's independence was born out of international solidarity and is renowned as a UN success story. This is a testimony to the effectiveness of the UN. Therefore, we shall not be passive observers to the efforts aimed at dismantling or weakening the international system that had served us over 80 years, a bit with some shortcomings. In this regard, we shall continue to call for peace over conflict, dialogue over confrontation, and peaceful coexistence over tension. In restoring trust, we need to manage transformation of the United Nations Security Council based on equitable representation in its decision-making process to reflect contemporary geopolitical realities. The common African position, as articulated in the Azulwina Consensus and the CERT Declaration, has also been reaffirmed in the Pact for the Future, which recognizes Africa as a special case. The time has come for us to recognize that we have been negotiating for too long, and that it is because of those problems that aroose trust in the United Nations.
As a frontline state in combating the menace of terrorism, we have fought terrorists in our own cities, in our own mountains, and along our frontier. Pakistan sacrificed almost 100,000 precious lives and suffered economic losses exceeding $150 billion. The world is safer today. And let me say this in all humility, the world is safer today, thanks to the valuable sacrifices of our valiant armed forces and brave civilians who took on these terrorists and mercenaries. The peace loving world must never forget this reality. Afghan territory continues to be exploited by the TTP, Fitna al-Khawarij, and the BLA, Fitna al-Hindustan. These foreign funded groups operate from sanctuaries inside Afghanistan with the aim of destabilising Pakistan. All such attacks, including incursions from the territory of Afghanistan, must come to a grinding halt. The Afghan authorities must fulfill their international commitment and take verifiable, decisive action to ensure that Afghan soil is never again used against Pakistan or any other country. Fundamental rights of the Afghan people, especially women and girls, must be respected under all circumstances. Mr. president, United Nations peacekeeping remains one of the strongest expressions of collective security. For decades, Pakistani men and women have served under the blue flag, protecting civilians and helping countries emerge from conflict.
Mr. President, allow me to congratulate you, at the outset, on your election as President of the 81st Session of the General Assembly. I am convinced that your experience in multilateralism will help strengthen the role of the United Nations at a particularly decisive moment for the world and for this organization itself. The theme that you have chosen for this session—" Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation," an effective and inclusive United Nations for All— accurately expresses the challenges of our time. The crisis we face is not only geopolitical, economic, climatic, or technological; above all, it is a crisis of trust among states, between institutions and citizens, and above all in the ability of the international community to fulfill the promise that gave meaning to the creation of the UN: to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, to uphold the inherent dignity of every human being, and to promote an international order founded on human rights.
Mr. President, last year from this very podium, Italy's Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni recalled that 56 armed conflicts were raging across the world, the highest number since World War II. Today, those same sources put that figure at 61. It's the stark truth of the numbers. Pope Leo XIV issued a warning that Italy has made its own: we must never grow accustomed to war, because first we'll become accustomed to the words, then to images, and finally to the victims. When war becomes something we grow accustomed to, peace itself risks becoming a mirage. We will not give up. Against the law of the strongest, we choose the strength of the law; against the politics of force, we choose the force of politics. This is the message Italy brings today to the United Nations. This is the mission of Italian diplomacy: to build bridges, open new paths, and keep dialogue alive even when it seems impossible. To work for peace, prosperity, and growth, because growth creates prosperity, and prosperity in turn consolidates peace. Ukraine, the Middle East, the Gulf, Sudan, and the Sahel are not separate crises, nor are trade wars, AI competition, hybrid attacks, and their economic and social repercussions, nor is terrorism in all of its many forms, which we continue to fight in every corner of the world.
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And the lifting of the financial and economic restrictions and the blockade imposed on our people and our institutions in accordance with the Paris Economic Protocol, which was agreed upon following the Oslo Convention. Mr. president, ladies and gentlemen one year after the International Peace Conference and the adoption of the New York Declaration, I say to you today with full confidence and responsibility, we have fulfilled our pledge. We have fulfilled our pledge. We completed the National Reform programme to which we had committed before our people and the international community. We strengthened institutional governance, public financial management, transparency, accountability, anti-corruption measures and the rule of law. We established a unified, needs based national system for social protection and social welfare. Abolished the previous laws and regulations on this matter. And obtained an independent international audit confirming the validity of our measures. We also continued to reform the education system and develop criteria. And curricula in accordance with international standards and in cooperation with Unesco in a manner that promotes the values of peace, tolerance and respect for others while preserving our national identity and the rights of our people. We also proceeded along the path of democratic revival and the empowerment of women and youth. We have held local council elections and elections for the General Union of Palestinian Students. We are headed towards our legislative elections on the 28th of November of this year. And this will be followed by the completion of the renewal of the institutions of the Palestinian National Council, followed by the Palestinian presidential elections. On behalf of the State of Palestine, I reaffirm the commitments in which we believe we seek security and peace for all. We reject attacks against civilians by any party whatsoever.
Mr. president, Your Excellencies, peace and development are inseparable, which compels us to consider strategies that can help accelerate the implementation of the 2030 agenda. The important decisions adopted under the Pact for the Future and the Seville Commitment can help advance development programmes in Africa. However, in order to achieve concrete results in these areas, it is essential to ensure affordable financing, debt relief, technology transfer, capacity building and a greater participation of international financial institutions. African countries spend far more resources on the exorbitant cost of debt servicing than they are able to invest in health, education, infrastructure development programmes. This situation obviously limits productive investment, deepens inequalities and economic disparities, and threatens economic and social stability. In view of this, it is imperative to correct these distortions and I therefore reiterate the call for the immediate reform of the international financial architecture in order to make it fairer, more equitable, democratic and geared towards the progress and wellbeing of humankind. These challenges are inherently complex, and are further exacerbated by climate change, which has a severe impact on Africa with severe and prolonged droughts, floods, desertification, food insecurity and population displacement. This situation clearly illustrates the need to establish predictable, affordable and additional climate financing without further aggravating the debt of developing countries.
We meet at a time when the Arab Gulf is facing a security situation of a severity not witnessed in decades. The states of the Gulf Cooperation Council and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan have been subjected to waves of unjustified Iranian attacks involving ballistic missiles and drones targeting civilian infrastructure, residential areas, ports, airports and energy facilities. This came in flagrant violation of international law and the charter of the United Nations. These are indiscriminate attacks without justification under any law. My country also condemns the attacks carried out by the Iran backed terrorist Houthi militia against civilian objects and Islamic holy sites in the brotherly kingdom of Saudi Arabia. We also condemn their threats to freedom of navigation in the Bab el Mandeb and the Red sea. Allow me to put the facts before you in figures. Our countries have been subjected to nearly 7000 attacks at the hands of Iran, involving 1700 ballistic missiles, 80 cruise missiles and 5220 drones. 2000 cargo vessels and tankers with 200 seafarers on board have also been detained, while 72 commercial vessels have been targeted, resulting in the deaths of 22 seafarers. These are not merely numbers. Behind every figure is a ship, a port, a market and families waiting for those that provide for them to return home. Commercial vessels have been targeted in the Straits of Hormuz. Mines have been laid in an international shipping lane. Restrictions on passage have been imposed in contravention of international law. The consequences of all the above extend far beyond the Arabian Gulf. It affects energy and food prices, shipping and insurance costs, as well as supply chains across the world. As the kingdom renews its full solidarity with the brotherly countries subjected to these attacks, it commends the professionalism of the Bahrain Defence Force and the Air Defence Forces of brotherly countries, and their readiness in confronting these attacks. We reaffirm the right of all states to take all lawful measures to defend their sovereignty and territorial integrity. Pursuant to article 51 of the UN charter and the Joint Defense Agreement of the GCC states. All the same, we continue to exercise the utmost restraint, seeking to ensure that security and peace prevail for the benefit of the people of the region. Mr. president, the position of the Kingdom of Bahrain is grounded in international law, the rights of peoples and. The Strait of Hormuz is an international strait, and the right of transit through it is established for the vessels of all states under the UN convention on the law of the sea. That right may not be suspended or obstructed, nor may it be subjected to conditions imposed unilaterally by any state. Accordingly, the Kingdom categorically rejects any permit or fee regime imposed on the passage. It rejects the use of international waterways as instruments of pressure or economic coercion, or any attempt at the seizure of vessels. Such actions would set an extremely dangerous precedent, because what is accepted today in one strait may be demanded tomorrow in every international waterway. Upon which global trade depends Alternative routes cannot be treated as a solution to conduct that violates international law. Mitigation measures are an emergency response. They should not be used as a pretext to claim that the strait is no longer necessary, or to accept a new status quo. The right of passage does not cease to exist because alternatives are available. Nor does the violation cease just because those affected have found ways to reduce the loss. This threat is not confined to the Strait of Hormuz. Security Council Resolution 2817 also referred to Bab el Mandeb. Recognising that a threat to one waterway is a threat to navigation through all waterways, the security of navigation in the Red sea, the Gulf of Aden and the Bab el Mandeb is part of the same system. We are now not only defending a regional interest, but a rule that applies to every international waterway, and if it does apply to one to our strait alone, it wouldn't have been a rule. The Kingdom of Bahrain has not only stated its position in principle on behalf of the Gulf Cooperation Council, states and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and by virtue of its current presidency of the GCC and its non-permanent membership of the Security Council, Bahrain led efforts resulting in the adoption of Security Council Resolution 2817. With a historic and unprecedented support of 136 countries. The resolution condemned the attacks against our countries, reaffirming their sovereignty and rejecting any action intended to close the strait or obstruct navigation through it. The Kingdom also introduced a draft resolution under chapter seven of the charter to protect commercial navigation. The resolution, adopted by the Council of the International Maritime Organization on the 19th of March, together with the Human Rights Council resolution 61/1. Both have further demonstrated that the international rejection of such conduct extends beyond the Security Council. We stress the need for the full implementation of these resolutions to ensure that those responsible are held accountable, and there are compensation for the damage caused. On the 17th of this month, the Kingdom convened an Area Formula meeting of the Security Council dedicated to freedom of navigation. In this session, we heard from 53 affected states, the maritime transport sector and relevant international bodies. And we heard a conclusion expressed by all delegations. That is, the freedom of passage through international straits is a prerequisite for global economic prosperity. The Kingdom contributes to the protection of a rules based maritime order across an area exceeding 3,000,000mi² through its hosting in Manama, of the headquarters of the Combined Maritime Forces. This comprises 47 nations. We welcome the establishment of the Multinational Maritime Defence Alliance, led by the brotherly Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The Kingdom is proud to participate in the alliance as a founding member and supportive efforts to safeguard international trade routes and global energy supplies in accordance with international law. As efforts continue in the Security Council, this General Assembly has an equally important role to play as the forum in which all states stand equal. From this podium, we call upon Member States to support a firm collective position which upholds freedom of navigation and the right of transit passage in accordance with international law. It should also affirm that the security of maritime passages is a collective responsibility that cannot be subjected to bilateral arrangements. This is what restoring trust means in practice. This is not a call dictated by the present crisis. His Royal Highness Prince Salman bin Hamad Al Khalifa, Crown Prince and Prime Minister said from this very podium two years ago that the systems established to safeguard the international order were under severe strain. He noted that this organisation must evolve to confront the growing threats He called for comprehensive consensus based reform encompassing all decision making bodies, including the Security Council. What has happened since then has not altered that conviction. Instead, it has reinforced it. Mr. president. The test of the United Nation's credibility is not only confined to our waters The Palestinian cause remains at the heart of our concerns. The Kingdom reaffirms its steadfast position in support of the establishment of an independent and geographically contiguous state of Palestine, living side by side with the State of Israel in peace and security. The Kingdom has also joined the Board of Peace as a founding member. Pursuant to Security Council Resolution 2803. This reaffirms our unwavering support for the rights of the brotherly Palestinian people. The Kingdom also reaffirms its support for the unity, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of the Syrian Arab Republic, as well as for efforts to lift sanctions in a manner that enables the brotherly Syrian people to rebuild their country In Sudan, we call for an immediate cease fire, the protection of civilians, unhindered humanitarian access, and a political solution that preserves Sudan's unity. And in this state, institutions. Turning to Yemen, we renew our support for a political solution under United Nations auspices led by the legitimate government. We appreciate the efforts of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in this vein. Our position on other conflicts, including the conflict in Ukraine, is guided by the same principles, regardless of the parties involved. That is adherence to the charter, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, and the peaceful settlement of disputes Mr. president, the kingdom of Bahrain. Where mosques, churches and temples have stood side by side for generations, believes that tolerance and coexistence are not simply policies to be adopted.
And I would like to begin by talking not about the government, but rather the people, the Bolivian people, the homeland people that has gone through difficult times, a people that knows poverty, but also that knows the meaning of work, that knows division, but also knows how to recognize one another in unity. That has been through economic and political crises, social conflicts, and times of uncertainty, but which has never lost sight of something fundamental. And that is the hope of building a better life. I come from a country that today is facing a reality that we cannot hide. But first of all, allow me to say one thing. A part of those 20 years of the reality of a country that has been dragged along, is due to the consequences of a time of ideological construction on our continent. In the case of part of South America, where one leader came here and said, this smells of sulfur. It was part of a political and ideological line, which was, uh, being built upon by another leader who brought a coca leaf here. And he turned a traditional leaf into a historic leaf, a leaf that is part of our culture. He turned it into a betrayal. So that construction and development and the vision of a the development of a nation would be betrayed. Today the Bolivian economy. In 2026 had inflation of more than 20%. But it was a country that was an energy power in gas and hydrocarbons and mining. Nevertheless, we were reduced to a country that now has to be negotiating with multilateral institutions and with various different nations, and that is not right. They said that they were socialists. However, we carried out a campaign a ten months ago, in the ten months since I've been president, with the concept of capitalism for all of resources financial capacities, being able to invest and develop socialism and ideology does not put food on the table. What does is employment and the development of our economies and our production. When I took on the challenge of government, there were $51 million in our reserves because the reserves of the central bank had been entirely liquidated. Now, ten months on, we have nearly 1.2 billion and we, by the end of the year, are heading towards nearly 4 billion. And in the following 18 months, nearly $10 billion. For many nations, that might not be much, but for Bolivia it is a record, a milestone, a challenge, and a process of construction to build, strengthen our democracy and to strengthen our productive model within the country. I say this clearly, being able to look at the reality in my country, which decided to engage in a change and a transformation and to not turn back to the past. We are indeed doing this. We are ordering our economy. We are putting our house in order. We are facing up to the shortage of fuel. We are rebuilding our reserves. We are reforming our institutions. We are trying to restore internal and external trust in the country. We are doing something that we thought was even more important. We are trying to restore that trust in Bolivians so that we can move forward, because a nation that does not rebuild its trust cannot move ahead with money alone, with clear rules, with labor, with institutions that work, education, security and justice. It's one thing to have a government which we do have. It's quite another thing to have governability, which we do now have, because the Parliament is now drafting and approving laws and governance is yet another thing. Governance, governability and governance are not the same things. And in governance there was a deep rooted danger that we should denounce in this space of the United Nations, 53 days.
This is what we expect from a statesman, Yasser Arafat and Zaki Rabin were statesmen. They challenged the past to envision a future of peace. They were defeated by hatred. Generations of Palestinians will carry the pain and trauma left by the genocide of women and children perpetrated. By Netanyahu. Government in Gaza. Israeli civilians pay the price for radicalism and intolerance of Hamas terrorist acts, persecuting the International Criminal Court and its members encourages these crimes to go unpunished. The U.N. special rapporteur, Francesca Albanese, must not be silenced for telling the truth. Illegal settlements in the West Bank. Are making the two state solution increasingly unviable, essential for Israelis and Palestinians to live in safety, threatening civilizations with extinction will not bring stability to the Middle East. The Strait of Hormuz became has become a battleground, when it should have remained a vital passage for international trade Families around the world are paying for the rising. The price of fuel, fertilizers and food. The war between Russia and Ukraine has dragged on for five years in a humanitarian drama that continues to claim lives. We all know that there will be no winners on the battlefield. Diplomacy is the only option. Initiatives such as the Friends of Peace Group, created by Brazil and China, revealed that there are forces in the international community willing to work towards dialogue in Latin America and the Caribbean region. Geographical proximity to the world's greatest military power is inescapable, especially in the context of renewed hegemonic temptations. Brazil does not fit in anyone's backyard. We need partners with a positive agenda that fosters development. Ideological differences should not hinder higher integration amongst neighbors. The countries in the region have experienced the horrors of authoritarian regimes. We have come a long way to restore popular will. Democracy is once again under threat. We witness once more interference in the electoral processes, dividing the world into zones of influence and neocolonial incursions for strategic resources are anachronistic gestures. The Venezuelan people deserve to define their own destiny. Nicaragua will not solve its problems by preventing the opposition from running in the elections. The crisis in Haiti continues to test the limits of the international community's indifference. In Cuba, the world watches in horror as collective punishment is imposed on 10 million people by an illegal economic and energy embargo.
There can be no sustainable peace in a world of widening economic disparities, where some states spend more on servicing their debt than on the health of their citizens and education of their children. This does not absolve developing countries of their responsibility to undertake reform, combat corruption and build institutions. But those efforts require a fairer and more equitable international economic order, one that offers them genuine opportunities to advance. Mr. president, our shared responsibility is equally evident in the face of the profound transformations our world is undergoing. Climate change threatens the lives and livelihoods of millions. Those countries that have contributed least to it bear its gravest consequences. This calls for equitable adaptation, finance and technology transfer. At the same time, the artificial intelligence revolution is opening unprecedented horizons for progress across every sphere of life.
For Somalia, disruptions in the Strait of Hormuz have serious economic and humanitarian consequences. As an import dependent country reliant on the Middle East for much of our food fuel trade. Somalia is already facing rising prices, inflation, and increasing transparency and insurance costs, while drought linked to climate change is affecting overall over 6 million people in Somalia. The disruption has also contributed to an estimated 40% decline in our customs based revenue. A critical resource of financing Somalia's economic reform, growth and poverty reduction. Ensuring free and fair navigation through the strait is therefore essential to protecting vulnerable economies like Somalia and sustainable and sustaining stability, advancing development and delivering basic services. Sustainable development requires strong institutions in Somalia. We have created institutions capable of translating international commitments into national results.
His place in the history of this institution is assured not merely by the office he has occupied, but by the principles he has steadfastly upheld, the courage and profundity with which he has spoken. When silence would have been easier, and his rare ability to hold before the world a clear mirror of the perils that confront our age and the possibilities that still beckon beyond them. Mr. president, one year ago I stood at this very podium and reminded this Assembly that if the United Nations is to remain humanity's surest hope for a just and peaceful world, it must have the courage to confront aggression and the will and the will to engage fully with the defining question of our age. I also argued that we must be bold enough to undertake the institutional reforms necessary to strengthen the organisation, enhance its credibility and enable it to meet the challenges of a changing world. Indeed, I am pleased that the theme of this year's assembly, and I quote, Restoring Trust, Managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all. End of quote. Acknowledges the need for this organisation to be fit for purpose, to respond to the challenges, and to seize the possibilities of our time. Today, we confront a climate catastrophe, an energy crisis, food insecurity, biodiversity loss, armed conflicts, and geopolitical tensions. The horror of genocide, a spiralling cost of living crisis, a mounting debt crisis, widening inequalities within and among nations. And, perhaps most troubling of all, a weakening of multilateralism itself. Yet if history has taught us anything, it is that when it is that even when the world seemed to stand at the precipice, humanity has never been entirely without the means to draw it back from the brink. We have ended wars that seem without end. We have confronted economic calamities that threaten the foundations of societies. We have overcome dangers that presented existential threats time and again. It has been our inventiveness, our courage, and above all, our willingness to act together that have opened a path where none seemed to exist This is why I do not wish to linger or lament further upon the difficulties before us. I wish instead to turn our gaze toward the possibilities that lie beyond them. For within every crisis lies a summons to solutions. Within every disruption and opportunity. For renewal. And within every uncertainty, the possibility of shaping a better future.
We also need to keep the promise of a world where no one is condemned to suffer hunger, to be deprived of care, or to be displaced by war, or to fall victim to exclusion or discrimination. This same requirement for dignity needs to guide our approach to migrations as well. Because behind statistics and debates there are women, children and men who carry with them a history, talents, hopes and sometimes the burden of exile. For generations, Haitians settled abroad have contributed to the societies that welcomed them. From this rostrum, I wish to express my thanks to the countries that have opened their doors and have encouraged their integration. Haiti was a land of welcome, refuge and hope, and we are working to make sure it becomes that again. We want it to be a country where one can stay, return and live and build one's future in dignity. But I also want to recall forcefully that respect for dignity and fundamental rights of all migrants must be upheld, no matter their situation. No circumstance can justify trampling their dignity underfoot. The protection of a border and respect for human dignity are not incompatible. These must go hand in hand. A border can and must be protected without sacrificing human dignity. The destiny of migrants calls upon us to shoulder a shared responsibility and ensure sustainable responses. Because crises that are left to fester will breed displacement and forced migration. That is the case with the security crisis in Haiti, which led to the exodus of thousands of Haitians. The response to this crisis in Haiti will mean reestablishing security, stability and economic recovery. These are the three priorities of my government.
A United Nations that delivers for all captures, at least in part, the moment in which we find ourselves. I agree that we need to restore trust in the United Nations, but I am less certain about the extent to which we can manage a transformation that has, in many respects, already taken place. The international system, as we knew it, has collapsed; it no longer exists. Today we are witnessing the emergence of a new order, increasingly structured around two principal centers of power, alongside a growing number of strong regional actors with considerable political, economic, military, and technological capabilities, seeking to shape their own environments and influence broader global developments on their own terms.
A one year transition period was set with the aim of creating the conditions necessary for the restoration of constitutional order. Within this framework, the constitutional review process has been completed and the new constitution of the Republic was approved by Popular Referendum on August 30th, 2026. This process is an important milestone in the transition and in the restoration of constitutional order in the country. The government is committed to creating the conditions necessary for the presidential and legislative elections scheduled for December 6th of this year, to be held in an inclusive, free, transparent and credible manner. I take this opportunity to express our gratitude to the Economic Community of West African States, ECOWAS, the African Union, the United Nations and our other institutions international partners for their engagement and support in the efforts to ensure a return to constitutional normalcy in our country. Ladies and gentlemen, three decades ago, Guinea-Bissau had the honor of serving as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. Today, as we reaffirm our commitment to the purposes and principles of the charter of the United Nations and to the promotion of international peace and security, I wish to reiterate that Guinea-Bissau is a candidate for non-permanent membership of the Security Council for the term 2028 2029. Our vision of the world rests fundamentally on four key words prevention, dialogue, cooperation, peace.
Mr. President, Uganda fully supports the ongoing intergovernmental negotiation on the United Nations Framework Convention on International Tax Cooperation and its protocols on cross-border services and tax dispute resolution, and we urge all member states to negotiate constructively. Uganda has commended the implementation of its Fourth National Development Plan as part of our national strategy to accelerate economic transformation and achieve sustainable development. This strategy is anchored on four high-impact growth pillars, including agro-industrialization, tourism development, mineral exploitation, and science, technology, and innovation. Our goal is to drive double-digit growth over the five-year period and ultimately grow our economy tenfold to a GDP of 500 billion US dollars by 2040, creating jobs and enhancing the quality of life of all Ugandans.
Protectionism produces no winners. Building walls, erecting barriers. Decoupling and cutting off supply chains disrupt global industrial and supply chains, and harm the interests of all parties. We must firmly safeguard the WTO centered, rules based multilateral trading system, build an open world economy, jointly foster and strengthen new growth drivers, and see that economic globalization is inclusive and delivers benefits to all.
As the 2030 Agenda enters its final years, partnership must remain central to accelerating SDG progress. Kiribati recently presented its Second Voluntary National Review (VNR), reaffirming our commitment to the 2030 Agenda. We value our longstanding diplomatic relations with traditional partners and welcome countries seeking new partnerships based on mutual respect, shared interests, transparency, sovereign equality and respect for our national priorities. This year, following the submission of our second VNR, my Government convened its first Development Partners Forum on Kiritimati Island, or Christmas Island, which we highly value as the world’s largest coral atoll and the first island to see each new day’s sunrise. The Forum strengthened partnerships between Kiribati and its Development Partners and showcased two flagship projects critical to accelerating economic growth and sustainable development. Participants included Australia, the People’s Republic of China, the European Union, New Zealand, Japan, the United States of America, the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank, and UN agencies.
We acknowledge that these technologies can support conflict prevention, early warning, peacekeeping and protection of civilians. Trinidad Tobago will advocate for an approach that safeguards international security without closing off innovation, development and opportunity, and that ensures developing countries have a meaningful role in shaping the rules for this new technological era. Mr. president, the situation in Haiti remains a particular concern, not just for us in the region, but I think, across the world. And Tobago stands in full support of international efforts to help restore security and stability in Haiti Whilst maintaining that the country's political future must ultimately be ultimately be Haitian led and Haitian owned security assistance is necessary, but lasting stability will also require functioning institutions, economic opportunities and a credible political process.
Restoring trust, mutual respect and equality before the law is our collective responsibility. During this 81st session. Mr. president, distinguished participants, a year ago, we called in this very hall for peace to be the foundation of development and human rights. 12 months later, we must acknowledge that the gap between our commitments and reality remains evident everywhere around the world, from the Middle East to the Sahel, through the Great Lakes region, in Eastern Europe and Latin America, civilian populations continue to pay the high price of conflict, driven by interests that are often hidden. The devastating war in the Middle East, marked by massive civilian losses and destruction of critical infrastructure. Has spread to Syria and Lebanon As a result of Israeli military operations and has had major global economic consequences. In addition to its worldwide impact. The conflict threatens the food and energy security of vulnerable countries, such as the Union of the Comoros, which remain highly dependent on imports and whose population face declining purchasing power And this demands greater international solidarity. Given this shared insecurity. Mr. president, ladies and gentlemen allowing the conflict in the Middle East to continue directly weakens the United Nations by calling into question its ability to maintain world peace and by undermining its credibility amongst the peoples we represent. The theme of this 81st session acknowledges that something is broken, and that is why confidence must be restored. Through concrete actions that uphold the rule of law and collective security. It is time to move beyond power politics and establish a new human ethic that transcends divisions of race, color and belief. Whilst safeguarding our shared ecosystems. Created in 1945 from the ruins of the Second World War, our organisation was founded to guarantee peace, security and sovereign equality of states in strict respect for international law. Without these principles, it would be little more than an empty forum Since our last meeting here in September 2025, the genocide in Palestine has continued. Hundreds of thousands of Palestinian civilians, women, children and elderly have lost their lives and entire populations stands on the brink of extermination. The international community will regain its credibility first by taking urgent action to silence the guns to protect civilian lives. Whether Israeli, Palestinian, Lebanese or Syrian And ultimately implementing United Nations resolutions, including the two state solution. With Israel and Palestine coexisting peacefully This is a prerequisite.
Once his mandate concludes. Dear colleagues, as was the case last year, we are yet again meeting here in. Against the backdrop of a worrying global juncture, the organization is facing an unprecedented accumulation of complex global challenges. Against that backdrop, the theme of this session rightly expresses the fact that we are facing a major issue. Indeed, the major issue of our time is restoring trust, managing transformation in order to build a United Nations that delivers for all. The current crisis we face is undoubtedly a crisis of trust. More trust between states needs to come about, but there is a crisis in that trust. There's a crisis of confidence and trust in international institutions, and there's a crisis of confidence, confidence rather, in international laws, ability to enforce agreements reached on the basis of the United Nations Charter. Finally, there is a crisis of confidence in the original promise of the United Nations, namely preserving succeeding generations from the scourge of war and promoting economic social progress for all. It is high time to once again place this promise at the heart of the UN's work. If we do not wish it to remain a dead ideal, it must become once more a reality for everyone. And yet armed conflicts are increasing in number.
Our history has taught us that democracy, peace and respect for the law are not permanent achievements. They are built collectively and each generation must preserve them. A democracy rests on free elections, legitimate institutions, the separation of powers, freedom of expression, public participation, transparency and accountability But it also requires independent and effective institutions committed to the Constitution, the law and the popular mandate. Public institutions must not serve criminal networks, private agendas, personal loyalties, or political or economic interests that are at odds with the common good. They must serve the people, the constitutional order and society's democratic interests. When an institution strays from that purpose, it does more than simply lose legitimacy. It weakens the democracy it is meant to protect. Democracy also earns its legitimacy in everyday life When a family is protected from poverty, when a child learns in a decent school, when a woman lives free from violence, when a community is no longer isolated, and when a young person can envision a future without being forced to leave their country.
Excellencies, this brings me to a larger question: what kind of international order do you want? The United Nations was born from humanity's experience of the horrific World War. Its promise was that sovereignty would matter, international law would matter, the dignity of every human being would matter, and the weak would not simply have to accept whatever the powerful decide. Today, that international system is under strain. Too often, military and economic power determine whose voice is heard. Nepal believes we need a much fairer global economic order. In 1994, UNDP's Human Development Report conceptualized the notion of human insecurity. It equated security with people rather than territories, and with development rather than arms.
And if there is one word that sums up much of our vocation as a country, that word would be peace. We do not view peace simply as an absence of war. We understand it as something that has to be constantly built. The possibility for people to live, to work, to educate their children, pursue their aspirations, and to look to the future without fear. Uruguay. With its virtues, but also, like every country with its darker times, has been a country that has sought to resolve its differences through institutions, through dialogue and through the quest for agreement. In this assembly, we reaffirm our enduring willingness to contribute to peacekeeping missions with a deep sense of responsibility and solidarity. Uruguayan men and women can bear witness to the value of this instrument in easing suffering and guaranteeing respect for the human lives of the most defenseless populations. You can continue to count on Uruguay here. We are not a country given to grand gestures We are a country of deeply held beliefs. And one of these beliefs is that peace building is never finished. We can't take it for granted. Every generation has the responsibility to build it anew They can't be peaceful some and another peace for others. No suffering matters more because it happens closer to home, and no lives are worth less because they were born in another country. When people suffer, humanity as a whole bears a responsibility. When a people is displaced, when a family loses its home, when young people can see no way out and their mental health is under threat. When a child grows up under the sound of gunfire, when millions of people live in poverty or without any opportunities, we can't stand indifferent to that, nor can we stand indifferent to the pain caused by a state of endless war. The fear and pain generated by organized crime, or the constant threat of terrorism, the repression born out of tyranny, or the suffering triggered by a rigid economic blockade such as that endured by the Cuban people. We don't believe that taking one side or another in a war, confrontation or dispute necessarily contributes to resolving it. Indeed, very often it only serves to further the divisions. We have a different commitment, that is, to seek paths towards understanding, to open spaces for dialogue, and to help to ensure that conflicts find a peaceful resolution. This doesn't mean indifference. It doesn't mean downplaying suffering. It doesn't mean overlooking responsibilities. It means understanding that peace demands something more difficult than merely taking sides. It means that we need to work so that that confrontation can be brought to an end as soon as possible. And to do that, we also have to recover something that at times seems to have been lost in international debate. Humility.
Distinguished guests. Ladies and gentlemen, the world is undergoing a profound shift in the international order, with many risks and uncertainties. The tendency towards the threat or use of force, and the arms race, especially the modernization of nuclear weapons and the development of new technology weapons, are heightening the risk of confrontation, miscalculation, conflict, and even of large scale wars. At the same time, the global economy is becoming increasingly fragmented amid mounting barriers to trade, investment and technology, supply chain disruptions and economic instability, and narrowing development opportunities for many countries. Climate change, natural disasters, pandemics and emerging technological risk continue to pose direct threats to the lives of the people and their livelihoods, and to the development and stability of many nations. The shift in the balance of power and development inequalities are placing growing strains on international relations.
We continue our efforts to strengthen international peace and security, and to advance pragmatic solutions to our shared global challenges. For Kazakhstan, multilateralism is a key instrument for building trust, finding common ground and delivering results for our citizens and future generations. It is a key component of our own long term social economic development. Kazakhstan has embarked on profound political transformation in response to societal demand and emerging challenges.
Mr. president, ladies and gentlemen the Islamic Republic of Mauritania renews its commitment to the principles and purposes of the UN charter and the norms of international law, as well as the resolutions of international legitimacy. Our foreign policy is based on good neighbourliness, the respect of states sovereignty, independence and non-interference in their internal affairs, as well as the peaceful settlement of disputes and ensuring the just causes proceeding from such principles. My country, under the leadership of His Excellency, the President of the state, Mohammed, will continue to build a modern state that is coexistent in synergy with its neighbours and open to the entire world. On the national level, we have adopted a comprehensive strategy with its political, economic, social and security dimensions. We made dialogue, consul and consultation. The pattern for public offices. Thus, His Excellency the President launched a comprehensive national dialogue that is all inclusive. It does not exclude any strata of society to ensure consensus on the development of our institutions and entrench a state of law, a democratic state that protects rights and freedoms. Turning to the social context, we promote social cohesion and community unification through fighting discrimination and vulnerability while addressing any weakness inherited. We try to promote the synergies and develop our economies to limit poverty and provide the basic services to the most needy. We have also expanded the medical services through establishing a Medicare fund for all those who are not currently covered with medical insurance. We provide certain basic medical services to the most in need, especially mothers, the the mothers, the elderly, and those with disabilities. Turning to education, reforming this sector is the basis of our effort to provide high quality education that provides equal opportunities and ensure equity Turning to good governance, we focus on transparency, the independence of the judiciary, and combating corruption while reforming public offices and promoting investment. Our approach. Addresses the hike in prices, confronting any threats to the security or terrorism while tackling also vulnerability and poverty. The complementarity between all those dimensions ensured our country's security and stability in an environment full with disruptions.
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No. 65
South Africa09/24 · first at about 5 min2 mentions
We know that inequality is at the heart of the rising appeal of politics, founded on hate and exclusion. Across the world, citizens who have seen little improvement in their economic fortunes are turning to ideas diametrically opposed to the values of the UN charter. As we mark the 25th anniversary of the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action, South Africa reaffirms its commitment to confronting racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and all forms of intolerance. We are determined to confront racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and all forms of intolerance through our Constitution, our laws and our institutions.
We must peak as low as possible and return below 1.5°C as quickly as possible. Every fraction of a degree matters. The Pacific loses an estimated of $500 million every year due to natural disasters such as cyclones, flooding. Early warning systems give communities time to prepare and reduce these losses. That may be a modest sum in global terms but for Pacific nations it is a heavy toll on our countries and our people. And yet the financing to prevent such losses still falls short. The Pacific Resilience Facility, our own financing mechanism for building community resilience, needs a further $328 million in pledges to reach its initial capitalisation target of $500 million. Weather Ready Pacific, designed to reduce the human and economic costs of severe weather events, needs a further 160 million to reach its target. Tonga's Climate Trust Fund, a direct community fund which disbursed its first round of grants this year, also requires significant funding support. We call on all our partners to invest in these Pacific designed and Pacific owned solutions. Tonga stands behind 2026 Pacific Island Forum leaders, the Belau Declaration, and calls on all our major emitters to act urgently. Climate action is a legal obligation, but meeting those obligations will require difficult decisions rooted in science. Climate leadership is not a popularity contest. Seven of the nine planetary boundaries have been breached by human activity. Climate inaction is not an option. Tonga is accelerating its transition away from fossil fuels and expanding renewable energy, and we encourage the shift to electric vehicles. For us, decarbonising also means greater energy security and protection from global fuel price shocks. We must phase out the explicit fossil fuel subsidies estimated by the IMF at $725 billion. International financial institutions and multilateral development banks must recognise the Multidimensional Vulnerability Index, the MVI, which ensures that it informs eligibility and allocations. By any credible index, Tonga is amongst the world's most vulnerable countries. However, we call on all nations, especially the world's largest emitters, to attend the Pre-COP31 meetings in Fiji and Tuvalu in October this year. Come to the Pacific and confront what 1.5 degrees means for our water, our people our food, our homes, and our security. We welcome the General Assembly's declaration on sea level rise, a significant achievement for the preservation of sovereignty. It marks the first time all member states have agreed on a single common text on sea level rise. Our resilience account for every hazard, including geohazards confronting our islands. Over the last few years, Tonga has endured cyclones, flooding, earthquakes and tsunamis. This year, the Super El Nino, currently forming over the Pacific Ocean, further intensifies weather patterns, compounding the pressures on our people. We therefore need integrated warning and response systems that can protect our communities against the full range of planetary risks.
Faced with the challenges of a constantly changing world, the Refoundation government that I lead places food sovereignty, health and education at the heart of its action. This priority commitment serves the entire population, particularly women and children, while providing our youth with a means to build their future with confidence and contribute to national development. With more than 55% of its population under the age of 25, Madagascar enjoys a tremendous demographic dividend, driven by a firm political determination to build a brighter future for this dynamic youth. We recognize the importance of an education system which is fully aligned with labour market realities, an essential condition for sustainable development, and we hope that cooperation in this area will move beyond a strictly quantitative approach, measured only by the volume of infrastructure built or the number of students enrolled, and instead adapt fully to economic realities on the ground. Our aim is to focus on future oriented sectors. While redefining our indicators of success. To prioritize the practical acquisition of skills and medium term employment outcomes. Mr. president, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Madagascar's foreign policy is guided above all by the imperatives of economic and social development for the well-being of its people. Madagascar has chosen a policy of engagement in all directions We are open to all international partnerships, capable of meeting the aspirations of our people and supporting the general policy of the state of the refoundation. Madagascar's position of neutrality with regard to global conflicts is consistent with its diplomatic tradition and its desire to preserve constructive relations with all its partners. This idea is not ideological, but is based on international partnership that can meet the aspirations of our people in an open spirit, without exclusivity, in full respect for national sovereignty, the achievement of our ambitions cannot be separated from the international context in which they are pursued.
We also call for the strengthening of the rules based multilateral trading system and for fair, transparent and equitable mechanisms for resolving trade disputes. Mr. president, the rapid evolution of digital and emerging technologies, including artificial intelligence, is already shaping economic, social and institutional developments across the globe. We support the General Assembly resolution establishing the Global dialogue on AI governance, and we welcome the work being done by the Independent International Scientific Panel on AI. For Mauritius, digital innovation is a developmental imperative.
This has led to a blurring of standards and concepts. Alliances have become open to question. International law is frequently violated. And its capacity to regulate international relations faces numerous challenges. End of quote from His Majesty the King We are therefore facing a world whose fundamental features are the following. First, the escalation of acute and diverse international crises military, economic, energy related and environmental. Second, the spread of confrontational tendencies as a key determinant of relations between states. Third, the difficulty of predicting the outcome of crises. We know when they begin but not when they will end. Fourth, the diminishing capacity of existing regulatory structures to play the role in preventing and managing crises in this complex international context. Mr. president, I wish to focus on three areas to which the international community must accord priority. First, confronting non-state armed groups as a threat to international security and stability.
We have devised resilient, flexible economic plans and remained committed to our development projects, despite the severe adverse impact of the war and the heavy price it has exacted. At every juncture and in every crisis, we have chosen to combine resilience with flexibility and to place the interests of our nation, our people and those residing on our soil above all else. Our values are not mere slogans we proclaim, but a reality we live by. They are values that we put into practice. At their core is the conviction that the dignity of the nation cannot be compromised, and that wisdom and firmness are two sides of the same coin. This approach is firmly anchored in our nation. This approach has been championed by the leaders of Qatar, from the founder, Sheikh Jassim bin Mohammed bin Thani, to His Highness Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, our Emir from 1995 to 2013. May Allah have mercy on his soul. He passed away this year and was mourned with profound affection and gratitude by his people and all peace loving nations and people across the region and around the world. On this occasion, I would like to thank the United Nations General Assembly for convening a special session in honor of his memory and in recognition of his legacy. The experiences and challenges we have confronted have demonstrated that resilience is the outcome of prior planning, preparedness and investment in people and national capabilities. Accordingly, over the years, we have worked on assessing risks, securing supply chains, strengthening the capabilities of our national institutions, developing strategic reserves and forging trusted international partnerships. Recognizing the nexus of peace, security, development, human rights and the rule of law, the State of Qatar maintains its investment in development, education, health, security and economic diversification in conformity with the Qatar National Vision 2030. Your Excellencies. There can be no talk of a just international order, as long as Palestine remains a blind spot within it.
We will be resilient, and we will work individually and collectively to transcend our vulnerability. So, Mr. President, we come to this August assembly not as mere petitioners, but as partners to play our part in making our world a better place. I come at this point in the debate, having had the privilege of listening to other leaders who spoke before me. And Mr. President, I must tell you, I was moved by the hopeful vision, the fiery passion, the boundless generosity and caring of many of the speakers. They lifted my spirit and I am determined that that is where my spirit shall remain. I owe it to the people who sent me here to be hopeful. I owe it also to people whom I have never met, who come from places I have never been to, but who nevertheless are my brothers and sisters. And so that brings us to the task at hand. We all know that the United Nations has its flaws, but we must not seek to abandon it. It is what we have made it. Some, no doubt are more culpable than others. But in one way or another we are all involved. We speak of culpability, not merely to point a finger of blame, but to understand better where the solutions may lie. We believe profoundly that more than ever, humanity needs the United Nations. Try to imagine a world without it. Where would we go to have the conversations we are having now and that we are having throughout the week? And that is only the beginning. As a global institution, the United Nations is fundamentally an inclusive space where every nation can play a role in addressing our common problems. A retreat from multilateralism undermines the interests of small states and indeed, of everyone. But we acknowledge that our support for the United Nations must be matched by our willingness to embrace reform, to make it more effective. Trust cannot be built or restored by declarations alone. It is only when ordinary people see that cooperation makes their lives safer, richer and happier that trust will be restored. Mr. president, let us restore trust through organisational reform and greater inclusiveness. The United Nations governance model designed in 1945, cannot adequately address the security and economic challenges of today. Therefore, we join with other nations in calling for reform, specifically of the Security Council, to include a permanent member from the continent of Africa with all the attendant rights and privileges. Failure to do so would only confirm that the current composition is not about governance and fairness, but about power. Further, as we proceed with selecting our next Secretary General, let us be more open and inclusive. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines is pleased to join other Caribbean community members in endorsing the candidacy of Her Excellency Carolyn Rodriguez Birkett of Guyana and of the region of Latin America and the Caribbean. We know her as a distinguished diplomat, a principled multilateralist, and a compelling advocate for developing countries and small states. Mr. president, as this is my first time here, like a tourist, I walked the halls of this historic building and admired the impressive portraits on the walls, the impressive portraits of the nine men who have served as Secretary General since 1946. And while I appreciated the outstanding calibre and service of those men, I nevertheless could not resist thinking that after eight decades, surely the time has come for an equally capable woman to be Secretary General.
What the Palestinian people have endured and continue to endure in terms of suffering, repression and violations, must not become a normalized reality or a protracted crisis managed from one cycle to the other. Securing the ceasefire in the Gaza Strip in accordance with President Trump's and the Sharm el-Sheikh summit peace plan, ensuring full compliance with it, ending daily Israeli violations, completing the withdrawal, guaranteeing the safe and sustainable delivery of humanitarian aid, enabling the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza to carry out its duties and then moving immediately toward early recovery and reconstruction. These are not merely humanitarian steps, they are also the essential gateway to a serious political process that addresses the root causes of the conflict and resolves them. In this context, Egypt reaffirms its categorical rejection of any attempt to displace the Palestinian people from their land, whether from the Gaza Strip or from the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. The international community as a whole bears a clear responsibility to stop systematic Israeli violations of international law. Peace cannot be built on uprooting people from their land, believing that stability can be achieved in the region while ignoring the suffering of the Palestinian people and merely managing the occupation rather than ending it is nothing but illusion. The goal remains unequivocally clear the establishment of an independent, sovereign and territorially contiguous Palestinian state on the lines of the 4th of June 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital within the framework of the two state solution and in accordance with international legitimacy resolutions. This requires preserving the unity of the Palestinian territory and the Palestinian political system, enabling the Palestinian people to manage their own affairs and build their state, and ensuring that the international community fulfils its responsibility to protect civilians, reject collective punishment and guarantee respect for international humanitarian law. It also requires recognising Palestinian rights as inalienable rights, not as bargaining chips to be granted or withheld according to power balances, political posturing or electoral calculations. Egypt has shouldered its responsibility alongside its partners to secure the ceasefire. It has been the largest provider of humanitarian assistance reaching the Gaza Strip. Egypt will continue to work toward reconstruction and opening a viable political horizon. However, the success of these efforts hinges on an international will capable of transforming legitimacy into decisive international action that moves from managing the tragedy to ending its causes. Mr. president, the experience of our region confirms that managing crises rather than resolving them, does not create stability. Rather, it postpones the explosion and increases its costs accordingly. Egypt remains committed to a clear vision for regional security based on state sovereignty, territorial integrity, respect for national institutions, rejection of the dismantling of states or the creation of parallel entities, and prioritizing political solutions and inclusive national settlements over the logic of force and the imposition of a fait accompli. In every crisis across the broader Middle East, from the Atlantic Ocean to the Gulf, circumstances and details may differ, but the capable national state that embraces all its citizens and legitimate institutions remain the only true foundation for stability. Security is indivisible. The security of one state cannot be built upon the insecurity of its neighbours, or upon threats to shipping, trade and energy routes, or violations of state sovereignty through attacks carried out in violation of international law. Likewise, any regional actor that believes that its political or economic interests can be achieved by undermining national state institutions, supporting militias or promoting separatist agendas and civil conflict clearly becomes part of the problem. Confronting such actors and their practices becomes the responsibility of the international community as a whole. Therefore, regional crises cannot be treated as isolated cases. They must be viewed within an interconnected regional security environment that supports the state's institutions unity and sovereignty, that encourages political settlements and peace building based on the principle of national and regional ownership of solutions ending external interferences and preventing crises from turning into arenas for regional and international competition over the resources and capabilities of the peoples of the region. The protection of states and their sovereignty is inseparable from protecting the resources upon which people's livelihoods depend.
Economic uncertainty, disrupted supply chains, and rapid technological technological change, and an information environment corroded by disinformation. These crises do not remain where they begin. Conflict arises or conflict raises the cost of the cost of fuel and food far beyond its borders. Carbon emitted from the Pacific takes our shorelines, our homes and our sacred places. For small island developing states, decisions are no longer insulated from the global shocks. Too often, it magnifies their cost. Trust, therefore, is not restored by declarations alone. It is restored when commitments are kept and when international law is applied consistently, and when institutions listen, and when people can see and feel the results of multilateral action in their daily lives. Mr. President, Fiji reaffirms an enduring principle. The international law is not optional and peace cannot be secured by power alone. For small states, the principles of the charter sovereign equality, territorial integrity and peaceful settlement of disputes are the safeguards against the world in which the size of military strength decides whose rights matters. When the world are small states to choose between competing power blocs, Fiji chooses principles and we choose the charter.
For us, the European Union is not simply a destination we wish to reach, but a value-based journey that we have embarked on. When the European perspective of the Balkans was reaffirmed at the Thessaloniki Summit in 2003, the world looked very different. Multilateralism and international cooperation were expanding back then. The European Union was one of the most attractive political projects in the world and would welcome 13 new member states over the following decade. At the same time, the Balkans was still emerging from the devastation and divisions of the '90s. More than two decades later, we live in a profoundly different international environment. The international order is entering a new and uncertain phase, and this is why enlargement of the European Union is an act of strategic foresight. It is one of the best investments Europe can make in peace, security, and long-term stability. And Montenegro is proud to stand today at the forefront of that process, ready to serve as an example for the other countries, not because our journey has been without difficulties, but because our journey demonstrates something essential: that progress is possible, that reforms matter, and that democratic political culture pays off. Earlier this year, leaders from across Europe gathered in Montenegro for the European Union-Western Balkans Summit. For Montenegro, that gathering carried a meaning far beyond the protocol. It demonstrated how far our country has traveled and how close our European future has become. And it also sent an important message about our region: that the future of the entire Balkan region lies within the European Union. Our region has carried the weight of division for too long, and a new chapter is being written through cooperation, connectivity, economic opportunity, and economic integration. And my generation has a responsibility to help complete that chapter. These responsibilities are not important because of the titles they carry. They are important because of what they allow us to contribute: to reconciliation, connectivity, democratic resilience, and the European future of our region.
Mr. President, just as I have shown you how the UN failed to do what it was supposed to do, now I want to tell you how it has excelled at what no one asked it to do, and what it should never have been doing. Because alongside that failure, they have built a bureaucratic leviathan devoted to deciding how the peoples of the world and their citizens should live. This amounts to a curious mixture of anarchy and tyranny, impotence in the face of those who break the most basic rules, such as bloodthirsty dictatorships and terrorist organizations, coupled with Orwellian control and impositions on liberal democracies that abide by the rules. We saw this with the Millennium Agenda. We saw it with the 2030 Agenda, with economic regulation, gender agendas, environmental extremism, and unchecked immigration. And every time they failed, rather than reviewing the model or apologizing, they doubled down, as they are already doing with the 2045 Agenda, which, I say now, will fail. But perhaps the most serious example, the one that forever should shame this organization, is quite another. That is how they managed the pandemic.
In keeping with that vision, my government has proposed a treaty that would bind Pacific Island countries and like minded partners to a firm, shared commitment to keep the Pacific an ocean of peace. Mr. president, artificial intelligence and emerging technologies present both unprecedented opportunities and serious risks. They can accelerate sustainable development, transform education and healthcare, strengthen disaster preparedness, and open new economic pathways for developing countries. But a widening digital divide threatens to leave developing countries further behind. For my government, digital transformation is not about technology for its own sake. It is about connecting our scattered islands and opening the modern economy to every Solomon Islander. The completion of 161 telecommunication towers across the country will lift national broadband coverage from 56 to 86%, expanding access to information, education and digital financial services. The benefits of AI must be shared by all. Mr. president, not concentrated among a few. Its risks, including its use for non-peaceful purposes, must be governed by all. Not left to a few.
Minister Murat Kurum, representing the incoming Cop 31 presidency, has put the challenge plainly the time for simply setting out goals is behind us. Anyone who experienced this summer in Europe and elsewhere knows that it was the hottest on record, and the super El Nino has not even yet hit. The proposed action agenda places methane reduction at the centre of climate implementation, and we welcome that focus. It is true that carbon dioxide must remain central to the global energy transition, but emissions are not falling quickly enough, and the full benefits of action will take time to emerge. So, Mr. President, under Barbados's presidency of the Cvf Climate Vulnerable Forum and its G20 countries, 74 countries got together and advanced the call to pull the methane emergency brake at the G20 Ministerial Dialogue in April of this year. The finance ministers agreed that methane reduction must be treated not only as an environmental priority, but also an economic, fiscal and public health opportunity. We must now implement the climate. Vulnerable countries need to mobilise approximately $490 billion each year by 2030, and yet the current inflows are roughly $90 billion. As a young people in Barbados would say, the math simply ain't math. We must also correct the inequity of the borrowing costs that these countries face. It is almost 1.2 percentage points higher for climate vulnerable countries than for advanced economies. Now that figure seems small to you, but that actually generates an estimated $62 billion more a year in excess interest payments each year.
We are already the victims of climate change. We must do it for them, and even more so for our children. Last but not least, we must hold fast and not yield on artificial intelligence. There are some who wish to make us believe that only two powers, the US and China, will be taking the decisions. They want us to believe that just a few economic actors will make all the decisions, the kinds of economic innovations that will be implemented, whether they want to take a break or not, the kinds of innovations that happen. Some of these technological developments might attack the security of our states, our hospitals or banks. They say that just a few will decide what kind of society we live in. No, no. Starting in 2018 at the G7 with our Canadian friends, we launched the Global Partnership for Artificial Intelligence under the auspices of the OECD to kickstart discussions on the need for regulation. At the AI summit in 2025. The AI Governance Summit. The next edition will be held in Switzerland next year. There was also the Indian edition. We advocated for two very simple things for everyone in the world to have their own LLM model capabilities, calculation capabilities, AI capabilities, so that we can craft a way of auditing these models instead of being reliant on just a few private actors. And in fact, Europe was the first with the AI Act to take forward these principles, to take forward these models, and we must continue down that path. Therefore, I wish to emphasize a particular point. Our young people and our children. We've spent far too long not protecting our young people and adolescents. And as a result, we're living with the consequence. Their capacity to learn is in decline. We're seeing mental health problems. The facts are stark, and the correlation is clear cut. That's why we've kickstarted a large scale initiative aimed at protecting our young people, our adolescents, to stop them accessing social networks before the age of 15. Underway in various countries. And I wish to commend our Australian colleagues, the first to take legislation on this front. We must continue down this path and see it through, but let's not wait for the consequences to come raining down on AI. We must act now to protect our children and our young people. Look at the impact chat bots have on our children. This is why, together with Kenya, Spain Australia, we've built a coalition on children's rights in the era of AI. We are mobilizing already this afternoon and also at the Paris Peace Forum on the 10th and 11th of November of this year. Governments, organizations, public and private actors, academics, private companies everyone will be rallying behind this agenda. So I hope to see you on the 10th and 11th of November in Paris. Going beyond that, we can clearly see the race that is underway in cutting edge models we must all be investing in. France is proud to have a competitive frontier model, and we will continue supporting them. So that we can have this kind of model. But we must also forge new kinds of cooperation. And I very much hope and wish for all sovereign states committed to their independence. India and Brazilian, African Gulf states, Singapore. The list goes on. This independent coalition, which I mentioned earlier, I don't want anyone to become the vassal of one of the great powers. Rather, we must come together to build an open source frontier model, a cutting edge model. Using all of the calculation capabilities you have pooling them. Our investment capabilities must be pooled to build a cutting edge, open source AI model, which we will share. We should not depend on somebody else. This is the agenda we must take forward and this through cooperation. Furthermore, there are other areas where we must set new rules AI in outer space, AI and defense, and cyber security. This has very serious consequences which affect the very heart of our national security. In Evian at the G7. Many of us lend our support for the call launched by our Finnish and Norwegian friends, and we want to continue within the framework of the G7, but also working closely with our UK colleagues who will hold the chairmanship of the G20 next year. We want to set a cooperation agenda on AI so as to protect the most sensitive components thereof, which affect our national security. We are coming to an agreement to build a new international architecture. We did this on chemical weapons. We did this when it came to other risks, and we must do the same when it comes to outer space defense, cyber security issues on which we must take control. And we need very specific kinds of cooperation, a specific framework for cooperation between member states in these areas, so as to be able to take this cooperation forward within a specific framework. We must not yield on this either.
I know all of you very well, but they know that given only a short time to make this world better, safer, and more prosperous for our children, for the people on earth, we have to take advantage of it. As president of the most extraordinary nation in history, I have no interest in leaving dangers to grow for another day. I do not believe in letting problems fester. They only become harder to solve. So while others have talked, I have acted, while others have spoken of peace. I have made peace while others have ignored threats. I have confronted them while others have talked of courage. America has shown it, while others have promised strength. I have used it to make America the most powerful country in the world. Working with many nations in this room, we are solving decades of intractable challenges, and we are settling years of unfinished business. And we're doing it well. There is no better example of a danger that was allowed to gather strength at the world's peril than the number one sponsor of terror, the Islamic Republic of Iran. For 51 years, the fanatical Iranian regime has ruled by bloodshed and mass murder, spreading death and carnage and chaos across the entire Middle East and beyond. They were the bully of the Middle East, but they are the bully no more. From the first day I entered the political arena, I've been unwavering. I will never allow Iran to have a nuclear weapon. Upon taking office last year, I immediately opened negotiations with Iran and offered them full economic cooperation in exchange for ending their nuclear program and support for terror. But they refused. They absolutely refused. That was a big mistake Then in Operation Midnight Hammer, the U.S. military obliterated their nuclear program beneath mountains of rubble. And again, I urged Iran to make a deal. And again they refused. The regime continued building a vast missile and drone stockpile that threatened the security of every American service member in the region and everyone else in the region They also made a missile that was capable of hitting Europe, and they were very proud of it. I hope the Europeans realize that Iran's goal was to complete their mad dash to a nuclear bomb from behind this conventional ballistic missile shield. If they had succeeded, that wicked regime would have been free to spread terror and death forever, knowing that any attempt to stop them would face an arsenal of nuclear annihilation. In America, we just marked the 25th anniversary of the worst terror attack in history, September 11th, which killed 3000 people just a few miles from here. It was an unbelievably terrible time. In two weeks, we will mark the third anniversary of the October 7th attack in Israel, where terrorists funded by Iran tortured, mutilated and killed 1200 very innocent civilians, including dozens of Americans and many babies, babies, little tiny, beautiful babies. Iran's supreme leader celebrated that massacre and called it a service to humanity The same regime slaughtered over 72,000 of its citizens this year. Recently, 10,000 were killed for protesting. Just imagine such a vile regime wherever empowered to carry out large scale terror attacks from behind a nuclear shield. This was the reality we had to confront, a reality that far too many preferred to ignore. They all ignored it. Many presidents and many others just wanted to ignore it. They were unwilling to do anything about it, but they knew the problem. After giving Iran every chance for a deal, I took action to ensure that neither the United States nor any nation is Hall would ever have to face such a nightmare, such a catastrophic problem. As a result of Operation Epic Fury, all 159 ships of their navy are now lying at the bottom of the sea. Likewise, their air force is gone. Their radar is gone, their anti-aircraft equipment is gone. Their missiles and drone manufacturing capacity is almost gone. Their economy is gone. The only thing that isn't gone is inflation, which is destroying their country and is now well over 300%. Yet even after we agreed to a cease fire for nuclear discussions, Iran promptly violated it with brazen acts of terrorism against civilian ships from other countries. I want to thank the U.N. Security Council for voting overwhelmingly to pass a resolution condemning Iran's despicable terrorist attacks on commercial shipping. Thank you very much. That resolution, I'm pleased to say, received more co-sponsors from U.N. member nations than any Security Council resolution in history. That's something. Now, we must be equally united in maintaining pressure. The United States Navy has recently escorted more than 1 billion barrels of oil out of the Strait of Hormuz, and more oil is flowing than at any point since the start of the war. We're taking 22, 25, 30, 32 and 37 ships out, respectively, every single day, every single night. But I have a big decision to make. Will a deal be made with Iran that lets them rebuild and create a far greater country than it ever was before? Maybe one of the greatest in the Middle East, or even the world. Or do I annihilate the Islamic Republic and do it quickly, never giving them a chance to kill and destroy people and countries again? Do I drive them into hell with no chance of survival and no hope of future greatness or generations? But I believe we'll make a deal right after the election, because it doesn't make sense for them not to. They're waiting to see how I do in the midterm election. What they don't realize is that I'm not running. I did that already and won in a landslide. We won in a giant landslide, and I'll be here for two and a half years. The Republican Party is running and I'll be helping them, but I am not running. I gave absolutely no credence and will not give credence to the election. When it comes to Iran, it doesn't even enter my mind. The only thing that does is that Iran will never have a nuclear weapon. The cowards and traitors. Thank you. Thank you. The cowards and traitors would love to say the United States is low on munitions, but that's not true. We have more munitions than we could ever possibly even think of using, and we're building them at levels that we have never done before. We are adding to our stockpiles faster than we have ever been able to do before. Top of the line stuff. In addition, in the very near future, massive munition plants will be opening. There are 18 of them being built by the greatest defense companies in the world right now 18 under construction. Some of them very quickly will be completed. They're almost there. And that rapid construction will be leading to very rapid deployment of missiles of every type and ammunition of every type, and will be able to supply our allies at a much faster rate than we're doing right now. I call on all nations to join us in enforcing the complete economic isolation of Iran. Until they stop their attacks on commercial shipping, relinquish their nuclear ambitions, and cease their support of terror. The terrorist regime is behaving badly, not because they are strong and confident, but because they are weak and desperate. If we stand united, we will soon see a world free of the last 51 year menace of Iranian terror. And oil prices will come plummeting down even lower than they were at the start of the conflict. And they were very low in the United States. They were really low. With courage and resolve. Anything is possible. Big changes can happen and happen fast. One year ago, when I addressed the great leaders in this hall, the war in Gaza was still raging brutally. The hostages were still deep in Hamas tunnels and there was no end in sight. It was never going to be resolved. But here on the sidelines of the General Assembly, we took the first steps. That changed everything. A few weeks later, we ended the war in Gaza, saving untold thousands of lives. We also brought home all remaining hostages, both living and dead. Every single one of them. Thank you. Thank you. Everyone thought it was a miracle that we were able to do so. And people celebrated in the streets. I want to express my gratitude to the United Nations Security Council for their unanimous endorsement of our 20 point Gaza peace plan, and for officially approving the Board of Peace. Going to be a very significant group of people. Nearly 30 countries have joined the board, which I am honored to chair, and we're thankful to many of those member nations for contributing billions and billions of dollars to relief. And it goes right to the rebuilding and relief of Morocco, Bahrain. These are the countries that gave Qatar, Kuwait, Kazakhstan, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Uzbekistan, and many more. That money goes right to the source, right where they need it, and they desperately need it. And those countries are very have been very generous, and others also are stepping up at numbers that nobody would even believe because they want to see people live. They want to see the humanitarian thing happen properly. They've been fantastic. I also want to thank those who have committed troops police and training to help stabilize Gaza, including Indonesia, Morocco, Albania, Kosovo, Kazakhstan, Egypt, Jordan and more. Since I took office, it has been my great honor to settle eight wars and in so doing, become friendly with the leaders of many of those countries. It was a great honor to do it. Numerous of these wars have gone on for many years and even decades. The reason I was able to make these settlements was the use of my relationships. Very special relationships to this day, very, very special trade, the use of tariffs and the threat of tariffs and various other reasons depending on the country. Among them, terms of settlement, Cambodia and Thailand, Kosovo and Serbia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda, Pakistan and India, Armenia and Azerbaijan. And of course, the war in Gaza, which, as I stated previously, includes the return of all hostages, both living and dead. Almost every one of these countries wrote me a letter of thank you. The Prime Minister of Pakistan, terrific man, said that Donald Trump was responsible for saving 30 million lives, and probably many more than that. The president of Azerbaijan said President Trump had six months, did a miracle. It was an absolute miracle that nobody thought could be done. The prime Minister of Armenia said this breakthrough would simply not have been possible without President Trump's personal engagement and his resolute commitment to peace. A president of Cambodia stated President Trump's extraordinary statesmanship, marked by his commitment to resolving conflicts and preventing catastrophic wars through visionary, innovative diplomacy was most recently demonstrated in his decisive role in brokering an immediate and unconditional cease fire and peace. This timely intervention which averted a potentially devastating conflict, was vital in preventing a great loss of lives and paved the way towards the restoration of peace. The president of Rwanda said when President Trump saw the opportunity to contribute to peace, he immediately took it. This conflict has lasted for 32 years. Millions and millions of people have died. We got it settled. We've seen countless mediations and efforts, but none has succeeded in resolving the underlying issues. President Donald Trump issued a new and effective statement that really has brought great peace and space through really a breakthrough that we thought was impossible. We're working very closely with the leaders of Russia and Ukraine, and we will get that one done. It's going to happen, I think, more quickly than people understand. They've they've had it 25000 young people, mostly soldiers a month, are dying 25000 a month. And I look at those battlefield pictures and I, I really don't want to see them anymore. It's so horrible to see 25,000 a month. Both sides. In addition, the United States and Iran will definitely get it done. We will get it done one way or the other. It's going to be done. It's going to be done fast. A lot has happened since we last gathered here one year ago in January. At my direction, the United States military conducted a massive military operation penetrating deep into the Venezuelan capital. Caracas descended on a heavily defended and fortified military base, one that was supposed to be flawless against attack, and arrested the outlaw dictator, real criminal Nicolas Maduro. Since that day, hundreds of Venezuelan political prisoners have been freed. They've let them out of jails, and we're working closely with the leaders of Venezuela to forge a much better future for the Venezuelan people. Last month, we signed the largest oil deal in history, covering 65 billion barrels of oil, which will benefit both Venezuela and the United States enormously and help drive down the cost of energy all over the world. And that is starting to perk right now. It's coming out. The biggest oil companies in the world are going in, and the numbers are absolutely incredible. When you add the United States and Venezuela together, we have more than 60% of the oil in the world. So it's perhaps the biggest deal. It was a war, but it's perhaps the biggest deal ever made. To the victor belong the spoils. You've all heard that our actions in Venezuela are proof that the United States will no longer permit threats to America to gain a foothold anywhere in the Western Hemisphere. And if necessary, we will use our unmatched military might to secure the vital national interests of the United States. As you know, Venezuela had the finest equipment in the world from other countries. And guess what It didn't work. Didn't even come close to working. For decades, other administrations allowed much of this region to be dominated by vicious gangs and bloodthirsty drug cartels, destabilized by uncontrolled migration and infiltrated by hostile foreign adversaries, foreign sick, demented adversaries. But not anymore. We are reasserting American power, including American military power, where necessary in our region and around the world, to create a safer future for all of us. It's happening, and it's happening quickly.
Too often, the United Nations has been more effective at responding to crises than anticipating them. This is true of pandemics, of climate shocks, of technological disruption, and it is nowhere more costly than in conflict. Eastern DRC is a clear example of that. For more than three decades, the FDLR has spread genocidal ideology, committed grave abuses in Eastern DRC, and directly threatened Rwanda's security, including through cross-border attacks. It now operates alongside Burundian troops and DRC-sponsored militias and mercenaries, in violation of the 1989 UN Convention and the 1977 OAU Convention against mercenaries. And this does not happen overnight. The roots of the conflict in Eastern DRC are political, and they lie in long-standing grievances, exclusion, and failures of governance. So the solution, too, must be political. Rwanda fully supports the diplomatic efforts underway to reach such a solution. We commend the Washington Accords between Rwanda and the DRC, and the Doha Process between the DRC and AFC M23, as steps in the right direction. We are grateful for the relentless efforts deployed by President Donald Trump, His Highness the Amir of Qatar, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, and the African Union mediator, President Fore Nyasimbe of Togo, in advancing these processes. And we remain committed to a region where all countries can coexist peacefully, where they can trade and develop together. Rwanda calls on all actors, including the Security Council, to support this same peace effort fairly and to encourage all parties to honor their commitments. There is no lasting peace without confronting the root causes of the conflict and addressing the legitimate concerns of all those affected. Excellencies, the value of prevention extends beyond conflict. It also means addressing the conditions that leave countries vulnerable to poverty, economic shocks, and exclusion from opportunity.
We choose young people who are determined to pursue education, acquire a profession, and define their own future, because we do not measure the true strength of a statehood by its military or economic capacity. The country's might is determined first and foremost by the extent to which it can protect human dignity, rights, and interests. Therefore, we view peace, development, and human dignity not as three separate goals, but as a single, unified task. Esteemed delegates, today no nation, however powerful, can address all global problems alone.
My government is driving transformation through our National Development blueprint, the Arrest Agenda for Inclusive Development, which focuses on agriculture, roads, rule of law, education, sanitation and tourism. This year, we have made concrete strides in revenue, administration and infrastructure, including rural roads linking farm to market. Liberia contributes virtually nothing to global emissions, yet our communities face coastal erosion, flooding and disrupted agricultural cycles. My country also has about 42% of the remaining Upper Guinea rainforest, a vital global carbon sink that we maintain on behalf of all humanity. Climate responsibility must be paired with climate justice. We call on industrial nations to honour their financial pledges and operationalize loss and damage mechanisms. Democracy and human rights and responsible innovation. Mr. president, the ultimate ultimate measure of governance is inclusion in Africa. 60% of our population is under 25. The single greatest engine of innovation on earth. We must equip our youth with Stem education, digital literacy and technical training so they become co-creators in the global digital economy, not just consumers. Gender equality remains essential when women lead, peace agreements last longer, economies grow faster and governance becomes more accountable. Liberia Liberia remains committed to full political, economic and social equality for women and girls. Liberia welcomes global efforts to govern new technologies, including the Secretary General's Independent International Scientific Panel on Artificial Intelligence. Developing nations must not be left behind as mere consumers or algorithms designed elsewhere. We must be supported in building true digital sovereignty. We join calls for binding ethical norms and greater regulation of artificial intelligence, particularly in warfare. Innovation must protect human development, not automate human destruction. Reforming global governance. Correcting historic injustice.
Everyone is being armed, from Asia to Europe, from Africa to the Americas. No country is immune. They have serious economic and social impact and are already having undesirable consequences for all of us and also for the parties involved. This is a senseless crisis because it's harmful to everyone. We must put an end to this collective masochism, and we must do it quickly to close this chapter, which is a chapter of widespread, widespread harm, we all have a duty to learn from the lessons of the crisis of the 1970s and avoid repeating what happened then. We will be judged by how we handle this challenge. On the one hand, it is urgent to put an end to the protracted conflicts and on the other hand, starting now, we must discuss and decide on complementary ways to mitigate the impact of this energy crisis and prevent its preventing it from being prolonged. It is my belief that it would also be beneficial to discuss the mechanism by which international oil prices are determined.
Restoring trust, managing transformation is a fitting theme for this year's session. It reflects both the scale of the changes our world is undergoing and the need to navigate them peacefully. After the Second World War, a robust multilateral system based on rules and global cooperation was built, spanning security, human rights, and economic development. For decades, shifts in global power unfolded within this largely predictable framework. Power has always been unevenly distributed. Today, however, we are witnessing profound changes that are reshaping the post-war system. The task of the international order is not to resist these changes, but to manage them peacefully. Our shared ambition should be to draw inspiration from the founders of the United Nations. Our goal should be to prevent war and destruction, and to build a predictable international order capable of adapting to change while providing fairness and stability. This is precisely why we need forums like this: places where dialogue can prevail and diplomacy can work. This is why we need rules. Not because all states are equally powerful, but precisely because they are not. Rules have value only if they bind everyone, especially those powerful enough to break them. When rules are cast aside, raw power fills the vacuum. A world dominated by great power competition is a volatile world, less able to address the most pressing challenges of our time. It is a world where a single spark can ignite a fire. Instead, we should insist that with greater power comes greater responsibility. Responsibility in the use of force. Responsibility to exercise restraint. But also responsibility to use one's influence to prevent force from becoming necessary in the first place.
Multilateralism. Equipped to address the defining challenges of today peace, the climate emergency, economic insecurity and artificial intelligence on artificial intelligence and its governance. We need an accountable, transparent and regulated architecture. We need an AI that serves humanity, not controls it. We must always be in the driving seat, setting a safe and secure pace of innovation and development. The artificial intelligence industry cannot be regulated by a few major global companies, and the United Nations must play a central role in setting global standards through the United Nations Global Digital Compact, the Independent International Scientific Panel, and the Global Dialogue on AI governance. Excellencies, the United Nations must remain at the center of the multilateral system. The United Nations is under pressure from geopolitical polarization, financial constraints, and institutional shortcomings.
We are the largest coffee exporter in Central America and the fifth largest globally. Fifty percent—57%— of the coffee which Honduras exports is coffee recognized to be of extremely high quality, as well as accredited and specialized coffee. That is a reflection of the quality of our production and its standard of excellence. Honduras sees its agriculture, fisheries, and poultry industries as fundamental pillars for economic development, as well as for food security and job creation. Our commitment is to breathe momentum into these sectors sustainably. We want to empower our producers and bring high-quality Honduran products to international markets. Our land harbors mineral wealth with vast potential that has yet to be harnessed. We have the opportunity to develop a modern, responsible, and sustainable mining industry so that we can create employment and transform these resources into development and prosperity for our people.
This is the goal of our National Development Plan 2024-2028, which has five pillars: security and governance; human capital; resilient infrastructure; economic production; and environmental sustainability. These pillars are not only a planning framework, but are also a renewed social contract with our population. At the heart of this ambition lies our youth. Our youth is our greatest asset, our greatest responsibility. A well-trained and employed youth, involved in decision-making, is the best guarantee against recruitment by armed groups. The same is true for women, whose role in peacebuilding is not a bonus but a prerequisite. Mr. President, my country, like so many others, is experiencing the impact of crises surrounding it, from refugee movements to pressure on our borders. The war in neighboring Sudan has pushed more than 27,000 refugees to settle around the city of Biro alone.
One person out of 17 in my country is today a refugee. From this rostrum, I would like to solemnly reiterate and reaffirm Chad's position regarding the Sudanese conflict. Our country has observed since the very first day of the war strict, absolute and unchanged neutrality. I would like to say this very firmly my country does not support any of the parties to the conflict in Sudan, and in no way authorises the use of its territory or its infrastructure to their benefit Chad reiterates its commitment to peace in Sudan and reiterates its support for all initiatives, including those of the quad and the quintet, seeking to establish a ceasefire and to promote dialogue between the warring parties. Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, I cannot now remain silent regarding the serious nature of that which is directly affecting our sovereignty over recent days. The Energy East Province within our country has been the theatre of airstrikes linked to the conflict in Sudan. Chad condemns in the strongest possible terms these new incursions. They are an unacceptable violation of our territorial integrity, and Chad reserves the right to take all necessary measures in line with international law to protect its population and its sovereignty. If this occurs again. Mr. President, Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. I would also, from this rostrum, like to stress how concerned my country is with the crisis in the Gulf region and the repercussions of this on the global economy. Loyal to the principles of the charter, Chad rejects any act of aggression against a sovereign state and condemns. To this end the airstrikes against the Islamic Republic of Iran. And along the same lines. She very firmly condemns the Iranian attacks against the fraternal fraternal countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council and Jordan, as well as the drone attack on the 29th of July in the Egyptian port of. We would urge all parties to demonstrate restraint and to promote dialogue regarding the Middle East. Chad remains seriously concerned by ongoing violence and humanitarian suffering in Gaza, sticking to its unwavering position, my country reiterates its unfailing commitment to the right of the Palestinian people to have their own state in the 1967 borders, alongside a state of Israel that lives in peace and security. As we do each year on this same occasion. We call once again for the lifting of the economic and trade embargo imposed on Cuba and on its people. Mr. president, Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the theme Restoring Trust, Managing transformation.
And as the world transforms, so must the United Nations. The UN80 Initiative is an opportunity to reduce duplication, improve accountability, and focus resources on results. But efficiency must not be measured simply by what we cut. It must be measured by what we deliver. And the United Nations must not retreat from the countries that need it most, in the name of efficiency. Reform must preserve a meaningful UN presence on the ground, particularly in SIDS. The UN Development System must respond to the needs of programme countries and remain guided by relevant international frameworks. The reform process must be Member State-led. It must be inclusive and transparent. This is how reform will restore trust, by bringing the United Nations closer to the people and the countries it serves. Reform must also confront one of this Organization’s oldest weaknesses: unequal representation. The Security Council cannot reflect the world of 1945 while deciding for the world of today. It must be expanded in both permanent and non-permanent categories. SIDS must have a rotating seat. Africa must receive the representation long denied to it, and the veto must be abolished. After all, representation is not merely symbolic. Who sits at the table shapes what the table sees. Small States understand how closely climate, finance, trade, supply chains and security are connected. We also know that international law is our strongest safeguard against unequal power. That principle must remain at the heart of the international system. The Maldives will take its seat on the Economic and Social Council for the 2027 to 2029 term. We are seeking election to the Human Rights Council for the 2028 to 2030 term. And we seek the support of Member States for a seat on the UN Security Council for the 2033 to 2034 term. We do so because small States must be decision-makers, not decision-takers. Representation matters not only within the bodies of this Organization, but also in its leadership. As Secretary-General Guterres approaches the end of a decade of service, the Maldives thanks him for his leadership and commitment to international cooperation. The process to choose his successor must be transparent and based on merit. It must draw from the full breadth of talent available to this Organization. For more than eight decades, every Secretary-General has been a man. It is time for a woman to lead this Organisation. A leader who will defend the Charter, without exception, who can turn reform into delivery, and who will listen to all Member States, including the smallest. The task ahead is immense. The choice we make must meet it. So, what should this Assembly do? The Maldives proposes a simple test for a sovereign future. When we act on conflict, climate, finance, technology or institutional reform, let us ask: Does this decision expand a State’s freedom to choose? Does it build national capacity and reduce dependence? Does it protect sovereignty and independent decision-making? If the answer is no, we must change course. And we must hold every State to the same standard. Let this be the measure of international cooperation, not what we promise, but what we make possible. That is the measure of a United Nations that delivers for all. In 1989, the Maldives asked this Assembly to protect small States from external threats. Today, we ask it to protect something just as fundamental: Every State’s freedom to choose its own future. A future chosen by its people, a future grounded in international law, a sovereign future for every State.
Mr. president, excellencies, I am appearing addressing this assembly representing the first female president of my country, doctor Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo whose government places people at the heart of the actions of the state and works on a daily basis to achieve freedom, democracy, social justice and substantive equality. Mexico conducts its public life according to a conviction that I'm bringing to you today, from this rostrum, to make shared prosperity a reality for all people. This conviction coincides with the commitments that we all made in the United Nations Charter, whose first article establishes as goals to maintain international peace and security, to engage in friendly relations between nations, and to cooperate to resolve economic, social and cultural problems and humanitarian problems. Promoting respect for human rights without any type of distinction. Mexico, a culture with more than 3000 years of history, is experiencing a profound transformation that is a continuation of the journey that, uh, was started with the independence movement, the reform, and then the revolution the three defining moments when my country expanded the rights of its people. My country today aspires to achieve a prosperous society with rights and a decent life for all. This is a transformation with clear goals to bring about shared well-being, to strengthen our competitivity, to develop our own capacities, and to determine our own destiny. It's for this reason that my country has come to share the experience of a nation that decided to show, through concrete actions, that it is possible to improve the quality of life of our people by expanding their rights and their capacity to exercise these rights. Please allow me to underscore some of the progress made. The first is the reduction of poverty. Between 2018 and 2024, more than 13 million people were lifted out of poverty in Mexico, the most significant reduction in the history of our country. It's also important to underscore that in 2025, we had the lowest in white poverty rate in our history. This effort continues with a national social policy. In 2026, the well-being programs of our countries reached 42.8 million people. In addition to this, we have sustained investment in infrastructure, healthcare, trains, highways, schools and water infrastructure. Looking towards 2030, the investment in infrastructure for development with Well-Being plan plans to make investments in energy, transport, water, health, education and emerging technology. The second concrete action is security that the government of President Sheinbaum understands from a comprehensive perspective, addressing the causes that push youth towards crime and also zero impunity. And the results speak for themselves. In just 22 months, the 22 months to July 2026, intentional homicides declined by around 51%. This is the result of a national security strategy that is being strengthened thanks to international cooperation on shared challenges. And that, respectfully, um, I'd like to respectfully recall, is grounded in four principles one respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity. Two, shared but differentiated responsibility, three mutual respect and trust, and four, cooperation without subordination. This milestone was not achieved through war, nor by renouncing human rights or through reliance on force as the sole response. Mexico combines education and employment for youth with intelligence investigation, strengthening institutions and boosting the presence of the state where before it was absent. Today we can say proudly that our progress in security really make Mexico stand out on the international stage. That's why we wish to, um, put forward a truth to this assembly, um, a truth that is valid for all peoples, that peace cannot be decreed or imposed. It's built with social justice. The third action is focused on employment. Since 2018, the minimum wage has increased in real terms by 154% And today we have the highest purchasing power in more than four decades. And we achieved this with dialogue between the government workers and employers. With inflation under control and one of the lowest unemployment rates of any OECD economy. We've demonstrated in practice something that was denied for decades in theory, and that is that, um, paying workers better does not make economies poorer. It actually strengthens them. The fourth, fourth action that we've engaged in has transformed the history of our country. For the first time in two centuries of independent life, Mexico is being governed by a woman. And this did not happen alone. Um, and she's not governing alone either. She, uh, has a cabinet with gender parity, a Congress with gender parity, and a reform that made substantive equality a constitutional mandate.
Supply chains built up over decades of interdependence are being reorganized or fragmented as a result of geopolitical tensions. The multilateral trading system has been weakened, and the WTO can no longer fully carry out some of its essential functions. Yet what is at stake here is not merely a technical issue of trade policy. The question is whether relations between states will continue to be governed by common rules, or if they will increasingly depend on the weight and power of each individual state. For Switzerland, this is a fundamental issue. That is because my country is an open economy with few natural resources. A large part of its prosperity, therefore depends on trade, but also on the stability and predictability of the rules that make such trade possible. Economic resilience requires us to diversify relationships, forge new partnerships, and keep trade between different regions of the world as open as possible. This is particularly important for economies with fewer resources or limited market access. Access to markets knowledge and technology can create opportunities that would not otherwise exist. These abstract concepts encompass quite concrete realities a business that can take on an apprentice, a family that can secure a more stable income, a producer who can trade beyond their local market. Young people for whom the range of possibilities suddenly widens. That is also what we mean when we talk about a global economy. Trust is built when the rules offer everyone a genuine opportunity to participate.
While we are a few years away from 2030, progress towards attainment of the SDGs is still unimpressive. Given this situation, we need to improve our execution and ensure that every cent invested delivers results. Tanzania remains committed and has made strides in implementing the 2030 Agenda. Tanzania Vision 2050, aim to build an inclusive and competitive economy that ensures quality of life for all. We are investing in our people, productive infrastructure, technology and innovation, while creating greater opportunities for women and young people. Our ambition is to transform economic growth into lasting improvements in people's lives. These ambitions may not be realized if the international financial architecture is not made to work for development. Currently, when developing countries are accelerating progress, they are restricted by high borrowing costs, rising debt burdens, and limited access to affordable longterm finance. Tanzania stresses that improvements must be made to ensure the expansion of concessional financing, mobilization of private investment, improved access to development and climate finance, and giving developing countries a stronger voice in global financial decisionmaking. It is without a doubt that political commitment is paramount in undertaking focused investment. In that respect, Tanzania has made significant strides in reducing maternal and child mortality by expanding facility delivery from 51 per cent in 2015 to 81 per cent in 2022.
Civil, political and economic, social and cultural rights require equal protection and our best advance through dialogue, cooperation, capacity building and national ownership On the 40th anniversary of the declaration of the Right to Development, Zimbabwe calls for the adoption and translation of its principles into binding international commitments, racism and all forms of discrimination continue to deny millions the equal enjoyment of human rights and development, accountability, education and awareness, as well as support for victims and engagement on Reparatory justice, remain critical. Pathways to truth, healing, restored dignity and equality. My country, therefore joins other Member States in calling for the full implementation of the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action. Mr. president, Zimbabwe supports U.N. reforms that reduce duplication, improve coordination, modernize systems and strengthen filled implementation.
We expect his successor to have the vision, courage, and leadership skills to restore trust, overcome divisions, and to act for change. Your Excellencies, peace and security are among the main responsibilities of the international community. In light of conflicts that have taken thousands of lives and caused immense destruction, we must step up our efforts to prevent and end hostilities. The main challenge remains the war against Ukraine, the consequences of which have spilled far beyond the immediate combat zone. Can we resolve this problem? Can we find a solution? Of course we can. I am convinced of this. Is it not time to rethink European security policy? Bulgaria, as a member state of the EU, calls for the holding of a debate on this topic and on the broader goal of the future of a post-war Europe, as well as the Europe before the war. And to begin this debate, it is high time to transfer this conflict from the military sphere to the political and diplomatic realm. This involves negotiations which require dialogue and a minimum level of trust, supported by the appropriate guarantees. Europe, however, cannot be a simple mere observer. It must be a real participant in negotiations on the post-war security architecture of the continent after the end of the war. Europe must be able to guarantee its own security. Military security must be complemented by the second pillar of security. That is to say, the contractual and legal pillar, which must guarantee that defensive capacity building provides more security rather than a new arms race. For the security of Europe, we must add robust diplomacy to military and economic security, because we cannot, dear colleagues, negotiate without the participation of two countries, Ukraine and Russia. It would be irresponsible if, after the end of the war in Ukraine, we were unable to offer anything better to European citizens than a new cold war, or worse. We need a vision for tomorrow, in line with the concept of a Europe of peace, thanks to dissuasive defense and shared security. From this lofty platform, we call for Europe to move toward this goal. Bulgaria believes that security and stability in the Black Sea region is an integral part of its national security in all of its aspects. But it is not only our national security that is at stake; it is global security. The war in Ukraine and other territories has expanded beyond the territories of the conflict parties and directly affects Bulgaria today.
It can endure only when it is technologically realistic, socially fair, compatible with secure and affordable energy, and supportive of overall development. For Europe, which imports most of the energy it consumes the case for producing more renewable energy at home now reaches far beyond climate policy. It is a strategic necessity. It strengthens Europe's sovereignty and capacity to act, reduces external dependence, creates economic opportunity, and makes our societies more resilient.
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, Your Excellencies, every generation believes the challenges they face are unmatched. Perhaps for us that is true. We are at a unique moment in history. The scale of knowledge and the speed of change are unprecedented. Every day brings another crisis, another tragedy, another emergency demanding our attention. One study shows that average screen attention has fallen from 2.5 minutes in 2004 to just 47 seconds today. Of course, a screen is not the world, but that says something about our world today that attention has become a scarce asset, and where we choose to direct it has never mattered more. And in this chamber, attention is more than a cognitive resource. It is a geopolitical one. It determines which conflicts receive sustained diplomacy and which fade from the agenda. Whether a cease fire holds after the cameras leave, whether humanitarian suffering remains intolerable or becomes familiar and whether the world steps up or scrolls and strolls away. History rarely catches us entirely by surprise. More often, it catches us focused elsewhere. Economic disparity, food insecurity, climate change disasters. None of these challenges emerged overnight. The warning signs have been there. The question is whether our attention lasts long enough to act, and what we neglect has a habit of shaping our future.
Nowhere on earth is a planet warming faster than in Western Europe. But in the Caribbean, part of our kingdom, including the countries of Aruba, Curacao and Sint Maarten the effects of climate change have already been felt for much longer. And the same is true for many of your countries. For too long, the consequences of climate change have been trivialized or simply denied. But after the horrors experienced by Nepal and a long series of forest fires, the truth should be clear to everyone the climate crisis will not just disappear if we pretend it doesn't exist. We are living on borrowed time, and the generations that come after us will pay the price. And if you want to prevail that prevent that, we must commit now to both mitigation and adaptation. And we all know what needs to be done. Countless reports are agreed on that. And we have all the technology we need. Unfortunately, we are making progress. Last year, the electrical vehicle market grew by 20%. Wind power capacity grew by 14% and solar power by more than 30%. And this growth in renewable energy has exceeded even the most optimistic projections from ten years ago. And the challenge now is to accelerate this transition in all sectors and all parts of the world. And at the same time, to reduce carbon emissions and phase out fossil fuels. That is why the Netherlands, jointly with Colombia, organized the world's first conference on transitioning away from fossil fuels. This event in Colombia was attended by 57 countries, and together these countries account for one third of global GDP, one third of energy demand and one fifth of supply. And together we worked to find concrete and practical solutions to take the transition forward. But climate action requires everyone to contribute. In November, we will gather at a cop in Turkey. And I know that many of you don't have high expectations. But in my view, this can only be explained by the pessimistic idea that we are somehow powerless. But that is not true We have the knowledge and we have the technology to combat climate change. And a better world is really within reach. Thanks to our joint efforts on the Sustainable Development Goals, 92% of the world's population now has access to electricity. And since 2015, we have doubled the amount of renewable energy we generate. Child mortality has dropped sharply to because of this axis So climate action can be a catalyst for everyone to work together on solutions that concern us all. And we don't need to reinvent the wheel. A lot of good things are happening already. For decades, the Netherlands has been working with partners around the world to develop climate smart agriculture and future proof water management solutions. And we are keen to share our knowledge and knowhow And we want to learn from what other countries are doing. There are so many great initiatives on the way. But I also know there's much more to be done. The need to accelerate and scale up our efforts is only to clear. And that demands our common commitment. The Netherlands wants to build practical partnerships with other countries, so we are once again making funding available for this purpose. And at the same time, we need to adapt to climate shocks that can no longer be avoided. These adaptations will require major investments, both public and private. Because here too, we cannot do it alone. Today, I call on all countries to stick to these ambitions because one way or another, a climate transition is coming. But we can decide how it unfolds. It can be chaotic, or it can be carefully planned with an inclusive approach and economic benefits for all. Ladies and gentlemen, as I come to the end of my remarks, I have an even stronger sense of what Anne Frank was telling us.
This strategic canal for the free world, once again, is suffering the consequences of climate change. This is something that is a real paradox because we are a carbon-negative country and one of the very few carbon-negative countries in the world, but this does not mean that we don't have to face strong droughts followed by heavy rain that causes flooding. This leads us to a reflection that is, there's a lot of support for nations that assume the objective of decarbonization, but the fact is that we don't benefit from any type of economic aid, despite the fact that we remove more carbon from the world than we produce. So it will be the Panama Canal itself that grew under Panamanian hands and that saw billions of dollars of investments to build the Rio Indio project. This is going to be a reservoir of water to ensure that the canal can continue to be used and provide more predictability to international trade and water supply to hundreds of thousands of citizens. This is an endeavor of the United Nations to support responsible projects, both socially and environmentally, that represent real progress for our countries. It's fundamental not to give in to pressure from organizations that seek extortion under the coverage of social struggles and seek cover in international organizations such as the ILO, for example. Distinguished delegates, Panama is a global leader in the conservation of biodiversity and cultural legacy as a basis for our sustainable development.
Allow me to share with you, ladies and gentlemen, some of the most pressing challenges that Peru is currently facing. The first major challenge we face is the frontal assault we must wage on our organised crime and petty crime. Peru is located on a continent in which there are no wars between nations. However, we are faced with another type of war that is, that declared by transnational criminal organizations, organizations that have sowed terror among our people. In this war, there are no battlegrounds, no fronts Indeed, no fronts have been defined. There are no international rules governing these conflicts. The enemy does not wear a uniform. The enemy hides among our people. There is no possibility to see surrender or to sign peace treaties in this context. Confronting this war as an isolated problem to be dealt with by each nation alone is not only mistaken thinking and a mistake that we've been making. Rather, it is an act of giving the advantage to transnational organised crime. To make that mistake allows them to grow stronger. They have huge economic and war mongering power, and they get that through crimes. And illegal businesses that range from smuggling, illegal mining, drug trafficking, human trafficking, extortion and killing. Consequently, the first thing we must do is isolate or pinpoint and identify the enemy. These organisations, these enemies are terrorist groups and they must be tackled for as what they are. They are enemies of a democratic state and of fine, upstanding citizens. Clearly defining what who the enemy is and establishing a normative framework will allow the armed forces in supporting the National Police to act with resolve and tackle the threat to the domestic order posed by these organisations. Moreover, in addition to actively participating in the regional Santiago pact. Peru recently joined the shield of the Americas. That was a demonstration of its decisive commitment to working together and in concert with our partners in this challenge, which is of the utmost priority for Peru. In Peru, we will pursue crime and prosecute. It will go after the main one that commits the crimes and go after the network that supports him. We will not waver in the face of those that attempt to impose terror over and above the law, suppressing, repressing.
This inconsistency is particularly difficult to ignore when we consider Iran executions, including those involving political prisoners, young intellectuals and others and others who oppose the regime demand serious attention, not awards. With the functions in the United Nations. And yet there is often no sufficiently serious condemnation of these executions or of the broader violation of human rights under our system, then seeks complete control over social, political and economic life. The abuse of religion to justify, to justify or reinforce such control is another example of how principles can be distorted. When institutions and political power are placed above the rights and dignity of individuals. Human rights cannot depend on whether the victims are politically convenient to defend. The United Nations must therefore defend not only its institutions, but also the integrity of the principles those institutions exist to serve. Distinguished delegates.
Mr. president. Economic and climate vulnerabilities are having an impact on stability and security in Africa. These are coupled with ongoing security challenges and can fuel tensions and conflict. This is why development questions, questions of peace and security must be tackled in a complementary and interlinked fashion. Lasting security cannot be boiled down just to its military dimension. It requires us to act on factors causing vulnerability, and it requires us to promote dialogue prevention and mediation. Along these lines. The president of the Council, His Excellency for Essozimna Gnassingbé, has striven to promote dialogue, to bring people's positions closer and to contribute to find political solutions to crises that affect regions in West Africa and in the Sahel, for example. Our country is working hard to encourage exchanges and to contribute to the emergence of lasting political responses in the Great Lakes region. Togo as part of African mediation, is also making its contribution to de-escalation, to restoring trust, and to the quest for lasting responses to disputes. These initiatives reflect a conviction in the face of crises. We need to maintain spaces for dialogue. We need to foster political and diplomatic means. Mediation is not a weakness. It is an expression of responsibility. Togo has made dialogue and preventive diplomacy the pillars of its foreign policy. In our West African subregion and the African level. Togo is working unfailingly to promote mediation, stability and the peaceful settlement of disputes We are convinced that no lasting solution can be imposed from the outside without actively listening to local and sovereign realities and what's going on on the ground. Africa is not asking for others to act in its place. It is asking for its efforts to be recognized, assisted and supported.
And I thought it's a good idea to share with you my thoughts. Gunpowder changed the battlefield. Nuclear fission changed the meaning of human survival. Artificial intelligence is changing something even more intimate: who can enter the minds of a citizen, imitate a trusted voice, manufacture a reality calibrated to one person's fears, and do so millions and millions of times at once. Albania is not a developer of frontier models, but we are a nation that has already lived the future others are still debating, and I think a simple message is what we owe to all of you. The greatest immediate danger is not that artificial intelligence will stop obeying humanity. The greatest danger is that it will obey the wrong human beings perfectly. The challenge comes in three layers. What artificial intelligence does instead of us, what it does to us. And who gains the power to reach us? First, what it does instead of us. The public debate imagines machines that awaken, acquire ambitions and turn against their creators. But the systems confronting us today do not wake up with hatred in their hearts. They multiply ours. They have no ambition of their own. They serve the ambition of others. They carry no flag. But they can be deployed by a state. They tell no lie for their own benefit. But they can tell a billion lies on others behalf. The machine has no conscience. But it can borrow the reach of a government, the precision of a weapon and the intimacy of a friend. At the same time, the economic incentives surrounding artificial intelligence increasingly reward the replacement of human effort, rather than the enlargement of human capacity. Write the code so that I do not have to understand it. Draft the report so that I do not have to think through it. Make the judgment so that I do not have to assume responsibility for it. When success is measured only by how much work the machine removes from the human being, we may create more efficient institutions, but will have less capable people. A civilization that outsources effort may eventually outsource knowledge. A civilization that outsources knowledge may eventually outsource judgment, and the civilization that outsources judgment may discover that it also outsources responsibility. This is not inevitable. It is a choice. We can build artificial intelligence that teaches rather than merely answers, guides rather than commands, and strengthens the human being instead of making the human being dependent upon it. The question cannot be only how quickly did the machine complete the task? We must also ask, what did the human being learn? Who understood the decision? Who can challenge the decision and who answers for the decision when it is wrong? Albania became the first country to bring an artificial intelligence instrument into the architecture of government through Diella, our worldwide known artificial intelligence minister. We did not do this to transfer sovereignty from people to a machine. We did it to make public services more accessible, procedures more transparent, and the state more accountable. No machine possesses democratic legitimacy. No algorithm inherits constitutional responsibility. Behind every consequential public decision, there must remain a legal mandate, a human institution, and a name that can be called to give answers. The second layer is what artificial intelligence can do to us. Artificial intelligence inside an accountable state can reduce the distance between citizens and public services. Artificial intelligence outside accountability can eliminate the distance between a lie and the human mind. Albania experienced this directly. I am sure you must have followed or just known the so-called Flamingo Revolution, a fabricated narrative of an Israeli invasion of the Albanian coast, an invasion that never occurred, was manufactured, was personalized and delivered through voices, pages and channels citizens already trusted. One citizen received a story of national betrayal. Another received a story of religious provocation. Another received a conspiracy of foreign occupation. Different fabrications entered different emotional worlds, all serving the same strategic lie. The consequences were real. Citizens had their own reasons to protest. Don't take me wrong. But suddenly they started to protest also against a phantom enemy. Antisemitic tropes entered our public discourse for the first time ever. Don't forget, Albania is the only country in Europe that ended World War Two with more Jews than it started it. Fear became anger. Anger became mobilization and fabrication became political reality. And this is not and was not a laboratory experiment. I'm not talking to you about a science fiction movie. It was a Tuesday in Tirana, our capital city. The algorithm did not invent the objective. A human actor did.
As the current Chairperson of the African Union and the champion of the Youth, Peace, and Security Agenda, I intend to continue championing this ambition. Finally, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, turning to Burundi, we are pleased to continue its economic and social transformation within the framework of its Vision Burundi 2040-2060. We are determined to transform our agriculture, develop our infrastructure, improve access to energy and water, strengthen education and health, and promote a dynamic private sector. Our ambition is for Burundi to be an emerging country by 2040 and a developed country by 2060. We invite our partners to support this transformation not only through multifaceted assistance but also through investment, technology transfer, capacity building, and the development of mutually beneficial partnerships. Vision 2040-2060 has now become a central framework for national development planning. The African Union and the United Nations share a particular responsibility in building a more peaceful and more just world. We must strengthen our partnership in the areas of peace and security, sustainable development, health, climate, youth, and global governance.
My administration is therefore also focused on ensuring that Colombia grows again. For years, we have discussed how to better distribute what we have. That is a legitimate, necessary discussion, but it's absolutely not enough. We also need to ask ourselves, how are we going to produce more? In the end? Governments can't decree economic growth. What they have to do is lay the foundations for it to occur. In our miracle nation, we want an idea to be able to come, a business, a business to create jobs, and for jobs to become well-being for our people. To those of you anywhere else in the world who are wondering where to invest, I would like to invite you to look at Colombia. It's a country with access to two oceans, productive land, energy resources, enormous biodiversity, an excellent geographical position, and a government that champions private enterprise. But above all, look at our people. Colombia does not want to watch the technological transformation of our time from the sidelines. We want to be a part of it. We want to train young people for super intelligence, for robotics, for data science, for agro industry for engineering, and for the new economy. Millions of Colombians are not asking the state to sort out their lives. They're asking the state to give them the opportunity to build those lives. And that is what gives meaning to what I have called the miracle nation. This isn't the name of a government, nor is it a naive promise that our problems will just disappear. No, that's not it. This is the country that we're going to build. It's a country where security allows us to reclaim our territories threatened by terrorism, where trust attracts investment, where investment creates jobs, and where growth leads to better living conditions. It is a schoolteacher in Mompos Bolivar, teaching with the tools of the 21st century. It is a rural farmer in Ubaté Cundinamarca who can now so sell and prosper thanks to his work. It's a. A young woman in Pasto, Narino, preparing to be a part of the future industries This is the miracle nation that we've already started to build. I'm well aware that 47 days is far too little time to change a country, but it is enough time to change the course of a country. And I want Colombia to once again enjoy strong growth. That growth should lead to a job for a young person, a home for a family, timely access to medicines, a harvest that finds a market, and Colombians who, thanks to their own efforts and dedication, can escape poverty. This is our miracle economy, an economy that grows so that people can grow with it Our relationship with the world is also a part of this purpose. Over the last few weeks, we have seen this very tangibly. When friendly countries and international organizations came to our aid following the earthquake. This solidarity makes full sense when it reaches people, when it solves problems, and when it produces results.
Ladies and gentlemen, one of the biggest tests for the UN's relevance is Russia's aggression against Ukraine. For more than 12 years ago, since the illegal annexion of Crimea and occupation of eastern Ukraine in 2014, a permanent member of the Security Council of the Russian Federation has been perpetrating a war of aggression at the very heart of Europe. That aggression disregards the principles of the United Nations Charter to its very core. It violates the respect of sovereignty and territorial integrity of states, and the prohibition of the use of force against another state. The consequences of Russia's aggression, however, extend beyond Ukraine and Europe. For example, by increasingly targeting Ukraine's Black Sea ports, commercial shipping, crane infrastructure, and alternative export routes, Russia is putting global food security at grave risk. As such, this is a concern for all of us, and rightly so. Russia's actions have been condemned by a large majority of this Assembly. But condemnation is not enough. We need to collectively force Russia into peace in Ukraine, to force into a negotiation table by raising the cost of its aggression. For this, we can and should use the diverse instruments at our disposal, be they economic, diplomatic, or political. I strongly encourage more of my fellow heads of state and government to use this occasion to call on Russia to cease its aggression. Those of you who have done so already, be it the Global South or North, you have my appreciation. The principles of the UN Charter cannot be trampled on. It is our collective task to stand up for them. We should also support the efforts of international mechanisms to document the war crimes, ensure accountability, and provide assistance to those whose rights have been violated. Estonia is doing its part. We have completed all national procedures and taken the lead in discussions in Strasbourg to establish the special tribunal as soon as possible. A UN member state whose armed forces have been repeatedly cited in the UN Secretary's Report for Grave Violations Against Children and Conflict-Related Sexual Violence should have been no place in UN peacekeeping operations. This is a matter of ensuring that perpetrators' actions have consequences. But it is equally a matter of training trust in and the integrity of UN peacekeeping. I fervently call on the UN to stop reflecting and instead take appropriate actions immediately. Ukraine requires assistance in defending itself, but also in rebuilding the country. Estonia, together with its partners, have worked closely to support Ukraine's cybersecurity and resilience. In responsing to evolving threats through the Tallinn mechanism and the IT coalition, Estonia is also proud to be hosting the Ukraine Recovery Conference in 2027, organized in cooperation with our closest friends in the Nordic-Baltic region. Building on the outcomes of early conferences, next year's event will be advancing in practical terms long-term international support for Ukraine and its recovery. As such, it will be a multilateral effort and example of true cooperation for international peace and security. My fellow leaders, while in the situation in Ukraine and Ukraine's security that affects Estonia most directly, we are neither indifferent nor unaffected by the impact of other wars, threats, and conflicts. The situation in the West Bank and Gaza remains of great concern. Innocent civilians and children must not bear the devastating human cost of war. Estonia has consistently called for upholding international humanitarian law and ensuring safe, rapid, and unhindered access of humanitarian aid for those in need. We remain a stable donor in UNRWA and are committed to a credible political process leading to a negotiated two-state solution, with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace, security, and dignity. We have provided food aid to hospitals in Gaza and stand ready to offer our digital transition expertise in its future reconstruction. Estonia has consistently condemned the act act by Iran against our close partners, the Gulf states, and has shown its readiness to contribute to ensuring freedom of navigation in the region. This is an issue that affects us all. We also see instrumentalization of migration as a means of exerting pressure on countries, whether on the European Union's eastern and southern borders or elsewhere.
Our responsibility to act does not diminish. Mr. president, the denial of the fundamental human rights of millions of people around the world remains one of the defining challenges of our time. Renewed pressure on women's rights and gender equality is putting hard won progress at risk. Women and girls are being told that their ambitions, their education, their voices and their very presence in public life are unacceptable. The situation in Afghanistan is one of the clearest examples of this. The systematic exclusion of women and girls from education, employment and public life is not something that the international community can simply observe from a distance. It is a profound human rights crisis. Girls have been denied the education that should shape their futures. Women are being denied the ability to work, to participate fully in society, and to contribute to the economic and social life of their country. Their freedoms are being progressively erased and the world must not become inured to it. We must not allow the absence of headlines to become an absence of action. The women of Afghanistan have not disappeared, and neither should our solidarity. The same is true elsewhere across the world. Women and girls face conflict related sexual violence, forced displacement, trafficking and discrimination across the world. LGBTQi+ people face growing threats to their rights, safety and dignity. Ireland remains firmly committed to the universality, indivisibility and equal application of human rights. These principles are beyond question. That commitment is why Ireland is seeking election to the Human Rights Council for the 2027 2029 term, and if elected, we will use that seat to defend the principle that human rights belong to everyone everywhere. Mr. president, today's Russias today Russias legal war in Ukraine is more deadly for civilians than at any point since the start of their full scale invasion. Russias reckless drone and missile attacks on Ukrainian towns and cities continue to intensify.
Yet the measure by which we are assessed sees none of it. It sees income and it sees nothing else. It does not capture the full story of my nation, the true cost of our geographic isolation, the fragility of our limited economic base, or the devastating impact a single disaster can have on our people and our progress. In January 2027, Naoero will be considered a high income country in the OECD system. That does reflect real progress. But progress should not be punished because 58% of our revenue comes from bilateral arrangements that are not ours to renew. 87% of the food our people eat is purchased and imported. We have one runway, one port, one road that connects everywhere. None of that appears in how we are assessed. That is why we strongly support the Multidimensional Vulnerability Index, or MVI, and the United Nations efforts to pilot the tool. Its full implementation is essential to ensuring that countries like ours are fairly assessed and adequately supported. It recognizes that vulnerability is complex and it must be seen, measured and acted upon. Mr. president, we acknowledge the significant progress made by some development partners and financial institutions in adopting vulnerability assessments and reviewing the eligibility criteria. The Asian Development Bank, ADB, weighs vulnerability alongside the income and its own policy names my nation as the clearest example of why income alone conceals what small island states face. As a country that is ranked the fifth most vulnerable country in the world on the index and the most vulnerable in the Pacific, we welcome these developments as positive steps. But a gap remains. Not all have taken the necessary steps to truly recognise our realities. I therefore urge all who have yet to do so, including the World Bank, to weigh vulnerability alongside income in decisions on eligibility, as the ADB already does. If the international community is truly serious about restoring trust and managing transformation, it must demonstrate that commitment where it matters most with those who are most vulnerable.
First, the Global AI Universal Basic Society. The Artificial Intelligence revolution is both a massive opportunity and a crisis for humanity. While it can be a core driver of new prosperity and sustainable development, it will only deepen inequality and imbalance unless we are properly prepared for it. Younger people around the world in particular, are facing growing anxiety about their employment and their future, as the pace of change becomes increasingly difficult to keep up with. This boils down to a clear direction for the new era we seek to build. It is the AI Universal Basic Society where everyone can benefit from technological progress. The Republic of Korea is pursuing an AI transformation that will ensure stronger protection of human fundamental rights across fields such as Social Security, labor, housing and culture, beginning with our AI Universal Basic Health Program. And I believe this resonates with the core principle of the UN Sustainable Development Goals, which prioritizes the guiding principle of leaving no one behind. It also harnesses the AI revolution as a new driver to accelerate the realization of economic, social and cultural rights. The Republic of Korea will build the Global AI Hub platform to share this vision with the international community in collaboration with international organizations, multilateral development banks, the business sector, and academia. The Republic of Korea envisions a global AI Universal Basic Society where no country or individual is left out from access to the basic benefits of AI development.
The time has come to move from promise to proof. I come not only to speak about what the world must do, but to account for what we are doing. Mr. President, last year our Prime Minister, the Honorable Dr. Terence Drew, spoke of our Sustainable Island States Agenda—CSA— our national blueprint for transforming Saint Kitts and Nevis into a more resilient, sustainable, inclusive, and prosperous society by 2040. Today we return to demonstrate that it is becoming a record of delivery. Earlier this year, our second voluntary national review in the United Nations High-Level Political Forum showed stronger government coordination, closer alignment with Sustainable Development Goals, and tangible progress for our people. Water provides one of the clearest measures of that progress. One year ago, our 2 million gallon per day solar power desalination plant was nearing completion. In February, we commissioned it. Through semi-airborne drone surveys, we have also identified 17 new potential groundwater sources, and in August completed drilling at the first rural site. Together with distribution upgrades, these investments are strengthening water security. In 2022, only 25% of our households had 24/7 water; today, approximately 75% do. This is transformation. On the island of Nevis, we are advancing a 30-megawatt geothermal power development, with drilling expected by early 2027, and Icelandic drillers contracted to begin the process. In Saint Kitts, plans for a 50-megawatt solar PV and battery storage project are well advanced. These investments will reduce dependence on imported fossil fuels and strengthen economic resilience. We are also strengthening food security through climate-smart support for farmers, and healthcare through our locally developed national digital health information system at the Joseph and Franz General Hospital. Sustainability must be practical, people-centered, and built to last. Mr. President, there is more to do. But our experience proves that small states are not powerless. With investment, partnership, and political will, small nations can deliver big solutions. Saint Kitts and Nevis is not seeking pity; we are advancing partnership. A sustainable island state is not a distant ambition; we are building it today. Yet, even as we advance, the climate crisis is moving the goalposts. This year, our federation and the wider Caribbean faced severe drought.
In Yemen, we're not confronting a purely local terrorist militia. Rather, we face an extension of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps with which uses. Which is also using terrorist groups to threaten international peace and security. The Houthi militias use of the safety of navigation as a tool for blackmail threaten not only Yemen. It is taking hostage the entire global economy. Recent years have clearly demonstrated a truth that the international community must not dismiss, namely, that ensuring security at sea begins with eliminating the source of the threat on land. Protecting ships is important, but it only addresses the consequences and does not remove the threat. Therefore, we warn the world do not be reassured by false promises from a terrorist militia that has repeatedly made endless commitments, just as it failed to honor them. Its abstention from targeting ships today does not mean at all. It will not do so tomorrow. It is a strategic mistake. It is a strategic mistake to assume that maritime security can be sustained through assurances that can be walked back. A lasting maritime security in the Red sea, Bab el Mandeb and the Gulf of Aden cannot be built, while a non-state armed militia remains on the shores. Nor is the threat confined to Yemen and the Red sea. International reports have exposed growing cooperation between the terrorist Houthi militias and terrorist organizations, including in the Horn of Africa, through networks linking militias, terrorist groups, smugglers and organized crime networks, thereby undermining states and threatening security and stability. Ladies and gentlemen We say with full confidence, and we firmly believe that restoring the Yemeni state and restoring the security of Bab el Mandeb are inseparable. They are not two separate issues, but one and the same. Supporting the Yemeni government and strengthening its economic, security and military capacities is an investment in international peace and security. Protecting this strategic waterway is a shared regional and international responsibility which Yemen cannot shoulder alone. It is the responsibility of every economy that depends on secure supply chains, energy security, and freedom of navigation. In this regard, we commend the initiative of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to establish a multinational maritime defense coalition. This initiative reflects a deep appreciation and understanding of collective responsibility to protect navigation, deter threats and combat smuggling. The path to a secure at sea requires a stable Yemen. There is no stability in Yemen without restoring the state, sustainable peace cannot be achieved while an armed militia remains above the law and outside state authority, restoring the Yemeni state is restoring. The Yemeni state is not just a national interest, it is a direct contribution to regional security and stability and to the protection of one of the world's most vital maritime corridors. Ladies and gentlemen our Yemeni people aspires to peace, but our people will not abandon their state. Our government is committed to peace, but it cannot accept that the armed coup becomes a fait accompli. There is no peace with arms outside state authority.
And very often the countries with the least economic room to maneuver bear the greatest burden in proportionate terms. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea confers rights, but it also imposes obligations. The safety of navigation, the protection of the marine environment, and respect for the rights of coastal states. A smaller navy doesn't mean fewer rights, nor does a larger one confer the right to impose its will. No country should have to surrender the rights the law gives simply because another can send more ships. That is why maritime disputes must be settled by law, not by intimidation. And that is why freedom of navigation depends on common rules, so that every country can exercise its rights while respecting those of others, but keeping our sea routes open also means keeping them safe all the way into our ports. The International Ship and Port Facility Security Code, the famous ISPS code offers a very concrete example of what multilateralism can achieve when it works. Piracy, terrorism and crime are scourges that we must fight together, and that code must be strengthened. Belgium understands its importance. Freedom and security are not opposing ideas. Security is a condition of freedom. I dwell on freedom of navigation because it illustrates something larger. Sovereignty doesn't require isolation. We can defend our interests while accepting that others have rights too. And when rules are clear and predictable enough, a space of competition can still remain a space of cooperation. The ocean, moreover, are far more than the highways of our trades. They feed populations, regulate our climates, and absorb much of the excess heat caused by global warming. For many small island states, rising sea levels affect the land on which the citizens live, in some cases, the culture and the very ability to remain where the families have lived for generations. The freedom to use the ocean, therefore, comes with a responsibility to preserve it. And on this point, allow me to be optimistic. The BBNJ Agreement entered into force this year after almost 20 years of negotiations, almost 20 years. Measured against a political cycle, this is close to an eternity. Measured against the building of international law, it is sometimes the time needed to reach a compromise strong enough to last. The agreement proves that even today, we continue to build international law rather than dismantle it, and Belgium has invested greatly in this process. It helped launch the Blue Leaders, a coalition of countries working to protect at least 30% of the ocean by 2030 and secure an ambitious high sea treaty. The agreement now gives us an essential tool to advance toward that protection goal. But 20 years of negotiations must not be followed by years of waiting. It is in that spirit that Belgium is offering to host the treaty's future secretariat in Brussels. We are ready to enable it to work from day one. It will be able to draw on our scientific expertise and on a community that brings together international organizations, embassies and civil society so that we have agreed together becomes real protection at sea. Beneath those same oceans run other vital routes: the cables that connect the continents and carry much of our digital communications and energy. Here too, our interdependence is plain to see. A break, an act of sabotage or an attack can have consequences thousands of kilometers away. Protecting those connections is essential, but our responsibility in the digital world doesn't end with infrastructure.
And for everyone else everyone else who wants to defend truth and justice, join us in standing up to the barbarians who threaten our common civilization. But I have to be candid with you. Not everyone is standing up. We saw that because unlike Israel, there are some and most recently, especially in Western Europe, who have chosen not to stand up. The leaders of these countries have chosen to succumb to the anti-Semitic mobs. They have chosen weakness They've chosen appeasement. We cannot evade the sad truth before us. Many in the free world are afraid to defend freedom. And I ask them, what will this future, what will this behavior, what will the world hold for you? The brotherhood of democracies or the Muslim Brotherhood? How long will it take for you to see that these fanatic jihadists are choking your waterways, your energy supply, your economic lifeline? I can assure you, ladies and gentlemen, we and Israel, we do not wait for others to wake up from their moral slumber.
The Paraguay that, after the military catastrophe, became a true open-air graveyard, is today a very different country. Paraguay has risen up. And it is ready to take its place in the world. We rose up through hard work, through openness to the world, and through the stubborn determination of a people that did not choose its democracy but did choose their own destiny. Today, Paraguay is experiencing one of the finest economic periods in its history. And it has become an example to other countries of macroeconomic stability, sustained growth, and poverty reduction. As a result of this, in December 2025, Standard & Poor's awarded us our second investment-grade rating, making Paraguay the first country in more than a decade to achieve that distinction. In the final quarter of that year, unemployment fell to 3.6%. This is the lowest level on our records. Growth only matters if it is felt at home. Decent employment is one of the best social policies a state can provide. And that's not all. Paraguay has reduced poverty to levels never seen before. In less than 20 years, we have brought the poverty rate down from 58% to 16%, faster than any other country in the region. Because people matter to us. Moreover, the future is bright, not only because our electricity supply is abundant, stable, and 100% renewable, but also because our region possesses land, energy, critical minerals, and, most importantly, its extraordinary people. Mr. President, as I come to the end of my statement, I wish to return to the idea with which I began. People no longer want slogans alone. They want solutions to their problems. And above all, they want peace. They want freedom, security, democracy, prosperity, and opportunities for their children. And those of us who are entrusted with the responsibility of leading our countries must rise to those expectations. Paraguay knows that the road ahead is difficult. But we also know that it is not impossible. We believe it is possible to build a world in which cooperation delivers results, a world where democracy is not an empty promise, a world where technology serves humanity, a world in which development reaches those who need it most. And we believe that Paraguay has much to contribute to that future. We are a country that did not choose its geography. But we are a country that chose our destiny, a country that has confronted adversity and chose to rise again, a country with energy, resources, talent, and, above all, an unbreakable determination to progress. We are a country that has stopped asking what we lack and has begun asking," How far can we go?" This is the Paraguay, the Paraguay of great ambitions, a Paraguay that is engaged with the world, that opens its door to opportunity, that defends its sovereignty, that embraces peace, freedom, and democracy, a Paraguay that seeks to grow without leaving anyone behind. And that Paraguay has a message for the world today. We have come to show what we are capable of. Today, once again, we choose dialogue over confrontation, cooperation over isolation, democracy over authoritarianism, peace over war, and development over resignation. The United Nations will not restore trust simply because we declare it so in this hall. We must be firm and unequivocal in our defense of multilateralism, democracy, peace, and, above all, human dignity. And before this assembly, I wish to say this with absolute clarity. Paraguay is ready to play its part. Because our history has taught us to resist. And our future calls on us to build. Beyond words lie actions.
It will bring together young people with over 100 chess masters from around the globe, using chess as a tool to promote education, dialogue, friendship, peace among generations. Mr. President, our accession to ASEAN, 26 October 2025, was a historic moment for our country, marking the culmination of a 14-year process that began in Timor-Leste, formally applied for membership in March 2011. Fellow ASEAN leaders provided us generally technical assistance, capacity building, and practical guidance, and they continue to do so. It is required of us strong institutions, capable public servants, effective implementation of ASEAN commitments across political, security, economic, and sociocultural communities. Our foreign policy seeks friendship with all, and hostilities, none. We aim to maintain balanced constructive relations with all our major powers' development partners. Timor-Leste also brings the energy and aspiration of young population. Our young people are increasingly connected to the region and eager to learn, work, and contribute. As ASEAN works towards Community Vision 2045, Timor-Leste will support a united people center and resilient ASEAN. We will also support ASEAN centrality and constructive relations with all external partners. We are a small island developing state, a least developed country, and a nation whose history demonstrates both the necessity and the possibilities of multilateralism. Last but not least, in parting, I want to share a selected message from children and youth who responded to my invitation a few days ago to write a few words expressing their hopes and dreams, so that they are here and they are listening back home in Timor-Leste.
Um. Turkey does not confine itself to just articulating these principles. With every step we take, we seek a more equitable and more humane international system. Through the Defense Alliance we have established recently with Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, based on the principle of regional ownership, we are now both strengthening solidarity among us and aiming to generate solutions to the problems in our region from within the region itself. We are maintaining our efforts with the relevant actors to bring an end to the climate of conflict and to the climate of war that has been ignited in the Gulf. I strongly underline that any dangerous attempt to spread these conflicts, these clashes to neighboring regions, serves no one's interests. As for Gaza, we remain committed to following through on the agreement we signed in Sharm el-Sheikh one year ago. Now we must begin the reconstruction of Gaza as soon as possible. In this regard, I call upon you to exert greater pressure, more pressure on Israel. Let everyone understand and accept the following. Attempts to strangle the state of Palestine will fail. God willing, we shall see those good days when an independent state of Palestine, based on the 1967 borders with territorial integrity and with East Jerusalem as its capital, will be established. Dear friends, after 14 years of oppression, Syria initiated a new path with the December 8th Revolution. Under the leadership of President Sharaa, we are witnessing Syria now moving toward its goal of becoming a safe and peaceful country in spite of all forms of internal and external provocations. We will continue to stand by the brotherly Syrian people on this journey. In another neighboring country, we fully support efforts to strengthen state authority and consolidate stability. We are working with Iraq on strategic transportation and energy projects that will enhance the welfare of our region, particularly among these projects, important is the Development Road Project. As for the Russia-Ukraine war, it is our sincere hope that it comes to an end with Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity being upheld. We continue our contacts with the parties with a view to restoring safety of navigation in the Black Sea, ensuring food security and preventing the war from spreading to a wider region. I would like to particularly emphasize that recent attacks against commercial ships in the Black Sea, regardless of who carries them out, are unacceptable. We believe that freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz must be maintained. In the Aegean Sea and the eastern Mediterranean region, we wish to see existing issues resolved on the basis of good neighbourly relations and in accordance with international law. Our proposal for an Eastern Mediterranean Conference will contribute to establishing common ground. On this occasion, I once again will repeat the call I had made numerous times in previous UNGA sessions. The sovereign equality and equal international status of the Turkish Cypriot people must be recognized and inhumane isolation to which they have been subjected must finally come to an end. I call upon the international community to recognize the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and to establish political, diplomatic and economic relations with them. Esteemed delegates. Turkey, thanks to its growing defense industry and thanks to its resilient economy, continues to be an island of stability in the middle of conflicts in its vicinity.
In a divided world, we have the ability to bring people together and we will. We are going to step into that role, and we are going to start with one of the most significant challenges and opportunities of our age, frontier AI. AI brings together so many of the most pressing issues before us. It is already speeding up cancer diagnosis in the UK, but AI has the potential to go further, not just to help prevent and treat cancer, but to help cure it. AI will also be the key to economic growth, the route to transforming education, and it will be a vital tool to keep us safe. I am announcing today that we are developing a new AI defence partnership with the United States to protect our critical national infrastructure, but we know that AI will also be a source of disruption to the way we live and work, a multiplier of risk. We've all heard the warnings which we must heed. I know how worried people are, so we have to rise to this moment. Fundamental decisions on this technology are too important to be left to chance. They must be taken by elected governments who serve working people, and we need to give people the support they need through this change, ensuring that it becomes an engine for reindustrialisation and opportunity as well. There is a lesson from the first industrial revolution, which started in northern England two centuries ago. It was a time of incredible technological progress, but for workers, the disruption brought huge suffering and exploitation. Things got a lot worse before they got better. So this time we need to get it right. I believe we're more than equal to the task. The UK has some of the best tech and AI talent anywhere in the world. And when it comes to guarding against the risks, we have our world leading AI Security Institute working hand in glove with the US and the leading labs on AI safety. But we need to go further. Building on the meeting convened by His Majesty King Charles last week, I can announce today that I am going to put AI at the heart of the UK's G20 presidency next year. I look back at how we responded to the financial crisis back in 2008. We moved quickly in the G20 and smaller groups to deliver an urgent, practical response. We came together to agree principles which everyone implemented at home in a way that was right for them. And it worked. That is the kind of approach we need now. So we will bring the right people together on the key issues, delivering on the potential of AI for good and dealing with the risks. And we will work towards agreeing a single set of global principles and standards to ensure the transparency and access we need to increase our preparedness and to ensure that AI development is safe. This will bring together welcome initiatives from others like that proposed by Norway this week. As His Majesty said, the task before us is not merely to advance technology, but to ensure that it remains firmly in the service of humanity. And I want to reassure the British people that ultimately, we will do whatever is necessary to protect them, including bringing forward new laws, if that is what is needed. They need to know that we will protect their interests and we will.
