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Lesotho is increasingly experiencing severe floods and droughts, resulting in unparalleled land degradation and extensive damage to critical infrastructure. Despite contributing minimally to global greenhouse gas emissions least developed countries like Lesotho bear a heavy brunt of climate impact. Global warming and rising sea levels pose terrible threats, particularly to small island developing states. We stand in solidarity with these nations and call for greater global action. To cope with these climate related challenges, we call upon developed countries to honour their commitments by providing new, adequate, predictable and accessible climate finance. Further, we urge developed countries to transfer environmentally sound technology and to strengthen capacity of developing countries to effectively mitigate and adapt to the adverse effects of climate change. Climate justice demands nothing less. Just energy transition is therefore an imperative if one is to be spared from the terrible threat of climate change. Under the visionary leadership of His Majesty King Letsie III, Lesotho has launched the His Majesty King Letsie III Just Energy Transition Fund, designed not only to decarbonise our economy, but to transform it from one historically reliant on migrant labour to one rooted in renewable energy exports. The fund seeks to attract investment to build new energy generation capacity, unlock energy independence and lay a new foundation for national prosperity that benefits every Mosotho. We therefore call for partnerships to mobilise the requisite resources for clean energy projects, which can create significant employment opportunities for our youth and women. As the first Member state to pilot the UN blueprint for national AI and data strategies from design into national implementation, Lesotho stands ready to share the lessons of that journey with fellow developing countries, particularly across Africa and among least developed and landlocked developing countries, charting similar paths towards digital sovereignty.
We wish them well, and they as they complete their tenure at the end of this year. Mr. president, fellow, few institutions embody the principle of sovereign equality as visibly as this assembly with the. Within these walls, differences in power, wealth and influence may shape the realities our nations confront, but they do not confer a greater claim to membership or participation. And perhaps more than anywhere else, this assembly reminds us of a simple truth. Our differences are real but so is our interdependence. This is why this organization was created with the understanding that disputes must be resolved through dialogue. Human dignity must be protected, and that nations must work together. If development, peace and human rights are to be sustained. In other words, that our common future requires common institutions. Eight decades later, we must ask ourselves whether we have remained faithful to that insight. And perhaps more importantly, do we still trust one another enough to act on it? Because today, Mr. President, trust is being tested. Geopolitical divisions are widening. Wars have become more protracted, with devastating humanitarian consequences. Respect for the United Nations Charter and international law is under visible strain, with developing countries facing intensifying debt burden. Climate vulnerabilities, huge gaps between commitments made and implementation, and feeling of marginalization and inadequate representation in the global system. Therefore, the task before us is building stronger, better equipped, representative responsive and effective multilateral system and global financial architecture that delivers for all nations and regions. Mr. president, the governments own experience within the. This organization gives us grounds for optimism. We have seen within this very institution that multilateralism can still deliver. During the 80th session of the General Assembly the government had the honor of chairing the second Committee at a time of profound disagreement over some of the most consequential economic and development issues before us. That experience reminded us that multilateralism does not require unanimity on every issue. It requires the willingness to remain at the table to listen, negotiate, and courage to make compromises. Our experience demonstrates that in this period of deep disagreement, progress remains possible.
We also express sincere appreciation to your predecessor for her stewardship over the past year. I rise before this Assembly at a time when the world is not short of promises, declarations, or commitments. What we need is proof that our institutions can respond to the realities people face. For small island developing states like ours, the question is immediate: Saint Kitts and Nevis therefore comes with a clear proposition: trust will be restored not by what we promise, but by what we deliver.
Confidence in international institutions is under strain. For small developing states such as ours, trust depends on institutions applying agreed rules, consistently honoring commitments, and ensuring that those most affected by decisions have a meaningful voice in shaping them. Transnational organized crime continues to pose a serious threat to the security and development of small island states. Small states face serious challenges from sophisticated criminal networks that move people, that move weapons, that move narcotics and illicit finance across national borders. For Trinidad and Tobago, this is not an abstract threat. These networks directly endanger our citizens. They endanger our institutions and endanger our development. Restoring trust and managing transformation, therefore, must ultimately be about results.
Mr. President, Africa has the youngest population on Earth. That is an extraordinary asset if we invest in it. But what is a demographic dividend today can become a demographic crisis tomorrow if opportunity does not keep pace with aspiration. Youth unemployment remains one of the most urgent challenges of our time. Managing it is a shared responsibility. Botswana calls upon the United Nations Development Programme, the International Labour Organization, and all relevant multilateral institutions to make technology transfer, skills development, and capacity building funded priorities. As we will all agree, the credibility of our multilateral commitments will be properly tested in development finance. When countries have the means to invest in their people, and when international institutions respond effectively to shared threats, trust is strengthened. But when commitments remain out of reach for those who need them most, confidence in the system weakens. Getting these fundamentals right is central to restoring trust, managing transformation, and building a United Nations that delivers for all. The global financial architecture must therefore evolve to reflect the economic realities of the 21st century, including financing demands created by climate change, technological transformation, and the imperative for sustainable development. Developing countries frequently face borrowing costs several times higher than those of wealthier nations because the system was not designed with the circumstances of the Global South in mind. That sustainability is a question of development and fairness. When nations spend more to service debt than invest in education, job creation, or provision of healthcare, trust in the system erodes. Botswana calls upon this assembly and the international financial institutions to pursue reform of global financial governance. This would give developing countries a meaningful voice and provide fair and predictable access to concessional finance. We call upon the United Nations and its financial partners to mobilize private capital through innovative and blended financing agreements that de-risk productive investment in developing economies. This is enlightened fairness and sound economics. Capital should help create opportunity where its impact can be felt. Mr. President, health is where the promise of international solidarity is tested most directly, and Botswana speaks from hard-earned experience.
The true test of international cooperation is whether a child in a conflict-affected community can live without fear. A young person can find decent employment, a family can afford food, and a developing nation can access the finance required to build its future. Trust among nations has eroded on multiple fronts. Multilateral commitments have too often gone unmet, financing pledges have not yet been fulfilled, and developing countries face trillions of dollars in annual investment gaps to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. Furthermore, billions of people reside in countries where governments are forced to spend more on debt servicing than on healthcare or education. Restoring trust cannot be achieved through declarations alone. It requires that promises already made be honored, and that our institutions demonstrate the capacity and will have to respond to changing global realities. Since the Eswilwini Consensus was adopted in 2005, sadly, Africa still has no permanent seat on the UN Security Council.
Created in the aftermath of the Second World War, the immediate focus was obviously on peace and security but the UN system has evolved significantly over the decades to expand its scope and sphere of influence within the confines of its charter. However, the UN must now look to the future, building on its record of achievements as well as from lessons learned from what it could not achieve. As we look to the next 80 years, we must ask ourselves a searching question is the UN fit for the purpose for the 21st century, not the world of 1945, but the world of today and beyond? We are entering a new era of international relations defined by unprecedented technological developments, often absent from the table where the rules of tomorrow are being adopted, developing countries risk being left further behind. The same exclusion afflicts the international financial architecture, which remains skewed against the Global South. Developing nations must have a seat at the table as equal stakeholders. We all acknowledge that the three pillars of the UN charter are peace and security, development and human rights. The twin institutional pillars provided in the charter were and still are, the Security Council and ECOSOC as the apex bodies for achieving these purposes. However, over the years, optimal use has been made primarily of only one of these organs. We need to enhance and accelerate the revitalization of the General Assembly and that of ECOSOC so that they are not merely forums for debate, but engines of action. This must be done as we bring about the reform of the Security Council, the historical injustice regarding the composition of the Council was acknowledged in action 39 of the pact for the future, but the process for reform is still stalled. Mauritius fully supports the Common African Position, the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration calling for no fewer than two permanent and five non-permanent African seats on the council. Mauritius also supports the call for SIDS to have a seat on a reformed council. On the question of the veto, Mauritius aligns itself with the position of a growing number of states that, in the event the veto is retained, any new permanent member must have the same rights as the original permanent members. Mauritius also supports the Franco-Mexican initiative on the suspension of the veto in cases of mass atrocities. We support the positions of the G4 and the L69 on council reform, and we reiterate our support for India's candidature for a permanent seat commensurate with its constructive role in global affairs. Mr. president, Mauritius welcomes the increasing recourse to the International Court of Justice as a mechanism for the peaceful settlement of disputes and determination of issues of international law. We call upon Member States which have not yet done so, to accept the compulsory jurisdiction of the ICJ. We welcome the landmark unanimous advisory opinion of the ICJ on the obligations of states in respect of climate change. This was a vindication of the tireless advocacy of Vanuatu and the core group of states. Mauritius was proud to stand among them.
This session of the General Assembly is convening on the eve of the 65th anniversary of Mongolia's full fledged membership in the United Nations. In 1961, Mongolia made history by raising its national flag with the Golden Soyombo at the United Nations and becoming the 101st member of the United Nations, the guarantor of global peace and security, and the beacon of hope and trust for the world's nations. Mongolia welcomes the convening of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly under the theme Restoring Trust Managing Transformation a United Nations that Delivers for all, reaffirming its belief in the central role of the United Nations in fostering mutual trust, mutual respect and cooperation among the nations and peoples of the world. Mongols say if you do your best, fate will do the rest. The United Nations is an organization based on the trust and commitment of each member state, and the UN is strengthened by their dedication and sustained efforts. Therefore, it is incumbent upon us, Member States to uphold the mission of the United Nations with a sincere heart. Rather than simply expecting support and assistance, we must remain deeply conscious of our own responsibilities and duties and dedicate our wholehearted efforts to strengthening the United Nations. It is through trust and hope, dedication and commitment and engagement and participation of every Member State that we can strengthen the United Nations. A stronger United Nations, in turn, will deliver more efficiently towards global peace, security and sustainable development, thereby creating conditions for all Member States to benefit. As the conflicts and confrontations flash across the world, the walls of distrust rise higher and the chasm of misunderstanding grows deeper, it is becoming crucial to shape and develop international relations, not through a form of multipolarity that risks driving the world toward division, but through a multi-pillared principle that respects the pluralism inherent in each nation's history, culture, civilization, core national interests and chosen path of development. Eight centuries ago, our ancestors established the great Pax Mongolica, promoting, for the first time the idea to the world that nations could mutually recognize one another's values, and that peoples of diverse civilizations and faiths could coexist. This historic contribution of the Mongols to the advancement of humankind continues to be recognized by the international community. Let us strengthen multilateral cooperation through the multi-pillar principle, inspired by the ideas of Pax Mongolica, so that we may restore our trust and hope through shared responsibility, reform the United Nations with a common purpose and build a better, more peaceful world through the strength of our collective action. Mr. President, despite the remarkable heights of development and progress humanity has reached, our planet is currently confronted with more than 90 armed conflicts, around 30 of which are international, demonstrating that global peace and security remain unstable and that geopolitical and geostrategic competition continues to intensify. This results in the disruption of global economic supply chains, a rise in the prices of energy, fuel, raw materials and food, as well as economic strains on nations around the world. All of this is weakening the international order established since the Second World War, changing the universally recognized norms of international law and undermining the stability of multilateral relations and cooperation. Mongolia shares the view expressed by United Nations Secretary General Antonio Guterres in his annual report on the work of the organisation that in a world marked by turbulence, division and uncertainty, the United Nations is more necessary than ever. Hence, Mongolia underscores the tangible progress made under Secretary General's UN80 initiative to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of the United Nations in response to the challenges of our time and reaffirms its active support for this initiative. The effectiveness of the United Nations, the decisiveness of its actions, and the ability of nations to unite their efforts will ultimately depend upon us, the Member States. Mongolia is confident that the soon to be appointed Secretary General will steadfastly uphold the principles and purposes of the United Nations and international law, ensure that the voices and positions of all Member States are equally heard and reflected, and provide strong leadership in restoring trust and managing transformation within the UN. Believing that reform of the Security Council should be at the core of broader United Nations reform, Mongolia maintains its principled position in support of expanding the number of both permanent and non-permanent members of the Security Council ensuring equitable representation of developing countries in the Council, and promoting greater openness and transparency in its work. Mongolia is one of the 58 countries that have never served as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. Therefore, Mongolia aspires to actively participate in the work of the Security Council and contribute to finding collective solutions to the problems and challenges facing the international community. In manifestation of this aspiration, I officially announce from this rostrum today that Mongolia is presenting its candidature for a non-permanent seat of the UN Security Council for the term 2048 2049. Mr. President, on behalf of the people of Mongolia, I extend my heartfelt gratitude to the United Nations and its system organizations for their valuable contributions to our country's development and progress and their long standing, constructive cooperation over the 65 years since Mongolia's accession to the United Nations as a full fledged member. Mongolia has been contributing with honor to the efforts on strengthening international peace and security, advancing social and economic development and protecting human rights, the core pillars of the United Nations. For instance, more than three decades ago, in pursuit of its foreign policy to ensure national security through political and diplomatic means, Mongolia declared its territory nuclear weapon free. Since then Mongolia has consistently pursued policies and taken actions to verify the status legally. In this spirit, the United Nations General Assembly adopts on a biennial basis the resolution entitled Mongolia's International Security and Nuclear Weapon Free Status, initiated by Mongolia in 1998.
Mr. Secretary General, you have been a true champion of multilateralism and of small island developing states. Your unwavering advocacy on climate action and your repeated visits to our region told the world a simple truth that the Pacific matters, and that our challenges and how the world responds to them remain a litmus test for this organisation and for us all. We meet at a time when multilateralism is under serious strain, and when the notion that might is right appears to be making a return. Yet we continue to gather in forums and dialogues around the world. And here in the General Assembly, the pinnacle of multilateralism. That in itself is cause for hope. Mr. president, for my people, what is said in this hall is measured not in declarations but in results. Classrooms with teachers and books, clinics with medicines, roads that reach markets and villages that thrive.
restoring trust, managing transformation: a United Nations that delivers for all, resonates well with the moment of time we find ourselves in right now. There is no denying that the architecture of multilateralism and international law founded on the UN charter is under enormous stress, and restoring that trust in that architecture is critical, particularly for small island developing states like Tuvalu, whose sovereignty and future are anchored in that very architecture. Tuvalu, therefore, stands in solidarity with fellow member states in contributing to the restoration of that trust and advancing the necessary reforms and transformation that will enable the United Nations to deliver for all. Mr. president, Tuvalu, like other countries, is being challenged by various enforced transformations that threaten our land, values, knowledge and cultures. Climate change is transforming our physical environment. Technology is transforming how we communicate, govern and preserve knowledge. Artificial intelligence is changing the way economies and society function. The challenge is not to stop transformation. Rather, the challenge is to manage transformation in a manner that protect people, preserve what is valuable, and give every country the capacity to determine its own future.
The president of the United Nations. General Assembly. Your Excellency, doctor Khalilur Rahman, the Secretary General, Mr. Antonio Guterres, fellow heads of State and government. Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. The Sambola Vinaka. And a very good afternoon to you all. I bring warm greetings from the people of Fiji and from the Blue Pacific continent Mr. president, although he is not here, I congratulate you on assuming the presidency of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly. Fiji assures you of our full support as you guide this Assembly through a period of profound uncertainty and transformation. Our Prime Minister, the Honourable Sitiveni Rabuka, joins me in wishing you and all Member states a peaceful, productive and a very successful session. On the same note, I acknowledge your predecessor, Her Excellency Annalena Baerbock, for her stewardship of the 80th session I pay tribute also to the Secretary General, Antonio Guterres, who addresses the general debate for the last time in that office. Through a decade of turbulence, he has defended the multilateralism and stood with small island developing states, and Fiji thanks him dearly. Mr. president, the theme of this session is restoring trust and Managing Transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all, and it speaks directly to the condition of our world. We face deepening geopolitical rivalry, armed conflict and climate and environmental crisis.
The test of equality does not end with the institutions that govern peace. It extends to the institutions that shape prosperity. The same question confronts us there: Does the international financial system give every nation a fair opportunity to secure the well-being of its citizens? The charter did not conceive development as charity. It pledged social progress, better standards of life, and economic and social advancement for all people. Yet, for too many countries, the resources required to fulfill that promise are being consumed before they can reach their people. Global public debt reached a record $102 trillion in 2024. Developing countries accounted for less than a third of that debt, yet paid about a trillion dollars in interest on debt in that year alone. Put it differently: 46 developing countries now spend more on interest on debt than on classrooms and medicine. Behind these numbers lies a simple reality. The hospital competes with a creditor. The classroom competes with debt service. And too often, the creditor. Debt service is paid fast. And it is our children who inherit the consequences. Today, 251 million children and young people remain out of school. Millions more enter classrooms without teachers, books, meals, and facilities they need to learn. When debt service displaces investment in education, we are not merely balancing budgets. We are transferring the cost of today's financial burden to the next generation of citizens. Kenya has chosen to invest in the next generation. Over the last four years, we have spent an additional $5.3 billion in education, recruited 100,000 additional teachers, built more than 23,000 new classrooms, and we are developing another 1,600 laboratories while expanding support for universities and technical institutions. We do this because education is not consumption. It is the infrastructure of opportunity, productivity, and national transformation that supports global advancement. But national effort can only go so far when the international financial system makes development more expensive. The countries that most need capital frequently pay the highest price to obtain it. Developing countries have recently borrowed at rates two to four times higher on average than developed nations. The question, therefore, is not simply whether finance is available. It is who can access it, at what price, for how long, and under whose assessment of risk. Africa knows the cost of that assessment. Sovereign credit rating shapes perceptions of risk. The interest countries pay, and even the volume of finance available to them. UNDP estimates that subjectivities in credit ratings have cost African countries approximately $75 billion through excessive interest and foregone lending. Risk, ladies and gentlemen, must be measured, but it must also be measured fairly. We cannot build a fair global economy if the nations with the greatest development needs face the highest cost of development finance. A road that is commercially viable should not become unviable merely because it crosses an African border. A power project should not cost more simply because of the passport of the country it is building. Capital must price risk. It must not price prejudice. Reform of the international financial architecture must therefore begin with the cost and availability of capital. The UN charter envisaged multilateral development banks that lend more, lend longer, and mobilize private capital at scale. It further contemplated guarantees and risk-sharing instruments that reduce the cost of viable investments. And we need greater access to long-term and local currency finance so that countries are not forced to build long-term infrastructure with short-term expensive money. And by the way, this is not an argument against responsibility. Governments must also do their part to manage debt prudently, strengthen institutions, prepare pipelines of credible projects, deepen domestic capital markets, honor contracts, and confront corruption without equivocation. A fairer international system requires responsibility on both sides. Reform abroad cannot substitute for accountability at home. Distinguished delegates, Africa does not come to plead. We come with a proposal.
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No. 13
Timor-Leste09/23 · first at about 16 min5 mentions
They are what we allowed, what we still allow, and what we will answer for. There is a painful cry for a better world order as we witness the weakening into irrelevance of multilateral institutions. No country, regardless of size or power, can address today's interconnected challenges alone. Excellencies, leadership is not merely discovering the angriest instinct of the electorate and amplifying it. Leadership is sometimes telling our own supporters that they are wrong. It is explaining complexity when a slogan would be easier. It is asking people to consider tomorrow when they are angry about today. It is persuading citizens that humanity of others who may worship differently, speak another language, or vote for another party does not diminish their own freedoms. Statementship requires patience, persuasion, courage to compromise. And above all, it requires an understanding that power belongs brings responsibility, not exemption. The Charter of the United Nations was not written to make the strong weak. It was written to prevent the strong from making the world unlivable. Soon we will elect a new Secretary-General. The regional rotation precedent must be preserved. Africa had an unprecedented continuous rhetoric: Butrus Butrus-Gali, 1992-1996, Kofi Annan, 1997-2006. Now the Security Council will elect a Latin American as our Secretary-General for 2027-2032. And after more than 80 years of men at the helm of our organization, needless to say, we ought to have enough wisdom and elect a woman with unquestionable integrity, unblemished record, and in defense of human rights, a strong advocacy of gender equality and inclusion, rule of law, democracy, solid experience in senior management in national and multilateral institutions. Mr. President, Excellencies, for developing countries, particularly small island developing states and least developed countries, efficiency must translate into stronger delivery on the ground, not reduced essential support. Timor-Leste urges comprehensive reform, expansion in both the permanent and non-permanent categories, so that developing countries and historically underrepresented regions have a stronger voice in decisions concerning international peace and security. The veto is inconsistent with the sovereign equality of member states. President, Timor-Leste reaffirms the principles of climate justice, common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities in the light of different national circumstances. Greater climate ambition must be accompanied by accessible, predictable finance: adaptation support, technology transfer, and capacity building. Artificial intelligence and other emerging technologies reshape our societies. Developing countries must actively participate in their governance and development.
True leadership requires both. Prudence, in this case, means not only knowing what we want; it also is about, um, pursue of goal while calling aggression by its name, and also condemning those who disrupt the world order without turning a blind eye when they violate the rules. Ladies and gentlemen, for many years, representatives of my country have been trying, in this chamber and in the Security Council, to point out that a situation in which a permanent member of the council, Russia, attempts unsuccessfully, but with ruthless persistence, to conquer a neighboring state and destabilize the entire region is a violation of the principles we all uphold as signatories to the Charter of the United Nations. Russia is destabilizing the situation in Europe through open aggression, hybrid operations, acts of subversion and sabotage, and by ignoring successive resolutions of this Assembly. It displays the same imperial arrogance that, in the past, led to unimaginable suffering and the tragedies of two world wars. Contempt for international law must not become the norm. It is not too late to restore the primacy of international law and strengthen the foundations of a system in which principles matter, and in which the international community, acting jointly and in solidarity, opposes aggression, which is prohibited by the Charter of the United Nations. Ladies and gentlemen, the Russian Federation, guided by an imperial and neo-colonial vision of the world, is attempting to impose its will on others. In doing so, it is effectively challenging the right of every nation to determine its own destiny. Neo-imperial and neo-colonial policies are, in essence, an attempt to return to a world in which the borders, security, and future of states and nations would be decided not by the states and nations themselves, but by other states that consider themselves stronger and predestined to dominate. And there might would replace law. It is an attempt to return to the concert of powers. This cannot be accepted. It is the force of law that should decide, not the law of force. Poland is particularly aware of the consequences of Russian colonialism and imperialism. History has taught us that freedom and sovereignty cannot defend themselves. That is why we are determined to counter the threats that the Kremlin's aggressive policies are posing to us, with increasing audacity. As a representative of a country neighboring Russia, I want to make it clear: we are not the ones seeking confrontation. We are strengthening our alliances, developing our military, and modernizing its equipment, not to wage war, but to prevent it. Our goal is deterrence and defense, the defense of two values that also form the foundation of the United Nations Charter: freedom and sovereignty. We continue to view the North Atlantic Alliance as the guarantor of European security. NATO remains united in the overarching goal of defending our community on both sides of the Atlantic, in Europe and America, on its eastern flank and along its northern border. We therefore welcome with satisfaction the strengthening of security in the Arctic region, which is now becoming a reality thanks to the agreement signed yesterday between our allies. Ladies and gentlemen, we must, however, make it clear: modern security threats are not limited to classical military actions. Russia is carrying out actions aimed at undermining the foundations of international stability, striking at global food security through attacks on ports and ships transporting grain, as well as by deliberately provoking crises that affect millions of people outside of Europe. At the same time, a large-scale hybrid war is being waged, involving sabotage, cyber attacks, and destabilization operations on an unprecedented scale, including an artificially induced migration crisis. These are planned, coordinated, and consistently executed actions. Their goal is to weaken states, undermine public trust, and shatter the unity of the international community. We are not dealing with isolated incidents, but with a sustained, well-thought-out strategy. And that is precisely why the response to these actions cannot be ad hoc or half-hearted. It must be firm, consistent, and it must also be united. For if aggression, whether military or hybrid in nature, is not met with an adequate response, it becomes an invitation to repeat it. Ladies and gentlemen, even if today we have reservations about the effectiveness of the Security Council, we respect the achievements of the United Nations in maintaining and building peace in many parts of the world. The role of UN peacekeeping operations in preventing the resurgence of conflicts is undeniable. Poland advocates for stable funding of peacekeeping missions and for granting them more transparent mandates that also take into account tasks related to the protection of the population and support for the reconstruction of state institutions. Poland also fulfills its commitments to global security through its participation in UN peacekeeping operations as well. Polish blue-helmet soldiers are currently serving in Lebanon, carrying out their duties with dignity despite the difficult security situation throughout the region. We will support efforts to de-escalate conflicts, protect civilians, and uphold international humanitarian law, and work toward the implementation of a two-state solution, ensuring the peaceful coexistence of Israel and Palestine. Ladies and gentlemen, this is precisely why the response to contemporary threats cannot be limited solely to reacting to crises. It must be based on clear principles and reliable partnerships.
Mr. president as we enter the home stretch of the 2030 agenda. Developing nations that have been squeezed by unsustainable debt, shrinking financial space and mounting external shocks. At the core, this is a crisis of international financial system designed for a different era. Liberia calls for urgent structural reform of the international financial architecture. Developing nations need concessional financing, debt sustainability and predictable development capital. Not escalating interest rates that threaten survival. At the heart of this reform must be a fairer voice and a vote for developing countries within the Bretton Woods institution, the world Bank and the International Monetary Fund, whose governance reflects the world of 1945 rather than the word of today. A financial system that decides the fate of billions cannot continue to be governed by the few. Reform of our international financial system is not a technical exercise. It is a precondition for delivering the Sustainable Development Goals and for restoring the very trust. This Assembly is meeting to discuss. At home.
Small nations are being asked to finance both development and survival. No nation should have to borrow its way out of a crisis. It did so little to create excellencies. The world is facing a growing development financing crisis. The gap between commitments and delivery continues to widen, and too often we simply rebrand and recycle old ideas while failing to deliver tangible progress. Meanwhile, multilateralism is under siege and international financial commitments are being eroded. The current international financial architecture was designed for a different era. It struggles to adequately recognize vulnerability and fails to fully account for the realities faced by seats. A fairer financial system is not only in the interest of developing countries, it is in the interest of global stability and shared prosperity The implementation of the Multidimensional Vulnerability Index Mvi in financing decision making is essential if we are to genuinely address the financial challenges facing developing countries. We thank the Secretary General and UN Desa for their proactive efforts in moving this issue forward. With international financial institutions Ifis, and we look forward to the pilot project to demonstrate the Mvi can help developing countries in their financing challenges on debt. We need to build a sustainable, equitable and fair debt regime, starting with a robust mechanism for debt restructuring. Debt forgiveness must be linked to measurable progress on resilience. Building and investment in resilient today will reduce the cost of disasters tomorrow. Samoa supports the incorporation of states contingent clauses in debt instruments, allowing for suspension during crisis. Excellencies energy is both a driver and accelerator for Samoa's sustainable development ambition.
This purpose binds our national advancement to our continent's progress, and to our responsibility to contribute to a peaceful, equitable and prosperous world. We understand that governments and multilateral institutions and trusts, when their decisions improve lives. Yet none of these gains will matter if we turn a deaf ear to the trace gathering around our borders and further appeal, we inhabit the only planet known to sustain human life. And as long as that scientific park holds, we cannot pretend that we are insulated from complex as well geography or personal exemption from the consequences of a fractured world. Mr. president, we reject the false choice between development and climate action. Developing countries, most industrialised, eradicate poverty and expand energy access through low carbon pathways supported by technology transfer, capacity building and climate finance. Africa Contributes less than 4% of the greenhouse gas emissions yet via disproportionate consequences. Nigeria remains committed to the Paris Agreement and an equitable energy transition that reflects historical responsibility and capacity. While protecting people's right to development under our Energy transition Plan, we are working towards net zero emissions by 2060 while expanding access to affordable, reliable and sustainable energy. This approach combines renewable energy, clean cooking and gas as a transitional fuel with climate, smart agriculture and nature based solutions. Finance must be governed by equity and shared responsibility rather than charity. With international commitments translated into accessible, predictable and adequately funded mechanisms that enable developing countries to pursue climate action without compromising development objectives.
International commitments must be translated into action and bring people lives of peace, security, dignity and happiness. It is for this reason that the Pact for the Future and the 2030 agenda, our promises to present and future generations must be implemented earnestly and in full. Commitments on financing for development, including. The severe commitment must be translated into concrete measures, expanding access to long term financing at affordable cost, supporting countries burdened by debt, and amplifying the voice of developing countries in international financial and monetary institutions. The multilateral trading system must be strengthened in an open equitable and transparent manner, ensuring development opportunities for all countries. Climate action must be accorded its rightful place in development cooperation, particularly via the adaptation finance, technology transfer and a just energy transition. Development must be people centred and leave no one behind. Growth must go hand in hand with social progress and equity environmental protection and the safeguarding of people's livelihoods, especially for vulnerable countries and communities.
Humanitarian needs are rising, while the resources available to meet them are rapidly declining. Nationalism, intolerance and political polarization are weakening the spirit of international cooperation. At the same time, the climate crisis continues to destroy lives, livelihoods, and public infrastructure, particularly across the developing world. According to the United Nations over 40% of the global population are vulnerable to the destructive effects of climate change, and governments in developing countries spend over 10% of their GDP to respond to this. This painful fiscal trade offs come at the expense of investment in the education and health, which should never be the case for millions of vulnerable people. Global development can sometimes appear to be moving from one framework to another framework. One set from one framework to another. One set promises to the next.
Last year OECD donors spent about $175 billion on development assistance... a 23% drop year-on year. And yet military expenditures approached $3 trillion.... capping 11 straight years of growth. All the while progress on the SDGs has stalled at just over a third of targets, and developing countries are now paying the price for supply chain disruptions they did not cause and cannot cure. The contrasts could not be more stark. We must better prioritize how our resources are spent by augmenting development assistance, addressing debt burdens, reforming the international financial architecture, fulfilling our Sevilla and Paris commitments. And implementing the programmes of action for LDCs, LLDCs, SIDs, as well as the AU’s Agenda 2063. Because where we have done so, the results are clear: Over the past decade, nearly one billion people have gained access to safely managed drinking water. Electricity now reaches 92 per cent of the world’s population. And internet access has risen from 40 per cent to 74 per cent. Behind these figures are healthier children, more resilient communities, greater opportunities for women and girls, and renewed hope. These gains show that accelerating the SDGs is possible when developing countries and development partners work in concert. This indeed is a shared responsibility. Developing countries must also intensify their own efforts through domestic resource mobilization and plug any leakage or corruption, including capital flight — A plague that, until recently, undermined development in my own country under a repressive, authoritarian regime.
Mr. president, Papua New Guinea comes to this assembly with profound respect for the charter of the United Nations and for the principles and purposes upon which this great institution was founded. The United Nations reminds us that whether we are big or small nations, rich or poor nations developed or developing, powerful or less powerful, we are all members of one international community. The challenges confronting humanity do not recognise the size of our economies, the strength of our militaries, or the boundaries on our map. No nation can address them alone. We must therefore continue to work together, respecting the sovereignty of all nations, upholding the international law and the United Nations Charter, resolving our differences peacefully and recognising that every nation, regardless of its size or economic strength or military might, has a voice and a place in this assembly. For Papua New Guinea and all the nations of the Pacific, multilateralism matters. The United Nations place provides a place rather, where small nations can sit alongside the largest, where voice can be heard and where we can work together on the common challenges facing humanity. And with this, I want to place on record Papua New Guinea's fullest acknowledgement on all speakers from the Pacific who have spoken, all leaders who spoke. We are fully, on behalf of Papua New Guinea, affirm all their points, the points that was raised. I also wish to acknowledge the Secretary General of United Nations, His Excellency Antonio Guterres as he approaches the completion of his tenure on behalf of the government and people of Papua New Guinea. I want to thank the Secretary General for his strong and consistent advocacy for humanity. At a time when our world has confronted war, displacement, poverty, inequality, climate change and many other challenges. He has consistently called for peace, human dignity, international cooperation and respect for the principles of United Nations. He has demonstrated the qualities of a global statesman. If there is anyone befitting of a Nobel Peace Award and label a global statesman, His Excellency Guterres is perhaps the leading person at this time. He has used his office to speak for humanity, including those voices that are often too dim and seemingly unheard. Secretary-General Guterres, on behalf of my 11 million people, Papua New Guinea, thank you for your service to the United Nations and to humanity. We remember fondly your three nights you stayed with us in the mountains and islands of Papua New Guinea. Thank you for being a strong voice of not just Papua New Guinea, but small nations, especially my small Pacific island nations. Your advocacy reminds us that beyond our national borders and political differences, cultures and beliefs, we belong to one human family. And we share one planet called the planet earth. Mr. president, it is in the spirit of common humanity that I wish to speak about human rights, human freedoms, and particularly freedom of conscience, thought, belief, and religion.
However, these reform processes must not dilute agreed UN mandates, commitments, and programs, nor should they impede the implementation of the 2030 Agenda. Mr. President, when we adopted the 2030 Agenda for SDGs, the 17 SDGs, in 2015, we committed to leaving no one behind. Yet progress remains elusive, with only 36 percent of the 139 targets currently on track. Numerous obstacles hinder our efforts to accelerate progress, key among being limited physical space. Many developing countries lack sufficient financial resources to fund their development needs, with a disproportionate share of revenues directed toward debt servicing rather than critical public infrastructure and social services. This challenge requires urgent reform of international financial architecture to afford developing nations a stronger voice in decision-making, alongside the full implementation of the Sevilla Commitment of the Pact for the Future. Furthermore, equitable taxation is essential for mobilizing domestic resources. An inclusive international tax system is critical for strengthening global cooperation, curbing illicit financial flows, and addressing profit shifting by multinational cooperation.
Mr. President, congratulations on your successful election as President of the 81st Session of the UN General Assembly. Secretary-General Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Ali and warm greetings from the people of Palau. Secretary-General António Guterres, thank you for your leadership and service to the United Nations. Your climate leadership, steadfast defense of multilateralism, international law, human dignity, and the voices of the vulnerable carries a special meaning for small island developing states. I stand before this Assembly for a people whose future depends on a healthy ocean and a stable climate, and the sovereign right to determine their own path. For us, sovereignty is lived in our ability to feed our people from healthy oceans, power our homes independently from distant fuel markets, and protect our shorelines from rising seas and chart our own path.
Mr. president, as a low lying atoll nation with no higher ground, sea level rise is an immediate and stark reality. This week's UN high level meeting on sea level rise has helped achieve new understanding in international law. It is the seas that are rising around us and not our islands which are sinking. Our boundaries and baselines of today. The political footprint on the map will endure in the face of aggressive sea level rise scenarios. Our collective stability and security as Pacific Islands Forum members and as a UN member state will be now better addressed. As an atoll nation, our tide gauge is proof enough that far more action is needed, and we are acting. Confronted with rising seas on our most vulnerable shorelines. We completed the Ebeye Seawall and Footpath last week. 1.8km of oceanside protection built with support from the World Bank, the Green Climate Fund and our own resources. Engineered for rising seas, it now protects 8,400 people and critical energy infrastructure, reduces annual coastal flooding losses and anchors resilient future development on Ebeye, including schools, housing and the proposed new hospital, while providing a safe public space that strengthens community wellbeing. It cost $75 million, took 70,000 tonnes of rocks, took more than a decade to do, and it is just one island of over a thousand. We are taking action and we urgently need strengthened partnership to better protect our islands before sea level rise overtakes us. Mr. president, my nation underscores the importance of the law of the sea as a key pillar of our future. Even before we were a UN member, we fought closely both to participate in UN law of the sea negotiations and to secure these rights in our Constitution. Pacific Island leadership and that of all small island developing states has defined every multilateral milestone for oceans and fisheries. And we will continue to do so. As an ocean people, the consequences of getting it wrong are not from distant impacts, but adjacent to our waters, particularly in the North Pacific, both within the International Seabed Authority and unilateral actions. Collectively, the people and voices of Micronesia must be heard. We are joined by Guam, Northern Marianas, Federated States of Micronesia and Palau in expressing our alarm at seabed mining actions where the decisions are made before impacts are well understood and where adequate safeguards remain undefined. The Marshall Islands joins 45 nations seeking a moratorium on seabed mining. Responsible and science driven regulations need to be in place. Going on guesswork for global oceans is beyond dangerous. There are no do overs. The Marshall Islands looks forward to the first Conference of Parties to the Biodiversity Beyond National Jurisdiction, to work across silos to advance high seas protection. We urge wide ratification of the agreement. The Marshall Islands looks forward to supporting its secretariat in a host nation, committed to upholding the law of the sea as a matter of both principle and law, in words and in actions. Mr. president, too often the word geopolitics is considered to refer only to the whims of superpowers and not the reality of our fragile place between them.
Ladies and gentlemen, as global challenges become increasingly complex, no country can address them alone. And yet the growing limitations of multilateral mechanisms continue to undermine our collective ability to respond effectively to current and emerging threats. Meeting these realities requires joint action but true transformation is impossible without first restoring trust in the international order and demonstrating that multilateralism can once again deliver tangible results for all. In an era marked by division, growing intolerance and stark double standards, Azerbaijan advocates for a reinvigorated and reformed multilateral system underpinned by strict adherence to consistent and non-selective application of universally accepted norms and principles of international law. Azerbaijan supports a more effective UN capable of delivering tangible results for member states, especially in peace and security development, climate resilience and humanitarian action through inclusive multilateralism. All states, large or small, particularly developing countries, must have the opportunity to participate equally in global decision making. In this context, reform of the UN security is essential to make it more representative, effective and responsive. Ladies and gentlemen, restoring global trust begins first and foremost with respecting international law, sovereign equality, and peaceful coexistence.
is a crisis you will one day inherit. Defending the rules is not a favor to the small. It is an insurance for the strong. Mr. president, nowhere is that truer than the climate crisis. Here too, we are told there is uncertainty. There is none. The sea does not negotiate. It does not read communiques, and it does not recognize a veto. In 2024, for the first time, the world was more than one and a half degrees warmer for an entire year. The line which small island states fought to write into the Paris Agreement has already been crossed. A new report released only days ago warns that El Nino phenomena now heating the planet is likely to cost some 450 000 lives by next February. In 2019 Hurricane Dorian inflicted damage and losses on the Bahamas equal to roughly a quarter of our national output. Families watched the sea take the only land they had. Most of my country sits barely above sea level. For us, a rising ocean is not a forecast. It is a boundary inching towards our doorsteps. That is why the Bahamas proudly endorses yesterday's declaration on sea level rise, which affirms that our statehood, our boundaries and our seat in this assembly will not be washed away by the sea. The science is certain. Last year, the International Court of Justice made clear that the law is also certain. The injustice is certain: the people who bear least responsibility are asked to adapt first, pay more, and recover from disasters they did not cause. And the self-interest is certain. People who lose their homes do not disappear. They move and they arrive at someone's border. Protection, prevention costs less than rebuilding or relocating. The Bahamas is taking action, but no nation acting alone can hold back the tides. Nor can we build resilience inside a financial system designed at Bretton Woods in 1944, which still declares us too prosperous to help until the next storm makes us poor. The Vulnerability Index exists.
Although Bangladesh has contributed little to global carbon emissions, it is bearing the adverse consequences of climate change. In these circumstances, Bangladesh has chosen the path of building resilience and developing the capacity to survive and adapt. Therefore, Bangladesh expects stronger global cooperation at Cop 31 on climate justice. Climate finance and adaptation support. The Government of Bangladesh has strengthened its programmes for environmental protection. As part of these efforts, the government has launched a programme to plant 250 million trees across the country over the next five years. Emphasis has been placed on the use of clean energy and solar energy, with the aim of freeing the country from the scourge of floods and droughts. The government has also launched a programme to excavate 20,000km of canal across the country.
We will be resilient, and we will work individually and collectively to transcend our vulnerability. So, Mr. President, we come to this August assembly not as mere petitioners, but as partners to play our part in making our world a better place. I come at this point in the debate, having had the privilege of listening to other leaders who spoke before me. And Mr. President, I must tell you, I was moved by the hopeful vision, the fiery passion, the boundless generosity and caring of many of the speakers. They lifted my spirit and I am determined that that is where my spirit shall remain. I owe it to the people who sent me here to be hopeful. I owe it also to people whom I have never met, who come from places I have never been to, but who nevertheless are my brothers and sisters. And so that brings us to the task at hand. We all know that the United Nations has its flaws, but we must not seek to abandon it. It is what we have made it. Some, no doubt are more culpable than others. But in one way or another we are all involved. We speak of culpability, not merely to point a finger of blame, but to understand better where the solutions may lie. We believe profoundly that more than ever, humanity needs the United Nations. Try to imagine a world without it. Where would we go to have the conversations we are having now and that we are having throughout the week? And that is only the beginning. As a global institution, the United Nations is fundamentally an inclusive space where every nation can play a role in addressing our common problems. A retreat from multilateralism undermines the interests of small states and indeed, of everyone. But we acknowledge that our support for the United Nations must be matched by our willingness to embrace reform, to make it more effective. Trust cannot be built or restored by declarations alone. It is only when ordinary people see that cooperation makes their lives safer, richer and happier that trust will be restored. Mr. president, let us restore trust through organisational reform and greater inclusiveness. The United Nations governance model designed in 1945, cannot adequately address the security and economic challenges of today. Therefore, we join with other nations in calling for reform, specifically of the Security Council, to include a permanent member from the continent of Africa with all the attendant rights and privileges. Failure to do so would only confirm that the current composition is not about governance and fairness, but about power. Further, as we proceed with selecting our next Secretary General, let us be more open and inclusive. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines is pleased to join other Caribbean community members in endorsing the candidacy of Her Excellency Carolyn Rodriguez Birkett of Guyana and of the region of Latin America and the Caribbean. We know her as a distinguished diplomat, a principled multilateralist, and a compelling advocate for developing countries and small states. Mr. president, as this is my first time here, like a tourist, I walked the halls of this historic building and admired the impressive portraits on the walls, the impressive portraits of the nine men who have served as Secretary General since 1946. And while I appreciated the outstanding calibre and service of those men, I nevertheless could not resist thinking that after eight decades, surely the time has come for an equally capable woman to be Secretary General.
For Dominica, this is not an abstract question. When a hurricane destroys our infrastructure, when international energy prices rise, when access to capital becomes more expensive, when global markets change, or when climate finance remains beyond our reach, the consequences are felt immediately in our homes, in our businesses, in our schools and hospitals, and in the very lives of our people. Yet, Mr. President, I do not come before this assembly to speak only of vulnerability. I wish to speak of transformation and resilience. Dominica has made a choice. We have chosen not only to rebuild after disaster, but to build differently, build better, build stronger. We have chosen not only to adapt to climate change, but to demonstrate what a climate resilient economy and country can look like. And we have chosen to move from dependence to greater resilience. Mr. president, in 2017, category five Hurricane Maria demonstrated with devastating force the vulnerability of small island states like Dominica. The economic and human consequences were enormous. Hurricane Maria, however, also taught us an important lesson resilience should never begin after the disaster. Resilience must begin before disasters. The international community must therefore move from a model that primarily finances reconstruction after catastrophe to one that invests systematically in resilience before disaster strikes. For Dominica, this means resilient roads and bridges, resilient buildings, reliable communications, modern water systems, strengthened health infrastructure and disaster ready communities. But resilience is not only physical. A resilient country must have resilient institutions. It must have resilient public finances. It must have resilient energy systems and must have resilient food systems. Above all, a resilient nation must have people who possess the skills and confidence to withstand shocks and move forward. That is the Dominica that we are building. Excellencies.
Developing nations and the global South borrow at interest rates that are up to eight times higher than industrialized nations. African and Caribbean nations struck by climate disasters are forced to take on crippling debts to rebuild from floods and droughts that they did not cause. Governments are forced into a tragic choice to service predatory debt or to serve their people. We demand reform. We need long term, affordable and accessible concessionary financing that enables developing economies to invest in human capital, in industrialization and climate adaptation. Mr. president, Africa does not seek charity. Africa seeks equal partnership that is anchored. That is anchored in mutual respect.
We are duty bound to act, and France stands ready, working in concert with all those who wish to act in defense of the principles enshrined in the charter. All those who do not wish to remain powerless. The coalition of the willing on Ukraine, together with the UK and Germany, a coalition which brings together everyone who stands ready to guarantee peace and stability in the very heart of Europe, the very place where two world wars began, something no one can ignore and many in the room today know better than anyone what a return of war to Europe could mean. We will not yield an inch. The coalition of the willing will continue fighting. We also have an independent multinational coalition aimed at restoring the freedom of navigation in the Hormuz Strait. This should not be used for blackmail. It's a cardinal principle of international law, and it is in the interests of all of us for vessels to be able to transit through the strait securely and for the energy interests of all of our countries to be secured. The reopening of the Hormuz Strait is a priority. Respect for international law is also a priority. It is in everyone's interests and France is committed to it. Moving on to Africa, we shoulder a collective responsibility for the crises which are piling up without any answers, without any responses. Peace operations must be more effective and to this end they must be enabled, endowed with adequate funding and better coordinated with the United Nations as well as host nations. Back in 2018, I already mentioned the role played by regional organizations and better coordination between these regional bodies and the UN. At the Africa Forward meeting in Nairobi with over 30 African heads of state, and in Addis Ababa, the headquarters of the African Union, together with the UN, we stated clearly that the African Union and regional organizations should be fully equipped to play their role as regards peace and security on the African continent. In Paris in November we will hold a meeting aimed at replenishing the African Union Peace Fund. This will be on the sidelines of the Paris Peace Forum. I call on all potential funders to make robust and concrete pledges. We will not yield in the face of war. We must recommit and seek solutions that are in keeping with the spirit of the charter. Second, we must not give in to the permanent temptation to espouse double standards. This is what is dividing our planet. It is undermining the credibility of our organization and the charter. How many times have we heard that people's sovereignty has value in Europe, but if we look at the Middle East and Africa, it is less valuable? No, that is unacceptable. We must defend the same principles across the board in the spirit of the charter, support the sovereignty of all peoples. We cannot substitute for their decisions. And every time some states wish to run roughshod over the will of certain peoples, to change a system, to topple a regime every time this resulted in ever greater chaos. No double standards. A life is a life. Peace and security are indivisible, and everyone has a right to them. In Ukraine, for almost five years now, Russia has been waging a cruel war on civilians. It's been occupying the territory of a sovereign state. France will continue providing unstinting support for the legitimate aspirations of the Ukrainian people to peace, security and to a future. At the same time, we will spare no effort to ensure that useful negotiations between Russia and Ukraine begin as swiftly as possible. We must defend Ukrainians more than ever as winter is coming. We must defend them on the energy front. We must give them more interceptors. We must protect the civilian population. And this is why we'd like to express our support. A double moratorium, a moratorium on strikes, on energy and civilian infrastructure. That's first, and a Black Sea moratorium, which would allow us to release grain shipments. Addressing food security concerns, food security being so important for many emerging economies, for many developing nations. This double moratorium is a necessity. Let's put it on the table. And let's confront Russia with this reality. In the Middle East, we are also seeking peace and security for all. This is what we defend. Respect for sovereignty in Lebanon, displaced Lebanese people. Their villages are being razed in the south. Only a fully sovereign Lebanon will be able to disarm Hezbollah and restore security for all Lebanese and their neighbors. Sovereignty for Lebanon and its people, sovereignty for Palestinians, their most basic rights are once again being violated. One year ago in this very chamber, several dozen states recognized Palestine. I understand that some are very cynical. You recognized it on paper. Look at the reality of the situation. But what is our credibility worth if we remain inactive on Gaza? Some claim that peace has been achieved, but this has not opened up humanitarian deliveries. The spectacle. It is shameful. Shame on all of us. Look at what's happening in the West Bank where day in, day out we are seeing violations. And in the name of what? Hamas was never very active in the West Bank. What we need is respect for the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, their legitimate right to exist. This is a prerequisite for security today and tomorrow for the people of Israel. Their security, their very existence to which we're very committed. But all those who claim that Israel's security requires the violation of the sovereignty of all of its neighboring states and making very fateful error, they are weakening Israel's security today. And going forward, they are threatening Israel's security, in fact. Sovereignty for Syria as well. The revolution should not turn into a disappointment. A few months ago in Damascus, I lent France's support to building a free Syria, and we must continue these efforts, allowing Syria to fully reassert its sovereignty and unity. France is committed across all of these fronts, just like we're committed with Italy. With the help of Jordan and other friends of Lebanon. We've been committed for 50 years to UNIFIL, to all Lebanese. So no double standards.
We will work with all Member States to advance essential consensus based priorities for Guinea-Bissau as a developing country, multilateralism and respect for international law are not mere concepts. They are an existential necessity. Ladies and gentlemen, Guinea-Bissau follows with concern the humanitarian consequences of the measures imposed against Cuba. We therefore reiterate our call for the lifting of the economic commercial and financial embargo, as well as other restrictive measures that affect the Cuban people and essential sectors of that country's economy.
Founded on a common history and a shared language. Excellencies. Starting in January, Portugal will bring to the Security Council as a non-permanent member, a global perspective and a culture of dialogue and bridge building. We are deeply grateful for the trust placed in us by everyone, and fully aware of the responsibility that comes with it. We are well aware of the challenges faced by the least developed countries and small island developing states. In the Security Council, Portugal will be committed to three big priorities prevent, partner and protect preventing crises and conflicts with severe human impact, which are rampant across several continents. Because there are several and not only those that are on the news. Because for us, there are no first or second class conflicts. They are all. They all concern us. All of them cooperating and developing our partnerships within a more transparent, more representative and more democratic council and protecting, protecting human dignity by combating poverty and safeguarding fundamental rights, food security, and the future of the new generations. Mr. president, excellencies and friends, the magnitude of the challenges we face demands collective responses. The most effective response is a multilateral response, and the United Nations is at the heart and should be, and should continue to be at the heart of the multilateral system. That is why Portugal looks to the future with renewed commitment to the mission of the United Nations, with confidence in our collective capacity, and with hope that it is together that we can build and leave behind a better world, and we are going to do it and leave to future generations a better world than the one we are living in. Thank you very much.
Furthermore, we firmly reject unilateral coercive measures that violate international law and inflict disproportionate hardship on innocent populations. Yet our global architecture is failing to enforce these principles because its key organs remain outdated. The Security Council's inability to act decisively in moments of global crisis undermines its very purpose. Its composition reflects a bygone era, not 21st century geopolitical realities. Reform is no longer a matter of political convenience. It is a matter of institutional survival and legitimacy. Seychelles, therefore reaffirms Africa's unified position. Our continent must hold no fewer than two permanent seats on the Security Council, with full prerogatives, including the veto for as long as it exists. Mr. President, this past June, Seychelles proudly celebrated 50 years of independence. Half a century of self-determination has taught us a fundamental lesson. Size does not define sovereignty, and geography does not diminish dignity. We may be a small island developing state but we sit as an equal participant in this hall.
Mr. President, the sustainability of our oceans and fisheries is closely linked to the changing climate, and the pressures we face on our marine resources are increasingly compounded by its impacts. Climate change remains one of the most pressing challenges to our development and way of life. Sea-level rise, coastal erosion, saltwater intrusion and extreme weather events continue to place pressure on our communities, infrastructure, water security and livelihoods. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change Sixth Assessment Report reinforces the urgency of these challenges and particularly the risks faced by small island States. Through our long-term national development vision, the Kiribati Vision for 20 years, and our national priorities under Te Motinnano policies, we continue to invest in resilient infrastructure, water security, coastal protection, disaster preparedness, renewable energy and community-based adaptation. Our objective is clear: to continue building a wealthy, healthy and peaceful Kiribati, where our people can live with dignity, in peace and with opportunities. Renewable energy is increasingly important to Kiribati’s development and energy access. We therefore see greater investment in renewable energy as an important opportunity to reduce our reliance on imported fossil fuels and strengthen the resilience and sustainability of our energy sector. But national action must be matched by international action. We call for greater ambition, stronger support for adaptation and climate finance that is adequate, predictable and accessible, particularly for Small Island Developing States. Kiribati recognises the importance of international law in addressing climate change. The International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion on climate change advances climate justice by affirming that all States have binding duties to protect the climate system and achieve deep, rapid, and sustained greenhouse gas reductions consistent with limiting warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius. We welcome growing recognition that climate resilience must be locally owned and driven. The Pacific Resilience Facility is a Pacific-led, Pacific-owned mechanism that strengthens the region’s capacity to finance climate and disaster resilience. The Pacific’s co-hosting of COP31 with Türkiye later this year further demonstrates the value of local action.
Likewise, we underscore the relevance of a dedicated representation for Small Island States and Low-Lying Coastal Developing States. Mr. president. Regional and international partnerships remain indispensable to achieve our economic and social objectives as Suriname continues to actively engage in various regional bodies and mechanisms including CARICOM, CELAC, ACTO, and Brasilia Consensus. As Suriname prepares to be the chair of the Caribbean Community CARICOM in 2027, we are also committed to further strengthen our partnership globally in different areas of shared interest. Our regional priorities are practical food and energy security, climate resilience, improved connectivity and movement of skilled people, transportation of goods and services. These are essential to economic integration and our ability to withstand external shocks.
You have brought us together to restore trust and manage transformation. To achieve this, we now require serenity, clarity, and unity— serenity because the international order is going through a profound transition, clarity because this organization faces an unprecedented financial situation and conflicts that are ongoing, and a technological revolution that is progressing quicker than our ability to govern it, and unity because none of these challenges can be addressed by one country acting alone. As a developing island country, the Dominican Republic is well aware of vulnerability. Situations that happen far away from our coasts can directly impact the dinner tables of our families.
And as we mark 80 years of membership to the United Nations. When Thailand joined this organization, the postwar international order was still taking shape. Today, it is being reshaped once again. Many of its old certainties are giving way. But what comes next is not yet settled. We are seeing many transformations taking place. Power is becoming more fragmented. Strategic competition is becoming sharper and international rules are under strain. At the same time, technology is transforming our societies. While climate change is testing our resilience, our institutions, however, are struggling to keep pace. Confidence in our ability to work together is weakening, and that is why this year's theme speaks directly to the task before us. Managing the transformation requires trust. Trust between countries, trust in the rules we share, and trust that our institutions can deliver. But trust cannot be taken for granted. It must be earned. Trust weakens when principles are applied selectively. When. When countries have little say in decisions that shape the future and when promises made in this assembly fail to improve lives beyond it. Rebuilding trust means addressing each of these concerns. We must uphold common principles and consistently, we must give countries a genuine stake in the international system, including a stronger voice for the global South. And we must take shared responsibility for turning commitments into results. Mr. president, the UN's purposes remain as relevant as ever to promote peace and security, human rights and dignity, sustainable development and cooperation among sovereign equals. But we cannot build lasting peace if security is assured for some and denied to others. Universal human rights lose their meaning when applied selectively. Development loses its purpose when prosperity remains in the hands of a few. For Thailand, peace means more than the absence of war. It requires dialogue to settle differences and respect for international law, so that all countries can live with security and dignity. The situation in Palestine continues to demand our attention. It reminds us that the principles we uphold must protect people when they need them the most. That is why humans must be. Human rights must be universal in practice. As a member of Human Rights Council, Thailand believes that our work must reach beyond resolutions and make a real difference in people's lives. Development must be people centred and sustainable. Growth must improve people's lives. Today, without closing off the opportunities of tomorrow. Consistent application of principles gives countries the confidence that they will be treated fairly. But that confidence must also extend to how decisions are made. Countries need to know that their voices count. Mr. president, the UN's membership has become nearly universal, but representation has not evolved at the same pace, and international system cannot command trust. If large parts of its membership feel they have too little to say in shaping it. Rebuilding trust requires shared ownership. The United Nations must reflect today's world, not the distribution of power. 80 years ago. And that is why Thailand supports Security Council reform that gives developing countries and underrepresented regions, particularly in the global south, a greater role in decision making. Asia, too, must be better represented. For all its economic weight, Asia must be able to help shape global decisions and carry more responsibility for the outcomes And representation must also mean that women have a meaningful voice in the decisions that shape our common future. They are already at the forefront of this organisation's work, from development to peacekeeping. As the UN considers its next secretary general, maybe it is time that this representation be reflected at the highest level. Representation and effectiveness must advance together. We commend Mr. Secretary General Antonio Guterres for his commitment to reform, including through the UN aid initiative. We stand ready to work with his successor to carry this work forward. Mr. president, having a stronger voice in global institutions means countries working together on the problems closest to them.
Progress towards achieving the Sustainable Development Goals remains insufficient. While financing needs remain considerable in many developing countries. The fourth International Conference on Financing Financing for development rightly recalled that the necessary resources exist. The challenge now lies in our collective ability to mobilize them and to channel them with greater equity, solidarity and effectiveness in the service of sustainable development. Cote d'Ivoire, therefore, calls for an ambitious reform of the international financial architecture and a renewed global partnership to ensure that developing countries have more equitable, equitable access to the resources needed to finance infrastructure, health, education, energy. Industrial transformation and the creation of decent jobs for young people. Climate challenges require a similar degree of mobilization. Africa contributes the least to global greenhouse greenhouse gas emissions, yet remains among the regions most hit the hardest by their consequences droughts, floods, land degradation and the disruption of food systems. Directly threaten the ways of life and the livelihoods of millions of people. In this context, honouring international commitments on climate finance, adaptation and technology transfer is an imperative of justice and solidarity. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. The transformation that our world is experiencing is also a technological one.
But the international system can widen or narrow our choices. Technology transfer, resilient supply chains and accessible finance expand choice. Technological dependence, external shocks and unsustainable debt limits it. This is why reform of the international financial architecture matters. We must implement the Sevilla Commitment and deliver on its promises on finance, debt and reform. Earlier this year, the Maldives joined other developing countries in launching the Borrowers’ Platform. It must become a lasting mechanism that gives developing countries not just a place in the financial system, but a voice in shaping it. But for SIDS, greater agency also depends on progress at home. We must build our institutions, improve stability, and attract responsible investment and meaningful partnerships. And these partnerships must build national capacity and support national ambitions. Partnerships must serve national needs, strengthen what we have and leave us more capable than before. Our shared challenges can become shared opportunities. This is the spirit of President Dr Muizzu’s Maldives First policy.
While we are a few years away from 2030, progress towards attainment of the SDGs is still unimpressive. Given this situation, we need to improve our execution and ensure that every cent invested delivers results. Tanzania remains committed and has made strides in implementing the 2030 Agenda. Tanzania Vision 2050, aim to build an inclusive and competitive economy that ensures quality of life for all. We are investing in our people, productive infrastructure, technology and innovation, while creating greater opportunities for women and young people. Our ambition is to transform economic growth into lasting improvements in people's lives. These ambitions may not be realized if the international financial architecture is not made to work for development. Currently, when developing countries are accelerating progress, they are restricted by high borrowing costs, rising debt burdens, and limited access to affordable longterm finance. Tanzania stresses that improvements must be made to ensure the expansion of concessional financing, mobilization of private investment, improved access to development and climate finance, and giving developing countries a stronger voice in global financial decisionmaking. It is without a doubt that political commitment is paramount in undertaking focused investment. In that respect, Tanzania has made significant strides in reducing maternal and child mortality by expanding facility delivery from 51 per cent in 2015 to 81 per cent in 2022.
With less than four years to implement the 2030 agenda, only 36% of the Sustainable Development Goals are on track or or showing moderate progress. While developing countries face an annual financing gap exceeding US $4 trillion. The civil commitment must now be implemented through greater affordable, long term and concessional finance. Timely development oriented debt treatment and a more effective channelling of special drawing rights development cannot flourish when its financing is prohibitively expensive. Reform must decisively address Africa's excessive risk premiums and borrowing costs. The need to strengthen the voice of developing countries in global financing institutions cap illicit financial flows and tax abuse, as well as secure fair returns from natural resources cannot be over emphasized. Zimbabwe is continuously strengthening its capacity to mobilise domestic resources, enhance public financial management and foster a favourable environment for productive investment and our National Vision 2030. We are strengthening the important linkage between mining and agriculture, which is driving growth in Zimbabwe's manufacturing sector.
Therefore, Mr. President, religious hatred must have no place in this world at all. Mr. president, Pakistan's economic revival remains a defining responsibility of my government and a mission that is very close to my heart. Through difficult, long overdue structural reforms and stringent fiscal discipline, we have restored macroeconomic stability and begun the journey towards sustainable and inclusive growth. We are modernising agriculture and industry, developing mineral resources, digitizing our economy, and equipping our youth with modern AI and IT skills. We are opening new pathways with China through the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, as well as with the Gulf, Central Asia and beyond. Here I pay tribute to the visionary leadership of President Xi Jinping for spearheading the Global Development Initiative, the Global Security Initiative, the Global Civilization Initiative, and the Global Governance Initiative. On these pillars, we can surely build a shared future for mankind. Mr. president, developing countries are in dire need of timely debt relief, affordable long term financing, and a stronger voice in global financial institutions. Development must receive the same urgency as security. Ladies and gentlemen, is it not an irony of fate that Pakistan contributes less than 1% of global emissions, yet repeatedly bears the horrific consequences of climate change? Developed countries must therefore honour their climate finance commitments without delay, fund loss and damage speedily and ensure support for adaptation and resilience.
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Sierra Leone09/22 · first at about 7 min2 mentions
The imbalance within the Security Council is also present in international financial institutions, whose structures still bear the imprint of an earlier age. Developing countries need fairer voting power, stronger representation and increased capital within these institutions, together with affordable finance, concessional resources and fairer debt treatment. They must also participate equally in shaping the rules of international taxation. Sierra Leone therefore supports a UN Framework Convention on International Tax Cooperation.
Multilateralism allows us to project the power of our ideas rather than the might of our power. Tonga participates as an equal under the founding principles of the United Nations Charter, the sovereign equality of states. This is how we must approach our theme Restoring Trust, managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all. Enduring trust is restored when commitments produce results. True transformation is realized when our communities, economies and ecosystems can anticipate change and recover with greater strength. The small island developing states must not bear the disproportionate costs of the challenges they did little to create. Mr. president, too much of our international architecture still reflects the world of 1945 rather than today's realities. If the United Nations is to remain the principal vehicle through which sovereign nations confront global challenges, it must transform. We need a United Nations that enables innovation one that expands meaningful access to investment and technology, especially for the small island developing countries who are too often excluded from both. We need a stronger general assembly and institutions that respond effectively to the needs of the majority of our members. We cannot keep negotiating climate biodiversity and the ocean in separate COPs when they are clearly an interconnected ecosystem requiring integrated and coherent solutions. We call on global processes to recognise the ocean climate nexus and address these interconnected challenges together. We need a more inclusive Security Council equipped for today's challenges. A Security Council that recognises the triple planetary crisis as a profound threat to peace and security. We need a financial architecture that delivers timely and accessible financing to those who most need them. Internationally pledged commitments must be actioned urgently. The next Secretary general must understand these realities intimately. It is in this spirit that Tonga's nominated ambassador, Ivonne Baki of Ecuador, whose vision for a renewed reformed United Nations speaks to the needs of vulnerable states. To restore trust, every member state, large or small, must have a voice in shaping this organisation's future and a stake in its success. Mr. president, Your Excellencies, the Pacific region spans one third of the Earth's surface. It is our home. Through the 2050 strategy for the Blue Pacific continent, we have set our own course and identified our thematic priorities. For Tonga, investing in the ocean and nature is foundational in achieving its development, ambition. Protecting and restoring them builds our climate resilience. It strengthens our food security and enables a sustainable blue economy.
In this context Egypt continues to advocate genuine and comprehensive reform of the Security Council in accordance with the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration, particularly to mend the historical injustice suffered by Africa. The imbalance in political representation is matched by another imbalance in the global economy. Developing countries are required to accelerate development, create jobs, finance green transitions and adapt to crises while simultaneously facing growing debt burdens, higher financing costs and a shrinking fiscal space. Therefore, reforming international financial architecture is no longer a luxury but a necessity. We need financial institutions that are more representative and responsive. We need expanded concessional financing, greater mobilisation and lending capacities for multilateral development banks and accelerated debt workout in a fair and effective manner. We need innovative financing tools and a fairer system for assessing countries needs and investment risks, thus enabling the mobilisation of private capital without shifting risks onto the most vulnerable countries. Countries should not be forced to choose between debt servicing and financing, education, health care, food security and essential infrastructure. Development is not charity. It is a right and a shared interest. Investing in development is an investment in global stability and in the ability of states to prevent crises before they become cross-border, humanitarian and security crises.
It must become an instrument for the future. We need a Security Council that reflects the geopolitical realities of the 21st century, not the power structures of 1945. A council that embraces the immoral, the emerging multipolarity of our world, including permanent representation from Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean Mr. president, if the United Nations is to remain humanity's best hope, then this is not the hour to retreat from multilateralism. This is the hour to reclaim and to renew it For it is. In times such as these, when wars rage across borders, when the shadow of existential threats falls across the future of human civilisation, when the old certainties are dissolving before our eyes that multilateralism must rise, multilateralism rests upon the proposition that our destinies are bound together, that the security of one, the security of one cannot be at the insecurity of another, and that in an interdependent world, cooperation is a necessity. And where there can be no enduring prosperity, when inequality deepens and no just international order, when rules are applied selectively. It is to that truth that this 81st session of the General Assembly must recommit itself. But recommitment cannot mean merely repeating the language of yesterday. The world has changed and multilateralism must change with it. We need a new and invigorated multilateralism, one equal to the turbulence of our age. Sufficiently courageous to confront its trials, sufficiently imaginative to navigate its transformations, and sufficiently principled to defend the rule of international law. To make the United Nations fit for purpose. We must make it more transparent, accountable, and responsive. We must strengthen the General Assembly and give great and give greater weight to its deliberative and representative authority. We must bring greater coherence to a system too often divided by institutional rivalries, bureaucratic silos, and competing mandates. We must ensure that the resources of the UN match the responsibilities we have entrusted to it. But institutions do not reform themselves. They require leadership capable of seeing beyond the present and imagining the institution the future demands. The United Nations needs leadership that can bring its different organs, agencies and programs into greater unity of purpose, leadership that can build bridges where division has become habitual. Leadership that can defend the principles of the charter without fear or favour. The United Nations needs its next general Secretary to work with all Member States to restore confidence in the organisation, mobilise its energies and turn the language of multilateralism from aspiration into action. The reform of the United Nations, the restoration of trust and the need to manage transformation, is therefore inseparable from the question of leadership, and the choice of its next secretary general will be, in no small measure, a choice about the kind of United Nations we wish to leave to the generations that follow. It is in this spirit that Guyana has put forward the candidature of Her Excellency Carolyn Rodrigues Burkitt. For the office of Secretary General of the United Nations. She has served her country, represented the developing world and work within the multilateral system with a deep understanding of both its promise and its imperfections. We believe that our experience, her convictions, her record of service, speak directly to the kind of leadership this moment demands. Her candidature, therefore, requires special significance. Amid the profound challenges confronting the United Nations and international order. We need leadership capable of restoring trust without compromising principles, of listening, without surrendering conviction of building bridges across the widening chasms between north and south, between large states and small, between the developed and developing world. We need a secretary general who will defend the charter not only when it is politically convenient, but precisely when its principles are under pressure. On a personal note, Mr. President, Carolyn Rodrigues Burkitt. Come from every experience. Her very upbringing crossed every struggle, every aspect of our accomplishment defined and broke barriers. An indigenous woman coming from a small indigenous village defying the odds. The odds against indigenous persons, the odds against women, the odds against poverty. Defining every challenge and rising to the top amidst those challenges Her character is built on struggle, sacrifice, commitment her accomplishments are crafted in her humanity. This is an individual of extreme qualities not because she is a Guyanese, not because she come from Guyana, but because I know personally and many of you know this too, the permanent representatives sitting here in New York, you know, her character knew who? You know her integrity. You know her will. You know her commitment. You know her love for humanity. You know her love for this world. And I know that this world will be a better place. With Caroline Rodrigues as the secretary general of the United Nations. In the humblest of ways, I call on the P5, the Security Council and every member and every member here to look beyond the small country that nominated her. Look beyond the small country that nominated her. Caricom as a body has endorsed her. And let us rise to the challenge of giving this indigenous woman the chance of helping us craft together the United Nations we want to see succeed. The responsibility for recommending the next Secretary general rests in the first instance with the Security Council, and we therefore respectfully place before its members the candidature of Caroline Rodrigues Burkitt, endorsed by the Caribbean community. We invite all to consider her candidacy on its merits and to judge whether her vision, experience, expertise and record can help restore confidence in the United Nations at this critical moment Mr. president, the United Nations was conceived in hope, and that hope remains alive in the pursuit of peace, security and human progress over the perpetuation of division and war. This is why we must not abandon multilateralism because it is imperfect. We must renew it because humanity still needs it. Let us therefore build a United Nations that does not merely reflect the world as it is, but help create the world as it ought to be. A world where law restrains power, cooperation overcomes division, and every human being can look to the future with hope. Ghana believes that the choice remains ours as to whether the divisions of our age will define the future, or whether nations can summon the will to build a more peaceful, secure and prosperous international order. The United Nations must be at the heart of that endeavour, not as an institution. Looking back at the world it was created to serve, but as one helping humanity shape the world that is yet to come. May God bless all of you. May God bless our humanity. May God guide us to peace and keep our world safe, our children safe, and give us all the worth, all to build nations that are prosperous.
Excellencies, with regard to socioeconomic development, achieving the Sustainable Development Goals and those of Agenda 2063 requires financial means that are commensurate with our ambitions. Yet many developing countries face considerable budgetary constraints, high financing costs, and a heavy debt burden. We, therefore, call for a reform of the international financial architecture to make it more equitable, more inclusive, and better adapted to the realities of developing countries. Such a reform must, in particular, provide access to predictable, affordable, sustainable financing, which is essential for accelerating the implementation of the SDGs and Agenda 2063.
The negative consequences of unjustified unilateral sanctions also affect small countries such as ours, which are at the stage of formation and development. In some cases, such practices led to interference in the internal affairs of independent states and contradict to the fundamental principles of international law. Some major states, in pursuit of their own interests, put pressure on smaller countries, such as Kyrgyzstan, attempting to force them to bargain over certain matters and issuing ultimatums. In this context, I would like to take this opportunity to note the decision made by the president of the United States, His Excellency Mr. Donald Trump, after taking office to halt funding of non-governmental organizations around the world. As a result, interference by NGOs in the internal affairs and policies of the developing countries has practically ceased. President Trump's decisions have created conditions for strengthening the sovereignty of states and enabling them to independently choose their own path of development. Therefore, taking this opportunity, I would like to express my appreciation to Mr. Trump for ending the funding of the NGOs. Distinguished colleagues, decisions to impose sanctions should be taken in accordance with the UN charter and exclusively within the mandate of the Security Council. We believe that the mandate to impose sanctions against the state should belong exclusively to the United Nations. In my view, this is the only possible way to improve the international sanctions system. First and foremost, we should introduce a mandatory mechanisms under which all sanctions and measures are reviewed in advance by the organization. The prior review of sanctions would help ensure that their potential humanitarian, economic and social consequences are taken into account. An important element of the proposed mechanism should be the enhanced transparency and accountability. States initiating sanctions should clearly indicate the legal basis for such measures, explain their necessity and objectives, and define clear criteria and conditions for their eventual removal. I believe it would be appropriate to establish, under the auspice of the United Nations, the Unified International mechanism for monitoring sanctions and reviewing them on a regular basis. Only then can the central role of the United Nations in maintaining international peace and security be strengthened and its mandate enhanced. This would also help eliminate the risk that sanctions being used arbitrarily by one country against another for political or economic gain. No state should act arbitrarily. The United Nations must be strong. Every country should tremble when the United Nations intends to impose sanctions. Only then, the strict international order can be established in the world. Otherwise, some decisions of the United Nations may no longer be taken seriously, while states simply act according to their own discretion. Every decision of the United Nations should be implemented without delay. If a state fails to implement such decisions and other countries cease cooperation with it, the effectiveness of sanctions will increase. Only then will a decision will be implemented promptly, and the United Nations will become a strong and respected organization. Otherwise, existing sanctions will become a sort of children's toy.
This must change. Excellencies, The second test of power is inequality. Inequality is often framed as an economic problem. It is a power problem. Power over opportunity, resources, voice. Never has humanity possessed so much wealth, knowledge, and technological capability. Yet for billions, progress remains out of reach. They see prosperity around them, but not for themselves. They are told globalization expands horizons, but they experience exclusion. They are promised that technology will unlock new possibilities, yet many fear it will take away their livelihoods. Meanwhile, billions of people still live without the essentials embedded in the Sustainable Development Goals. Food. Clean water. Education. Decent work. Health care. Dignity. Excellencies, No country should be denied a sustainable future because it is on the wrong side of a deeply unequal financial system. Yet so many throughout the developing world are being crushed by unsustainable debt. Battered by disasters they did little to cause. And locked out of affordable finance. That is why we have pushed relentlessly: For reform of the international financial architecture – which is not a technical debate, but a question of representation, fairness and power. For debt relief that is timely, effective and just. For Multilateral Development Banks that are bigger, bolder and better equipped to provide affordable long-term finance at scale and massively leverage private finance.
As an integral part of Europe, our country plays a significant role in ensuring the welfare and security of the European continent. The NATO Ankara summit, which we successfully hosted in July, was a concrete manifestation of our commitment to our common security. A Europe that excludes Turkey from its security architecture cannot. And let me say this clearly it cannot possibly be stronger or safer. We are shaping our future with the European Union precisely through this strategic vision, and we expect the same vision from the European Union as well. The Balkans is a region with which we have strong historical cultural and human ties. Within the Balkans Peace Platform, we are taking joint steps to deepen our cooperation with them, and our position on the South Caucasus is also quite clear. Namely, we hope for the establishment of lasting peace between Azerbaijan and Armenia. We commend and support the commitment to a solution demonstrated by President Aliyev and Prime Minister Pashinyan. We are also advancing with determination the normalization process between our country and Armenia. I would also like to express with pleasure the following. The Organization of Turkic States has become an exemplary model of regional cooperation that is growing in strength year by year. The 13th Leader Summit, to be held in Ankara on the 30th of October, will, we hope, open new doors and new horizons for the organization. The fourth Turkey Africa Partnership Summit, which we will organize in Libya in December, symbolizes the institutional partnership we have been building for more than two decades now. In South Asia, it is important that all disputes, including the Kashmir issue, be addressed through dialogue within the framework of the United Nations Charter and of relevant resolutions. Provided that constructive action is taken, all issues can possibly be resolved, and the same Applies to tensions on the African continent also. We fully support efforts for a ceasefire and for lasting peace in Sudan, as well as efforts to strengthen security, development and institutional capacity in Somalia. Meanwhile, maintaining stability and tranquility in Libya is our priority. It is imperative that the ongoing reconciliation process is led and owned by Libyans themselves. As Turkey, we continue to support the success of this process. Now, also through our Asia Anew Initiative, we continue to strengthen our relations with our partners in the Asia Pacific region. We regard the elevation of our relations with ASEAN to the level of dialogue partnership as a concrete outcome of this approach. Likewise, we are developing our relations with the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean on the basis of mutual respect, partnership and a win win approach.
A United Nations that delivers for all. This theme invites us to consider international cooperation in a world that is subject to profound challenges for Equatorial Guinea. Trust is strengthened when we fulfill commitments that have been made and decisions that have been adopted collectively, and when visible results can be produced The countries of the Global South need cooperation that preserves peace, that drives sustainable and inclusive growth, and that expands the ability of each state to build its own future. Therefore, 21st century cooperation should provide opportunities for the mobilisation of financing to transfer, transform raw materials and to develop one's own knowledge and technologies. Excellencies, this vision is especially relevant for Africa, which needs investments that can allow it to develop local value chains, build infrastructure, advance industrialization, strengthen human capital, incorporate new technologies and generate employment. Especially for the continent's large youth population. A more productive and industrialized Africa will be a stronger partner for all of the To benefit to the benefit of all of those wanting to halt its emigration. Excellencies. When the 2030 agenda was adopted, the world embraced its deeply human vision. Eradicating poverty, protecting the planet. And making sure that all people can live with dignity. Leaving no one behind. However, as we approach its end date, we are far from meeting its goals. Poverty persists, inequality is expanding, and climate change continues to rage. It is clear that we need an international financial architecture that facilitates productive investments, that takes into account the real vulnerabilities of developing countries, and supports the efforts of each nation. It is therefore urgent to implement the resolutions adopted at the conferences in Addis Ababa in 2015 and in Serbia last year.
Our network of free trade agreements provides access to a market of approximately 2.3 billion consumers. To support and further advance connectivity agenda, Georgia plans to invest USD 7 billion by 2032 in major transport infrastructure, modernizing the railway, developing the Anaklia Deep Sea port, building a new international airport in Tbilisi and expanding the highway network. At the same time, we believe that physical and digital connectivity are two parts of the same strategic agenda. Through a Black Sea submarine, fiber optic connection and next generation data infrastructure, Georgia aims to strengthen, secure, resilient and diversified digital links between Europe and Asia.
Mr. president, colleagues, on October 25th, 1971, right here in this August hall, the General Assembly adopted resolution 2758 at its 26th session with an overwhelming majority by which Unga decided to restore all the rights of the People's Republic of China in the UN and recognize the representatives of the government of the People's Republic of China as the only legitimate representatives of China to the UN. This is of profound and far reaching significance for both China and the world. Over the past 55 years, China has been a stabilizing force in times of volatility. China is firmly committed to pursuing peaceful development and has the best track record on peace and security among major countries. It is the largest contributor to peacekeepers among the permanent members of the UN Security Council. It also took the initiative that led to the issuance of the first joint statement of the leaders of the five nuclear weapon states on preventing nuclear war. China has been a main engine driving common development. China has created two miracles at home, namely fast economic growth and long term social stability. And over many years, it has contributed around 30% to global growth. China has joined hands with more than three fourths of the countries in the world in pursuing high quality Belt and Road cooperation. It has mobilized over 23 billion USD and carried out more than 2000 projects under the Global Development Initiative. And it has granted zero tariff status to all the African countries and LDCs, having diplomatic relations with it to empower the Global South in pursuing modernization. China has been a progressive force in an era of change. China has always spoken up for the global South, stood up for the legitimate rights and interests of developing countries, and continued to work toward a more just and equitable global governance system. In October, China will host the Global Governance Forum in the Xiong'an New area. You're welcome to attend the forum and join in the discussion about the way forward in global governance. Mr. president, colleagues. No matter how the international dynamics evolve, China remains unchanged in its pursuit of peace and development and its dedication to safeguarding, fairness and justice, and in its commitment to multilateralism. China will join hands with all other countries to build a community with a shared future for humanity and make the world a better place for all of us. Thank you.
Mr. President, there is another challenge that no country can face alone: natural phenomena. Today we are weathering a severe drought, and we are taking tangible decisions to support our most vulnerable citizens. The hurricanes that have beset us in the past, and today's drought, have the same root cause: that is a climate which is operating at increasing extremes, and that will affect the entire world for decades. Our response is not simply to react to these disasters. Rather, we are taking action by preparing as best we can to mitigate the effects of climate change. We are investing our own resources in protecting lives, harvests, and access to drinking water. However, we want to go further. Honduras is opening its doors to anyone developing new solutions for water, agriculture, early warning, and the infrastructure that our country requires.
I will switch— The same principles that underpin international law, human rights, the rule of law, and democratic governance are the principles that helped transform my country. Romania's evolution over the past 37 years proves the crucial importance of upholding these principles. Millions of Romanians know, from their personal experience, the difference between a communist system that oppressed them and stifled their initiative and freedom of choice, and a democracy that rewards work, innovation, and personal responsibility. This choice has turned Romania into one of Europe's most dynamic destinations in Europe for investment and industrial development. Romania has aligned itself with the standards of the OECD: leading global companies have established manufacturing, engineering, technology, and service centers in my country, attracted by our conducive business environment and highly skilled workforce. Our most important strategic asset is our people: Romanian scientists, engineers, physicians, and technology specialists are shaping the industries of the future—artificial intelligence, cybersecurity, defense technologies, advanced manufacturing, and robotics. Moreover, Romania is strengthening Europe's resilience: we are developing significant reserves of natural gas, critical minerals, and other strategic resources essential for securing supply chains and reducing dependence on unpredictable energy sources. Next year, we will begin extracting and exploiting 100 billion cubic meters of natural gas in the Black Sea. Romania is a gateway between Europe and the rest of the world, located at the intersection of the Danube, the Black Sea, and major trade corridors. My country serves as a strategic hub for trade, energy, and transport. Economic growth is all the stronger when it is based on partnership. Our message is simple: Romania is open to business and innovation.
Mr. President, digital transformation and the rise of artificial intelligence are rightly considered to be one of the great promises of our time. The Global Digital Compact must become a reality: affordable connectivity, skills transfer, data protection, and a governance of AI in which developing countries decide instead of simply being users. The transformation also requires facing history with lucidity. The wounds left behind by colonization are still being felt on our continent. Reparations are not simply reopening a feud of the past. They are a demand for justice for the future, recognition of the wrongs committed, restitution of cultural goods and archives, equitable cooperation, debt relief. There are many possible paths. The African Union has prioritized this, and the CAR fully supports these efforts.
Thus, the government of the Republic of Chad on the 27th of July 2026 informed the Secretary General of the United Nations as its depositary of its sovereign and irrevocable decision to withdraw from the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. This decision follows an in-depth consideration of how the court has functioned since it was set up in 2002. The data provided by the court, and the lessons learned from that, have shown us that in several states and among their populations, one can detect that the focus of the judicial activity of the court is on developing countries and in particular on Africa, which has become the target of political instrumentalisation. I'd like to be perfectly clear here. This choice does not mean we are announcing our responsibilities, nor are we becoming a refuge against justice, and even less so. Are we being complacent in the face of impunity? We will continue to strengthen our national courts and support credible, independent and effective African mechanisms that can protect victims and prosecute the perpetrators of the most serious crimes. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, nationally speaking through by the grace of God and thanks to the maturity of its people, Chad remains a country of peace and stability.
As he prepares to hand over the leadership of our organization and an international context marked by tension and uncertainty. I extend my best wishes. To his successor. At a time when confidence in international institutions is declining, and they are often perceived as favoring power politics over law. Our organization must rise above partisan interests. God willing the next leadership will embody unity and the renewal of a more credible multilateralism, and this will have the full support of the Comoros. He will be essential for that voice to defend the aspirations of developing countries, particularly small island and vulnerable states, and to foster collective responses to the challenges we share. For 81 years, this General Assembly. Has remained the central pillar of multilateralism. And now that we are meeting in New York, humanity is at a crossroads. Despite our efforts the Sustainable Development Goals of the 2030 agenda remain unfortunately out of reach. Growing inequalities, the climate emergency, the fragility of international peace all require renewed clarity and determination on our part.
We aim to build a strong state and a diversified and modern economy that keeps pace with global technological and digital transformations. And accordingly, we are working to employ all successful expertise and innovative experiences in the world of economics, finance and business, in service of a renaissance of economic and financial reform for my country We also do this to provide a safe environment for national and foreign investment. This vision is based on the great potential Iraq possesses. In terms of resources and investment opportunities in the fields of energy industry, agriculture, transport and technology. Not to mention Iraq's exceptional geographical location. Which connects its economy to the world. In this context. Our vision aims to move Iraq to a stage where it can be an effective production partner in the region by gradually reducing the role of the rentier economy. Strengthening open market policies. Developing production and export capacities. And investing in infrastructure and services. On this basis, we have developed the appropriate roadmap To support the private sector.
It is about distributive justice, who bears the cost. It is about procedural justice, who has a voice. It is about whether the future of mountain communities, small island states, landlocked and least developed countries, and generations yet unborn count equally. Starting tomorrow at the Sagarmatha to seaside event right here at the United Nations, Nepal is ready to help lead this conversation.
Your excellencies, some things demand our immediate attention, others demand sustained attention. Injustice demands both. Jordan understands this all too well. We know what it means to live in a region where one crisis arrives before the last one has receded, and we know that we cannot choose between responding to the emergency before us and building the future beyond it. So we're doing both. We are strengthening connections from the Gulf to the Mediterranean as a hub for trade, industry and technology while responding to humanitarian crises. We are confronting terrorism in the region and beyond, while developing our own defenses and remaining a frontline against threats like narcotics. We are protecting Christianity in its communities and heritage, in its native and historic land, while promoting the true image of Islam against the voices of hate. And through it all, we will not abandon our commitment to a just peace. We will continue to support Palestinian resilience, we will continue supporting UNRWA, and we will continue to uphold the Hashemite Custodianship and historic and legal status quo at Muslim and Christian holy sites in Jerusalem. Most importantly, Jordan is striving to build a different model principled, open and steady at a time when certainty is rare and politics can shift by the day. A country the world can count on, true to our principles, true to our word, ready to talk to everyone and ready to work with anyone seeking peace. However, our bias towards diplomacy will never supersede our commitment to human values and should not be taken for granted or mistaken for weakness. My friends, whether in Gaza, Sudan, Ukraine, or anywhere people live with war, displacement and fear. Whether crisis began weeks ago or has endured for decades, our principles cannot change with the world's attention. Military force cannot deliver meaningful solutions. It cannot feed the hungry, return the displaced, or build peace, nor can it repair our planet, manage mass migration, or guide technological progress.
Mr. president, we express our country's grave concern as the world continues its slide toward uncertainty and division. The erosion of trust among nations is rapidly reshaping the international order. Our collective inability to prevent conflicts, our collective indifference toward humanitarian crisis, and our collective reluctance to seek common solutions to shared challenges are all becoming normalised. Trust cannot be restored when international law is applied selectively and commitments remain unfulfilled. Our response must be grounded in the fundamental values we have affirmed together freedom, equality, justice and respect for human dignity. President Tokayev has repeatedly underscored the indispensable role of the United Nations as a single universal platform, uniquely capable of bringing the states together to address the challenges we face. But to fulfil its potential, UN must be able to act, adapt and deliver. We fully support the UN 80 initiative. The success of the reform should be measured not by what is cut or reorganised, but by whether the United Nations prevents conflicts more effectively, responds more rapidly to crisis and delivers better results for all member states. Central to this renewal is reform of the Security Council. Broader representation of Asia, Africa and Latin America in the Council, as well as greater voice for developing countries and for middle powers, is a moral imperative. Equitable geographical representation must apply throughout the United Nations system as a condition of legitimacy and credibility.
President, Liechtenstein joined the United Nations 36 years ago as its 160th member. We did so driven by the conviction that we, as one of the smallest members of the international community, should be part of the most important conversation on global governance, with the participation of all states, big or small, in developing international norms and standards, and also in upholding respect for them. Sovereignty was a key theme of our domestic discussions, resulting in our UN membership. We joined out of enlightened self-interest the belief that we need the UN to secure respect for our sovereignty through upholding international law as the basis for our security and prosperity. To this end, we also decided to make our own contribution to make best use of the opportunity offered to us as a small state, to be an active part of the biggest peace project in the history of humankind. President, our belief in the United Nations remains steadfast. This is the place where we can make our voice heard, where we can put ideas forward, and where we can gather to try to solve the issues that affect us all. We have greatly benefited from our membership, and the UN has consistently been a key platform for our foreign policy. Our membership has consistently enjoyed high levels of support in our population, but today we also find ourselves in a moment where instability and uncertainty dominate the conversation. Our organization no longer seems able to deliver on the key promises of the UN charter to save future generations from the scourge of war. It can no longer count on the unconditional support of its most powerful members for the guiding rules of international law. It is increasingly ignored or sidelined in efforts to address both the traditional and new challenges, such as the regulation of artificial intelligence. It is permanently squeezed financially. Legal obligations to pay are turned into tools to exercise political leverage. As a result the United Nations has moved down the foreign policy agenda, even of states who have a strong history of supporting it. We can no longer take it for granted that our people will continue their strongly positive views of our organization. President. This is the difficult moment in which we find ourselves. But rather than engaging in doomsday scenarios, we have to find the opportunities hidden in the challenge. The overwhelming majority of the states present in this room believe in the United Nations. They want to see positive change for the UN to emerge stronger, more effective, more relevant. But we all have to be prepared to be part of the change that we want to see. Resisting the temptation of collective inertia and of waiting for positive change to happen on its own, will require our active political investment. We are grateful to Secretary-General Guterres for his service to the organization, and for his proposals to adapt the organization to the needs of today. On the basis of his ideas, our delegations here have done good work that will show positive results over time. This is important. It shows that we can come together also during times of deep political division. It is also not enough. The steps we have taken are just the beginning of what we need, a political agreement that combines significant structural change with a reliable financial commitment and firm support for the UN charter from all. This is also the vision we are looking for in the person that will be appointed as the next Secretary-General. We hope that this decision will come very soon, in order to give the new Secretary-General the time she needs to prepare for this most unique of jobs. And we remain convinced that having a woman at the helm of the United Nations is long overdue for an organization that prides itself on its role in gender equality. President. At its core, the United Nations is a peace organization.
The Security Council must become more representative, more effective, and more accountable to the entire membership of the United Nations. Africa in particular, and it was said many times today, should have a stronger voice. And when the Security Council is paralysed, the General Assembly must be able to play its rightful role. The United Nations must reform so that it can deliver more effectively, particularly when resources are constrained. But reform must never become an end in itself. The purpose of institutions is to serve people. Ultimately, the test of multilateralism is not how many resolutions we adopt or how many meetings we hold. It's whether a child is safer because of our decisions. Whether a young person can receive an education, whether a family can live in dignity, whether a small country can believe that international law will protect it when power alone cannot. This is why trust matters, and this is why Luxembourg will continue to defend multilateralism. Because we know what happens when it fails. Madam president, climate change reminds us, perhaps more clearly than any other challenge, that we cannot solve global problems by acting alone. It transcends borders and generations. Small island developing states are already experiencing consequences that threaten their very existence. Luxembourg may be landlocked, but we are deeply committed to this common effort, including by drawing on the expertise of our financial centre in green finance. Our interests may differ, but our future is shared. Madam president, the world is becoming more fragmented. The international order is under strain. We need to recognise this reality. But we should not mistake a world of competing centres of power for a more just or stable international order. For Luxembourg, the answer is clear. Our experience has taught us that international law and multilateral institutions give countries, whatever their size, a voice and place at the table. It is not about resisting a changing world, but to make multilateralism fit for that world. I believe this is ultimately what the United Nations asks of us, not that we agree on everything, not that we abandon our national interests, but that we recognise that there are challenges for which no nation, however powerful, can find lasting solutions alone. We can look at the imperfections of multilateralism and conclude that it no longer works, or we can reform it fairly, strengthen it, and make it worthy of the trust that future generations will place in us. I know which choice I want to make, because this is the world I want to leave to my children. A world where dialogue is stronger than confrontation, where respect between nations allows differences to become sources of strength rather than division. Where international law protects the weak as well as the strong. If we restore trust, if we listen to the next generation, and if we have the courage to act together, the United Nations can continue to be more than a reflection of the world as it is. It can remain an instrument for building the world we want to leave behind. A world worthy of the trust of those who will inherit it. Young people do not expect us to solve every challenge, but they do expect us to try. They expect us to act with responsibility. And above all, they expect us not to lose faith in our ability to shape a better future.
The system must thus become more inclusive, equitable, and responsive to the realities of the middle-income countries. Mr. President, the world is experiencing increasing devastating floods, heat waves, frequent hurricanes, and prolonged periods of drought. At times, it feels that we are at war with Mother Nature. At this point, Namibia reiterates its solidarity with the government and people of Nepal following the recent flood in that country. Namibia continues to face significant climatic changes as a result of climate change, including recurring droughts, rising temperatures, and growing pressure on agriculture and water resources. Yet, Namibia contributes less than 0.01 percent of the global greenhouse gas emissions, and it bears a disproportionate share of the impact of climate change like other developing countries. In the spirit of climate justice, we call for a greater responsibility by those who have contributed the most to the global greenhouse gas emissions, including through increased support for countries that are most vulnerable to climate impact. It is through sustainable climate financing that we will be able to achieve Sustainable Development Goal 13 to combat climate change.
These organizations will do that with the full force of the law. But doing that is not enough. If at the same time, we do not tackle the challenge that is developing a better educational system. There need to be effective opportunities for learning for our children and young people. It's only through providing those that young people and adults can enter the labour markets. Instead of being recruited by criminal groups. Consequently, our second challenge will be that of making education a tool for social transformation and a tool for the prevention of violence and crime. The quality of education and the depth of learning enjoyed by our children and young people is a predictor of higher a higher quality of life, because such education makes it possible to develop higher income, better health habits, and that serves the cause of social mobility. On the other hand, we've noted that shortcomings and weak points in our education system combine with other factors to predict crime and indeed, fuel crime. With that in mind, my government has launched a wholesale reform of the Peruvian education system. This reform will strengthen educational infrastructure. It will increase the provision of digital learning and the provision of educational material. We will also bolster. The resources given to teachers to teach. At the heart of our reform will be the creation of a head teacher training school. The goal is to equip head teachers with the tools and skills they need to lead their schools independently, so that schools can become inspiring models that promote the participation of parents in this mission. That is, that of making every child as a citizen that stands in solidarity with others, respects them, and a citizen proud of their country. I must recognize that an ideological cultural agenda that is not in line with our reality and the imposition of it, has sowed confusion and disorder of such magnitude that today, teachers in our schools are not able to keep order in the classroom. They cannot discipline their classes because they cower under the threat of being reported. We need to re-establish the principle of respect for authority. We will make our classrooms safe spaces in which children go to learn and teachers go to teach without fear. This is our agenda. It is not that of anyone else being imposed. The role of a state is to withdraw unfair barriers, barriers that stymie people's development.
We have devised resilient, flexible economic plans and remained committed to our development projects, despite the severe adverse impact of the war and the heavy price it has exacted. At every juncture and in every crisis, we have chosen to combine resilience with flexibility and to place the interests of our nation, our people and those residing on our soil above all else. Our values are not mere slogans we proclaim, but a reality we live by. They are values that we put into practice. At their core is the conviction that the dignity of the nation cannot be compromised, and that wisdom and firmness are two sides of the same coin. This approach is firmly anchored in our nation. This approach has been championed by the leaders of Qatar, from the founder, Sheikh Jassim bin Mohammed bin Thani, to His Highness Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, our Emir from 1995 to 2013. May Allah have mercy on his soul. He passed away this year and was mourned with profound affection and gratitude by his people and all peace loving nations and people across the region and around the world. On this occasion, I would like to thank the United Nations General Assembly for convening a special session in honor of his memory and in recognition of his legacy. The experiences and challenges we have confronted have demonstrated that resilience is the outcome of prior planning, preparedness and investment in people and national capabilities. Accordingly, over the years, we have worked on assessing risks, securing supply chains, strengthening the capabilities of our national institutions, developing strategic reserves and forging trusted international partnerships. Recognizing the nexus of peace, security, development, human rights and the rule of law, the State of Qatar maintains its investment in development, education, health, security and economic diversification in conformity with the Qatar National Vision 2030. Your Excellencies. There can be no talk of a just international order, as long as Palestine remains a blind spot within it.
of this United Nations, my country, Saint Lucia, though small in geography, but large in courage, dignity and conviction, took its seat among the community of nations brimming with hope, optimism and trust in the promise and goals of this body. Today we meet at a moment of profound international uncertainty. Conflict is spreading, trust is eroding, developmental gains are being reversed, and the rules intended to protect humanity are too often applied selectively. For small island developing states, these crises are not abstract. They are lived realities. Climate change threatens our homes, livelihoods and very existence. Debt limits our ability to invest in people. Digital technologies are transforming our societies. Without safeguards, they can reproduce old patterns of domination in a new form. And in our own Caribbean neighborhood, people of Haiti continue to endure a humanitarian and security crisis that demands more than statements of concern. The theme before us, Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: a United Nations that delivers for all, must not remain a slogan. Trust will be restored only when promises are matched by action, when commitments are honored, and when the United Nations delivers meaningful results for every nation. And when there is due regard for multilateral principles, not only for the most powerful, but for the weakest of us as well. This assembly should not be a place where the world expresses sympathy without accepting responsibility. We need action. We need justice. And we need a renewed international compact based not on power, but on principle. We need multilateralism, not unilateralism. And in the words of the former UN secretary general, the United Nations was not created in order to bring us to heaven, but in order to save us from hell. For Saint Lucia, climate change is not a distant environmental issue. It is a direct threat to national security, economic stability, food and water security, and human survival.
Climate disasters and extreme weather patterns threatens our people, our prosperity, and our hard won development gains. In the last year, 2 million people in the Southern African Development Community suffered a combined and debilitating impact of floods, cyclones, wildfires and disease outbreaks Our responses are severely constrained by a climate finance architecture stacked against developing nations. Global action on disaster resilience and predictable financing for a just energy transition is essential if international cooperation is to deliver for all. Our continent has the world's largest reserves of critical minerals.
Mr. president, Your Excellencies, peace and development are inseparable, which compels us to consider strategies that can help accelerate the implementation of the 2030 agenda. The important decisions adopted under the Pact for the Future and the Seville Commitment can help advance development programmes in Africa. However, in order to achieve concrete results in these areas, it is essential to ensure affordable financing, debt relief, technology transfer, capacity building and a greater participation of international financial institutions. African countries spend far more resources on the exorbitant cost of debt servicing than they are able to invest in health, education, infrastructure development programmes. This situation obviously limits productive investment, deepens inequalities and economic disparities, and threatens economic and social stability. In view of this, it is imperative to correct these distortions and I therefore reiterate the call for the immediate reform of the international financial architecture in order to make it fairer, more equitable, democratic and geared towards the progress and wellbeing of humankind. These challenges are inherently complex, and are further exacerbated by climate change, which has a severe impact on Africa with severe and prolonged droughts, floods, desertification, food insecurity and population displacement. This situation clearly illustrates the need to establish predictable, affordable and additional climate financing without further aggravating the debt of developing countries.
So it's up to the challenges ahead and building beyond multilateralism, with new coalitions and partnerships to address and solve complex problems. As a middle power, Australia is showing leadership and working with others on fresh ideas to tackle the big issues now facing the world in our region, the Indo Pacific. We are elevating relationships that help to build sovereign capability and offer nations sovereign choice free from coercion, so that our partners can address the big issues confronting them. Economic security, human development, energy security, transnational crime, sovereign capabilities, trade and investment, and science and technology. Whether it's our support for our Pacific family, our partnerships in South East Asia the elevation of our relationships with Japan, India and the Republic of Korea, or the deepening of our partnerships with Europe and Canada. This is our approach. We seek to amplify the voices of small and mid-sized states to ensure council decisions are informed by the widest possible perspectives. Working strongly together on issues that matter to us, to them, and to the world. Listening. Partnering. Protecting. We are developing these new partnerships while continuing to work closely with our principal ally, the United States, and our major trading partner in China.
One of my favorite bands when I was growing up was Talking Heads. And little did I know that the time that David Byrne iconic song We Are On a Road to Nowhere would ring so prescient for decades later. For the first time, for the first time in the history of our species, we have created a technology that openly challenges the supremacy of the human mind as the pinnacle of our evolutionary development. I will not dwell on the positive, transformational potential of this revolutionary technology, whether in disease eradication, productivity enhancement or fighting climate change. However, it is simply impossible to ignore the fact that at present, the risks of an unchecked and unregulated advance in artificial intelligence could greatly outweigh its potential benefits When the people developing the technology tell us openly that, left unchecked, AI could outrun our ability to control the systems. The same people admit that we only understand a tiny fraction of what goes on in these models. Alarm bells should ring very loudly for all of us. In simple words, the AI bosses are telling us that they have no idea on how recursive self-improvement. The ability of AI to constantly create better versions of itself actually works. Add to that the possibility of massive job destruction, the likelihood of unprecedented wealth creation in the hands of very few, and the impact that AI may have on the very nature of human relationships, especially for our kids. And you have all the ingredients of an unprecedented political and social upheaval. The idea that big tech companies will find some voluntary arrangement to self-regulate the development of AI is naive. It flies in the face of everything we know about the history of capitalism The prize for the winners is simply too great to believe that benign consideration for the well-being of humanity will outweigh the relentless drive of capital to constantly seek better returns. And given that the leading AI models are being developed here in the United States, this is primarily an issue for the US government to address. Unfortunately, there are precedents from which we draw lessons. In the 1940s and the 1950s, the American government heavily regulated another technology so powerful that its creators believed it could bring about either a golden age in human flourishing or the end of the world. That technology was nuclear. The same needs to happen now, and it needs to happen fast. AI companies need to be licensed based on specific requirements, adherence to human values, transparency, and most importantly, safety. In order for a new plane to fly, it has to undergo a myriad of rigorous tests approved by the regulator The same is not true for a frontier artificial intelligence model. At the same time, I take the call by leading AI executives for a voluntary pause in the development of their models. Very seriously, but only, I repeat only as a temporary measure to buy time for a powerful regulatory authority to be set up. Liberal capitalism has a history of reining in market excesses. Whether it was breaking a powerful monopolies, or setting rules and standards to allow the market to operate with an eye on the common good. And the same needs to happen now. And as much as the cooperation of China and the rest of the world is necessary to address this huge challenge, the fate of artificial intelligence and the impact it will have on humanity as a whole will not be decided in Brussels, in Tokyo or Brasilia. It will be decided primarily here in the United States. With great power comes great responsibility.
We have done so through our official development assistance and have deepened our solidarity with the Global South. To date, Japan has provided ODA totaling over 670 billion USD to developing countries and regions, and has dispatched almost 60,000 Japan Overseas Cooperation volunteers to 99 countries. Additionally, Japan has been promoting initiatives towards achieving universal health coverage UHC across the globe. Since 1993, Japan has co-organized the TICAD together with the United Nations. TICAD has served as a platform for reflecting Africa's voice in the Sustainable Development Goals, SDGs and for Japan to first put forward the concept of FOIP. Africa is endowed with a dynamic young population and possesses enormous economic potential. Japan will continue to promote its diplomacy towards Africa, so that Japan and Africa can become more resilient and prosperous together. For example, we will promote industrial development, job creation and enhanced connectivity in Africa.
Accordingly, Kuwait has based its development in humanitarian diplomacy on a pioneering role for the Kuwait Fund for Arab Economic Development. Since 1961, the fund has contributed to financing development projects in 107 countries. This stems from a belief that addressing the root causes of crises is not limited to security measures, but requires supporting development, providing the foundations for a life of dignity, and building more resilient and stable societies. At the national level, Kuwait is confidently progressing towards its Kuwait Vision 2035 by accelerating the implementation of development projects, diversifying its economy and sources of income, continuing its digital transformation, empowering women and youth, developing its legislation and consolidating governance and transparency.
There can be no sustainable peace in a world of widening economic disparities, where some states spend more on servicing their debt than on the health of their citizens and education of their children. This does not absolve developing countries of their responsibility to undertake reform, combat corruption and build institutions. But those efforts require a fairer and more equitable international economic order, one that offers them genuine opportunities to advance. Mr. president, our shared responsibility is equally evident in the face of the profound transformations our world is undergoing. Climate change threatens the lives and livelihoods of millions. Those countries that have contributed least to it bear its gravest consequences. This calls for equitable adaptation, finance and technology transfer. At the same time, the artificial intelligence revolution is opening unprecedented horizons for progress across every sphere of life.
It is no longer acceptable for the world to regard the Sahel merely as a source of resources, an arena for international competition, or a footnote in global decision-making. Africa, whose journey we have followed since the founding of the African Union, is not the margin of the world; it is one of the centers of the world to come. Libya does not lie on the edge of Africa; Libya is of Africa, of its history, of its security, and of its future. Decades ago, an African will emerged from the Libyan city of Sirte that contributed to the establishment of the African Union. That fact reminds us that Libya has never been merely a bridge between Africa and the Mediterranean, but a partner in shaping the African project itself. We, therefore, view the security of the Sahel region as part of Libya's own security and stability. We view the security and stability of the states of the region and all our African neighbors, near and far, together with developing Africa, all as investment in the common security of Africa and its European neighborhood. This is not assistance provided by one party to another, nor is it a responsibility borne by one party alone. Likewise, we view the Mediterranean basin not as a barrier between Africa and Europe, but as a shared space of connection. Relations among its countries should move from beyond merely managing migration and crises toward making the Mediterranean a bridge for development, trade, energy transition, investment, and common security. Ladies and gentlemen. Geographically and politically, Libya stands at the meeting point of these worlds.
All those who provide them with support, financing or arms must be held accountable. Mr. president, there can be no way to sustain peace and development without effectively addressing the challenge of climate change, which is no longer a future threat. It is already affecting water and food security, as well as the stability of territories, economies and the living conditions of populations. Despite its limited contribution to greenhouse gas emissions, Morocco remains among the countries most vulnerable to the impacts of climate change. Accordingly, in line with the vision of His Majesty King Mohammed VI, may God assist him The Kingdom has adopted a proactive policy based on the continued construction of dams, the interconnection of water basins, seawater desalination, the reuse of treated wastewater and the rationalization of water resource management, particularly in the agricultural sector. This national effort forms part of an international commitment to climate action. On that basis, the Kingdom has set for the period 2026 2035, a target of reducing greenhouse gas emissions by up to 53% by 2035, while placing adaptation and the strengthening of territorial resilience at the top of its priorities. This effort has extended to the African continent, which suffers from the devastating effects of climate change. The Royal Initiative to establish three African climate commissions for the Congo Basin the Sahel region and the African island states, has generated promising momentum to strengthen African climate action and coordination among the states of the continent in addressing these challenges. However, addressing climate change cannot rely on national efforts alone. It requires the provision of affordable and accessible financing, technology transfer and genuine international solidarity, enabling developing countries to fulfill their responsibilities towards present and future generations alike. Mr. president, Madam President, the Palestinian question remains a constant priority in the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Morocco, based on its belief in the justice of this, that this is a just cause and its central to achieving peace and stability in the Middle East region.
The integration is built through roads that bring people closer, with energy that crosses borders, infrastructures that transform neighboring communities into single communities, a transformation that requires fair and sustainable financing conditions. Your Excellencies, with less than four years remaining for the achievement of the 2030 Agenda, developing countries continue to face high financing costs, rising debt, and limited access to resources to invest in their own development. We continue to advocate for a fair international architecture, more predictable and accessible financing, and sustainable solutions for the debt. It is also necessary that the access to concessional financing takes into account the country's vulnerabilities beyond just the income.
Yet the measure by which we are assessed sees none of it. It sees income and it sees nothing else. It does not capture the full story of my nation, the true cost of our geographic isolation, the fragility of our limited economic base, or the devastating impact a single disaster can have on our people and our progress. In January 2027, Naoero will be considered a high income country in the OECD system. That does reflect real progress. But progress should not be punished because 58% of our revenue comes from bilateral arrangements that are not ours to renew. 87% of the food our people eat is purchased and imported. We have one runway, one port, one road that connects everywhere. None of that appears in how we are assessed. That is why we strongly support the Multidimensional Vulnerability Index, or MVI, and the United Nations efforts to pilot the tool. Its full implementation is essential to ensuring that countries like ours are fairly assessed and adequately supported. It recognizes that vulnerability is complex and it must be seen, measured and acted upon. Mr. president, we acknowledge the significant progress made by some development partners and financial institutions in adopting vulnerability assessments and reviewing the eligibility criteria. The Asian Development Bank, ADB, weighs vulnerability alongside the income and its own policy names my nation as the clearest example of why income alone conceals what small island states face. As a country that is ranked the fifth most vulnerable country in the world on the index and the most vulnerable in the Pacific, we welcome these developments as positive steps. But a gap remains. Not all have taken the necessary steps to truly recognise our realities. I therefore urge all who have yet to do so, including the World Bank, to weigh vulnerability alongside income in decisions on eligibility, as the ADB already does. If the international community is truly serious about restoring trust and managing transformation, it must demonstrate that commitment where it matters most with those who are most vulnerable.
And very often the countries with the least economic room to maneuver bear the greatest burden in proportionate terms. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea confers rights, but it also imposes obligations. The safety of navigation, the protection of the marine environment, and respect for the rights of coastal states. A smaller navy doesn't mean fewer rights, nor does a larger one confer the right to impose its will. No country should have to surrender the rights the law gives simply because another can send more ships. That is why maritime disputes must be settled by law, not by intimidation. And that is why freedom of navigation depends on common rules, so that every country can exercise its rights while respecting those of others, but keeping our sea routes open also means keeping them safe all the way into our ports. The International Ship and Port Facility Security Code, the famous ISPS code offers a very concrete example of what multilateralism can achieve when it works. Piracy, terrorism and crime are scourges that we must fight together, and that code must be strengthened. Belgium understands its importance. Freedom and security are not opposing ideas. Security is a condition of freedom. I dwell on freedom of navigation because it illustrates something larger. Sovereignty doesn't require isolation. We can defend our interests while accepting that others have rights too. And when rules are clear and predictable enough, a space of competition can still remain a space of cooperation. The ocean, moreover, are far more than the highways of our trades. They feed populations, regulate our climates, and absorb much of the excess heat caused by global warming. For many small island states, rising sea levels affect the land on which the citizens live, in some cases, the culture and the very ability to remain where the families have lived for generations. The freedom to use the ocean, therefore, comes with a responsibility to preserve it. And on this point, allow me to be optimistic. The BBNJ Agreement entered into force this year after almost 20 years of negotiations, almost 20 years. Measured against a political cycle, this is close to an eternity. Measured against the building of international law, it is sometimes the time needed to reach a compromise strong enough to last. The agreement proves that even today, we continue to build international law rather than dismantle it, and Belgium has invested greatly in this process. It helped launch the Blue Leaders, a coalition of countries working to protect at least 30% of the ocean by 2030 and secure an ambitious high sea treaty. The agreement now gives us an essential tool to advance toward that protection goal. But 20 years of negotiations must not be followed by years of waiting. It is in that spirit that Belgium is offering to host the treaty's future secretariat in Brussels. We are ready to enable it to work from day one. It will be able to draw on our scientific expertise and on a community that brings together international organizations, embassies and civil society so that we have agreed together becomes real protection at sea. Beneath those same oceans run other vital routes: the cables that connect the continents and carry much of our digital communications and energy. Here too, our interdependence is plain to see. A break, an act of sabotage or an attack can have consequences thousands of kilometers away. Protecting those connections is essential, but our responsibility in the digital world doesn't end with infrastructure.
It has immense potential, but also poses the risk of new fractures. Its governance should not be the sole remit of certain powers or corporations. Developing countries ought to be able to participate in defining its rules and to access the capacities that determine its use. The DRC supports the UN Global Dialogue on AI Governance, as well as the creation of a global capacity-building fund. The digital divide must not become an intelligence divide. This need for inclusion ought, first and foremost, to be reflected in global governance. Africa has proven itself, over time, to be a demographic, diplomatic, and geopolitical power, a vital one, but it still remains inadequately represented where decisions are being made about the world's future. How can we fail to mention the historic anomaly that is the absence of Africa among the permanent members of the Security Council?
We cannot call upon security in and of itself to bear the burden of peace. Economic recovery needs to be the other pillar. This is why we welcome the decision taken by the administration of President Donald Trump to extend through 2028 the trade preference known as HOPE/HELP. We are deeply grateful for this gesture of friendship, which is an important step for our economic recovery, and we call for it to be extended by ten years. We also want to extend our gratitude to the United Kingdom for the Developing Countries Trading Scheme, and we call upon more countries to put in place similar mechanisms that are capable of transforming access to markets and to opportunities for trade and investment. Haiti needs investment to craft its future. This is why today Haiti is calling for a paradigm shift. We need to move from aid to investment, from assistance to production, from dependency to partnership, and we must gradually transform resources mobilized in order to manage the crisis into investments that can create jobs and sustainable opportunities, in particular for our young people and our women. Because when you no longer hear the sound of the guns, you need to hear the sounds of peace: engines that are starting, construction sites that are beginning work again, bustling markets, women that are running businesses, young people that are working, the laughter of children that are playing, and our streets that again, are rediscovering the rhythm of our music and our life. Those who have had the privilege of knowing Haiti know that this country exists behind the images of crises. There's a people that is welcoming and has a vibrant culture with unique knowledge, with stunning beaches and heritage, and exceptional richness. We need to recreate the conditions so that the world can come to Haiti again to discover it, invest in it, do business there and stay there and come back.
Ladies and gentlemen. 14 years ago, I stood on this podium and I drew a red line. I vowed to prevent Iran's murderous dictatorship from developing atomic bombs, nuclear weapons aimed at destroying Israel, nuclear weapons that could threaten the entire world. That's exactly what we did. Now let me say something that might surprise you. Devastating Iran's nuclear facilities was hard. It was very hard to do. But for me, it was one of the easiest decisions I've ever had to make as prime minister, because if we hadn't done it, we'd all be dead. Now you want to hear the ultimate irony in defending itself? Israel is also defending many of the countries whose delegates just left this hall. In fact, I want you to know that many of their leaders even thank us privately for taking out Iran's nukes. It's hard to imagine more mind blowing hypocrisy, but that's exactly what it is. Now, this isn't the first time we are faced with a threat of annihilation. On June 5th, 1967 Israel was surrounded by enemies who openly swore to destroy us. We weren't. Then in Judea, Samaria, the heart of the historic homeland of the Jewish people. We weren't in Gaza. We weren't on the Golan Heights. Oh, and Mr. O'Hara, you should know, the Jews have been on the Golan Heights since the days of Moses. You can read it in the Bible. No. At that time, on the eve of the Six-Day war in 1967, we weren't in any of these places. We were in a tiny sliver of land. We still are. That is equal to about one third of 1% of the landmass of the entire Arab world. Yet they accuse Israel tiny Israel of colonialism, some colonialism. And who's accusing us? Well, among them are people in Britain and in France. For God's sakes, they invented the term. Their colonies embraced the entire globe. Colonialism gave us a break. Another lie. Yet at the time, on this tiny patch of earth, no West Bank, no Gaza, no Golan Heights, just the very survival of this one and only Jewish state. Because this is what this conflict is about.
I would also like to commend the memory of the late General Sadio Camara, Minister of Defense of Mali, whose ultimate sacrifice will forever be associated with the history of the Confederation of the States of the Sahel. May Allah grant him eternal Paradise. Amen. Ladies and gentlemen, we remain open to any security cooperation, of course, which takes into account our strategic interests, mutual interests and respect for our sovereignty with Burkina Faso and Mali. Niger, within the Confederation of Sahel states, is developing cooperation that is focused on defense and security, diplomacy and development. This responds to a requirement for solidarity between peoples that face common challenges. On the 16th of September 2023 in Bamako, Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso signed the Liptako-Gourma Charter, giving birth to the Alliance of Sahel States on the 6th of July 2024 in Niamey. Our three heads of state, President Assimi Goita of Mali, President Ibrahim Traoré of Burkina Faso and President Abdourahamane Tiani of Niger took the historic step of creating the Confederation of Sahel states. Two years later, the institutional structure of this confederation is practically complete. A unified force of 5000 men is conducting the coordinated fight against the mercenaries afflicting our three territories on our borders. This force can be mobilized to a ceiling of 15,000 men. That must be underscored. A confederation investment and development bank has been created. It finances our projects and programs using our own resources. A Confederation biometric passport has been in use since the 29th of January 2025. A television channel, a press agency and a shared radio carry the voice and the message of the AES. More recently, from the 26th to the 29th of August 2026, the first meetings of the Confederation Parliament were held in Niamey, thus completing our institutional architecture. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Niger is a country of peace. Truly a country of peace.
We must anticipate the consequences of a world in which force is once again being presented ever more openly as the most reliable instrument of policy, in which military budgets are growing, conflicts are multiplying, arms control mechanisms are weakening, and channels of communication are disappearing precisely when they are needed most. We must, therefore, ask the essential question: Where is the United Nations in such a world? The Security Council is often blocked precisely in the crisis in which it should be most active. Other parts of the UN system face financial pressures, overlapping mandates, bureaucratization, and the justified demand of member states to see more concrete results. These are real problems, and there is no benefit in gloating over them. Yet it by no means follows that we need the United Nations less. We may need it more than ever. It simply must be more effective, more focused, and more prepared to address the issues for which it was created. Over the past eight decades, states have not come to this building because they share the same interests, but because they understood that the cost of settling disagreements by force of arms was too high. That is why multilateralism came into being and why we are here today. Serbia supposed the United Nations in reform of the UN system so that the organization may become more effective and better adapted to today's realities. We advocate a more representative UNSC through greater representation of developing countries, particularly those from the African continent, as well as more inclusive regional representation and the addition of another seat for the Eastern European group.
In a divided world, we have the ability to bring people together and we will. We are going to step into that role, and we are going to start with one of the most significant challenges and opportunities of our age, frontier AI. AI brings together so many of the most pressing issues before us. It is already speeding up cancer diagnosis in the UK, but AI has the potential to go further, not just to help prevent and treat cancer, but to help cure it. AI will also be the key to economic growth, the route to transforming education, and it will be a vital tool to keep us safe. I am announcing today that we are developing a new AI defence partnership with the United States to protect our critical national infrastructure, but we know that AI will also be a source of disruption to the way we live and work, a multiplier of risk. We've all heard the warnings which we must heed. I know how worried people are, so we have to rise to this moment. Fundamental decisions on this technology are too important to be left to chance. They must be taken by elected governments who serve working people, and we need to give people the support they need through this change, ensuring that it becomes an engine for reindustrialisation and opportunity as well. There is a lesson from the first industrial revolution, which started in northern England two centuries ago. It was a time of incredible technological progress, but for workers, the disruption brought huge suffering and exploitation. Things got a lot worse before they got better. So this time we need to get it right. I believe we're more than equal to the task. The UK has some of the best tech and AI talent anywhere in the world. And when it comes to guarding against the risks, we have our world leading AI Security Institute working hand in glove with the US and the leading labs on AI safety. But we need to go further. Building on the meeting convened by His Majesty King Charles last week, I can announce today that I am going to put AI at the heart of the UK's G20 presidency next year. I look back at how we responded to the financial crisis back in 2008. We moved quickly in the G20 and smaller groups to deliver an urgent, practical response. We came together to agree principles which everyone implemented at home in a way that was right for them. And it worked. That is the kind of approach we need now. So we will bring the right people together on the key issues, delivering on the potential of AI for good and dealing with the risks. And we will work towards agreeing a single set of global principles and standards to ensure the transparency and access we need to increase our preparedness and to ensure that AI development is safe. This will bring together welcome initiatives from others like that proposed by Norway this week. As His Majesty said, the task before us is not merely to advance technology, but to ensure that it remains firmly in the service of humanity. And I want to reassure the British people that ultimately, we will do whatever is necessary to protect them, including bringing forward new laws, if that is what is needed. They need to know that we will protect their interests and we will.
We look forward to your stewardship of this assembly, and we move to restore trust and indeed to carry reforms from proposals to implementation. But reform cannot be selective. We cannot move swiftly to reorganise offices and reporting lines while allowing the most consequential questions of power and representation to remain unresolved. Transformation and development. Peacekeeping and humanitarian aid cannot succeed if member states are unwilling to fund it Let's be very clear no organizational chart can overcome the refusal of states to respect decisions that they find inconvenient. We cannot continue to ask international organisations to do more, while failing to provide them with the resources necessary to fulfil the mandates that we ourselves have agreed. And if member states believe in the institutions that they have created, then we must also be prepared to sustain them. Barbados has consistently met that responsibility, and I give this body the assurance that we will continue to do so. Our commitment to multilateralism, to an international rules based order, must be measured not only by what we ask of these institutions, but by our willingness to support them. So yes, let us improve the machinery, but let us also reform the exercise of power. The Security Council still has 15 members, five of them permanent. And armed with that veto. Africa, with 54 states has no permanent seat. And you've heard speaker after speaker after speaker come to this platform to say that this must change. Small island developing states equally confront threats that now reach squarely into the council's mandate from climate and security and illicit armed arm flows to organised crime and displacement. And yet, despite constituting one quarter of the world's states, we have no assured representation within the councils. This, to my friends, must change. And the world we know has already changed. The council has not changed with it. But reform is not only about who sits at the table, it is about how power is exercised. Barbados is therefore joining 123 other member states in supporting the Franco-mexican initiative on the use of the veto in the cases of mass atrocities. Its principle is fundamental where populations face genocide, crimes against humanity, or large scale war crimes, the veto should not be allowed to paralyse the Security Council when action is most urgently needed. This is why people are losing trust in the United Nations and its council. Mr. president, it's not fair to the majority of member states who still believe in the promise of this body, even as we call for greater equity with the reform of the Security Council.
We've made great strides, very great strides with Mexico. They don't want the cartels either. And when that day comes, this entire region will be a better, safer and more beautiful place in which to live and thrive. As I announced just days ago, the United States has also reached an unprecedented agreement regarding the northern frontier of North America, the large and strategically vital piece of land known as Greenland. This agreement, made with the Kingdom of Denmark, an incredible, beautiful country, and the Greenland people itself gives the United States permanent control over security and all other needs. On that territory, we will have the complete ability to do what is necessary to defend the American continent, and also Europe and other places. No U.S. adversary will ever be permitted to establish a military presence in Greenland anymore, or make sensitive investments there. Without our express written approval, we will immediately begin the process of developing a large military presence in the appropriate locations. We will be building two very major military bases. This agreement will be signed later today, and I look forward to working with the wonderful people of Denmark and Greenland. It's been a great experience, amazing experience, and we've really formed a bond in doing it. By expanding America's footprint in the Arctic and North Atlantic. This deal also protects Europe in addition to America and greatly protects them. It also very much enhances NATO with who has a great leader in. Mark, I know you're in the audience and you are indeed a great leader, Mark Rutte, which is now growing stronger than ever before. NATO is doing things that nobody thought they would be able to do, including raising their number to 5% from 2% number. That's a protection that's going to be much greater protection for them. We continue to seek an end. The disastrous war between Russia and Ukraine, which is killing, as I said, thousands and thousands of people every month Last week, in honor of Senator Lindsey Graham, I signed a powerful new law passed by Congress providing me with enormous new tariff authorities And if necessary, I will have to use them. It's time to stop the killing. I also want to recognize the extraordinary work of our great First Lady, who has secured the safe return of many displaced Ukrainian and Russian children back home to their families. So many. Thank you very much, First Lady. Thank you. Very much. Where is our First lady? Where is she? She's around here someplace. Can you imagine? I can't see the First lady. Thank you very much, first lady. Great job. She worked so hard on it this year. She also became the only first lady in history to preside over a meeting of the U.N. Security Council. And she did it very well. And today, she's hosting a gathering of fostering the Future Together, which has nearly 60 members to help improve the lives of young people all over the world.
