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Mr. President, the theme of this session—restoring trust, managing transformation, the United Nations that delivers for all— expresses perfectly the challenge that we must collectively address to restore the hope that the UN nurtured when it was created. For the DRC, this session is another occasion to reaffirm its faith in a multilateralism based upon the unwavering quest for peace and justice, which paved the way not to the prosperity of a select few, but to the creation of a true common horizon for peoples and generations of the future. This faith, however, calls upon us to be clear-eyed about the world's transformations, and to ask about the ability of the UN to evolve alongside it. For our peoples have never ceased to believe in the need for international cooperation, a cooperation which, at the most difficult times, can be promptly mobilized but, in other circumstances, may seem to drag its feet when territorial integrity is vigorously defended in one crisis but seems negotiable in another, when the suffering of civilians calls for immediate action in one place but seems less urgent in another. In reality, there can be no lasting trust when the force of our principles varies depending on the peoples, crises or circumstances. In a world in constant flux, the trust of our peoples in multilateralism begins when the law is applied uniformly, regardless of geography, economic power, or alliances. Our transformation ought to be based upon the need to uphold the Charter in its entirety, especially through the respect for the principle of the sovereign equality of states, peaceful dispute settlement, the prohibition of the use of force, respect for territorial integrity, and human dignity. This ought to be the ambition of the United Nations. Mr. President, we cannot speak of restoring trust toward the UN, let alone of a transformation, as long as the UN continues to reflect a world that has ceased to exist. The world of 1945 no longer exists. Digital revolution, energy transition, and climate deregulation are now altering equilibria, and yet the institutions charged with managing these changes too often reflect an order that no longer exists. Artificial intelligence today offers one of the most striking examples of this. It has immense potential, but also poses the risk of new fractures. Its governance should not be the sole remit of certain powers or corporations. Developing countries ought to be able to participate in defining its rules and to access the capacities that determine its use. The DRC supports the UN Global Dialogue on AI Governance, as well as the creation of a global capacity-building fund. The digital divide must not become an intelligence divide. This need for inclusion ought, first and foremost, to be reflected in global governance. Africa has proven itself, over time, to be a demographic, diplomatic, and geopolitical power, a vital one, but it still remains inadequately represented where decisions are being made about the world's future. How can we fail to mention the historic anomaly that is the absence of Africa among the permanent members of the Security Council? The admission of the African Union to G20 is certainly a major step in the right direction. However, it is not sufficient to meet this need for representation. As a member of the Security Council of 2026-2027, we reaffirm our support for the common African position, enshrined in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. That is to say, two permanent seats for Africa, with all of the associated privileges, including veto rights as long as they exist, and two non-permanent additional seats, in order to make the Council more representative, more legitimate, and ultimately more effective. This need for representation goes hand in hand with a need for responsibility, and it is in this spirit that the DRC intends to fully exercise its responsibility when it comes to choosing the next Secretary-General, whose mandate ought to be part of the transformation of our organization and help adapt it to the priorities of a world in profound evolution. This same ambition is our driving force within the francophone world, through the candidacy of Ms. Juliana Amato Lumumba for the position of Secretary-General of the OIF, with the vision of a renewed francophonia that is closer to its peoples and capable of strengthening trust between its members and to tackle the challenges we are facing. For the DRC, it is precisely in the gap between the trust we are calling to be restored and the transformation that we hope to manage that the real impact of our international commitments is measured. Our country is at the heart of several of these transformations, and sometimes at the intersection of their very contradictions.
Dominica has begun the transition from imported fossil fuels to renewable energy. Our geothermal power plant is now in commercial operation and increasing the renewable share of our electricity generation to approximately 84%. We are well on our way to achieving 100% renewable energy by 2030. This is more than an energy project. It is economic transformation. It demonstrates that small states can lead in the transition to clean energy. Every barrel of oil that we no longer need to import strengthens our resilience to international price shocks. Every unit of clean electricity we produce strengthens our energy security. Affordable, reliable, renewable energy can become a foundation for new industries, new investment, new employment, and greater competitiveness. The lesson is important beyond Dominica. We need international finance that recognizes the transformative nature of renewable energy investment in vulnerable countries. We need financing mechanisms that allow countries such as Dominica to move faster and we need partnerships that allow the energy transition to become an engine of economic development and growth. Our ambition is not merely to generate clean electricity. Our ambition is to use clean energy to transform our economy. Mr. president, the international community has become very good at recognizing vulnerability. We have become less successful at financing the transformation that vulnerability requires.
Excellencies, with regard to socioeconomic development, achieving the Sustainable Development Goals and those of Agenda 2063 requires financial means that are commensurate with our ambitions. Yet many developing countries face considerable budgetary constraints, high financing costs, and a heavy debt burden. We, therefore, call for a reform of the international financial architecture to make it more equitable, more inclusive, and better adapted to the realities of developing countries. Such a reform must, in particular, provide access to predictable, affordable, sustainable financing, which is essential for accelerating the implementation of the SDGs and Agenda 2063.
Cote d'Ivoire hopes that this process will result in the appointment of a figure of the highest caliber, whose moral values independence of mind, diplomatic experience and commitment to dialogue will enable the United Nations to pursue, with ambition and effectiveness its mission in the service of peace, development and solidarity among nations. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Current international events remind us every day of the human, political and economic cost of protracted conflicts. Cote d'Ivoire remains deeply concerned about the resumption of hostilities in the Near and Middle East, the consequences of which weigh on peace and on food, energy and economic security throughout the world. The dire situation in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and in the Sudan is equally alarming, with severe and endless humanitarian consequences. All these persistent conflicts are exacerbating the suffering of the affected populations and producing harmful effects that extend far beyond the borders of the states concerned. We therefore call for dialogue to prevail over arms. We also express our solidarity with the Haitian people. Cote d'Ivoire will continue to contribute to ongoing initiatives aimed at supporting the Haitian authorities and international partners in order to restore security in the sister nation so as to restore democratic legitimacy to its institutions. My country takes this opportunity to reaffirm its commitment to the peaceful settlement of disputes in accordance with the United Nations Charter, and to lend its full support for the many mediation efforts undertaken by the United Nations, the African Union and relevant regional organizations. Ladies and gentlemen. Africa is bearing the brunt of the decline of multilateralism and the difficulties the United Nations has faced in recent years. Due to a lack of support from certain partners and from the United Nations, several African countries are struggling to find lasting solutions to conflicts and to bear the cost of various counterterrorism and peacekeeping operations. Meanwhile, violent extremism, transnational organized crime and illicit trafficking of all kinds continue to destabilize a number of regions on the continent and in particular, the Sahel. Our experience and the realities on the ground demonstrate that no state can, on its own, overcome such threats in a definitive and lasting manner. This requires greater regional cooperation and international solidarity in order to ensure appropriate responses. These threats also call for investment in conflict prevention and for addressing, at an early stage the vulnerabilities that fuel crises, including poverty, inequality, youth unemployment and all other forms of marginalization. In this regard we commend the efforts of the United Nations, the African Union, ECOWAS and all the partners working on security and stabilization efforts in our region.
Through the 2050 strategy for the Blue Pacific continent, we have set our own course and identified our thematic priorities. For Tonga, investing in the ocean and nature is foundational in achieving its development, ambition. Protecting and restoring them builds our climate resilience. It strengthens our food security and enables a sustainable blue economy.
And I thought it's a good idea to share with you my thoughts. Gunpowder changed the battlefield. Nuclear fission changed the meaning of human survival. Artificial intelligence is changing something even more intimate: who can enter the minds of a citizen, imitate a trusted voice, manufacture a reality calibrated to one person's fears, and do so millions and millions of times at once. Albania is not a developer of frontier models, but we are a nation that has already lived the future others are still debating, and I think a simple message is what we owe to all of you. The greatest immediate danger is not that artificial intelligence will stop obeying humanity. The greatest danger is that it will obey the wrong human beings perfectly. The challenge comes in three layers. What artificial intelligence does instead of us, what it does to us. And who gains the power to reach us? First, what it does instead of us. The public debate imagines machines that awaken, acquire ambitions and turn against their creators. But the systems confronting us today do not wake up with hatred in their hearts. They multiply ours. They have no ambition of their own. They serve the ambition of others. They carry no flag. But they can be deployed by a state. They tell no lie for their own benefit. But they can tell a billion lies on others behalf. The machine has no conscience. But it can borrow the reach of a government, the precision of a weapon and the intimacy of a friend. At the same time, the economic incentives surrounding artificial intelligence increasingly reward the replacement of human effort, rather than the enlargement of human capacity. Write the code so that I do not have to understand it. Draft the report so that I do not have to think through it. Make the judgment so that I do not have to assume responsibility for it. When success is measured only by how much work the machine removes from the human being, we may create more efficient institutions, but will have less capable people. A civilization that outsources effort may eventually outsource knowledge. A civilization that outsources knowledge may eventually outsource judgment, and the civilization that outsources judgment may discover that it also outsources responsibility. This is not inevitable. It is a choice. We can build artificial intelligence that teaches rather than merely answers, guides rather than commands, and strengthens the human being instead of making the human being dependent upon it. The question cannot be only how quickly did the machine complete the task? We must also ask, what did the human being learn? Who understood the decision? Who can challenge the decision and who answers for the decision when it is wrong? Albania became the first country to bring an artificial intelligence instrument into the architecture of government through Diella, our worldwide known artificial intelligence minister. We did not do this to transfer sovereignty from people to a machine. We did it to make public services more accessible, procedures more transparent, and the state more accountable. No machine possesses democratic legitimacy. No algorithm inherits constitutional responsibility. Behind every consequential public decision, there must remain a legal mandate, a human institution, and a name that can be called to give answers. The second layer is what artificial intelligence can do to us. Artificial intelligence inside an accountable state can reduce the distance between citizens and public services. Artificial intelligence outside accountability can eliminate the distance between a lie and the human mind. Albania experienced this directly. I am sure you must have followed or just known the so-called Flamingo Revolution, a fabricated narrative of an Israeli invasion of the Albanian coast, an invasion that never occurred, was manufactured, was personalized and delivered through voices, pages and channels citizens already trusted. One citizen received a story of national betrayal. Another received a story of religious provocation. Another received a conspiracy of foreign occupation. Different fabrications entered different emotional worlds, all serving the same strategic lie. The consequences were real. Citizens had their own reasons to protest. Don't take me wrong. But suddenly they started to protest also against a phantom enemy. Antisemitic tropes entered our public discourse for the first time ever. Don't forget, Albania is the only country in Europe that ended World War Two with more Jews than it started it. Fear became anger. Anger became mobilization and fabrication became political reality. And this is not and was not a laboratory experiment. I'm not talking to you about a science fiction movie. It was a Tuesday in Tirana, our capital city. The algorithm did not invent the objective. A human actor did.
Friends, the United Nations is entering its ninth decade at a moment of great uncertainty and challenge for the global community. Conflicts are having devastating effects on the most vulnerable. The impacts of the climate crisis are felt in every corner of our world. Hard won rights are being rolled back. Narrow self-interest is breaking the bonds of solidarity, which have so often lifted us to meaningful progress. The international legal order is under tremendous strain. New and emerging technologies that offer unlimited potential could also, without human intervention, create unprecedented dangers. In such moments of uncertainty, it can be easy to question our foundations, to retreat, to turn inward, to say that international cooperation is too difficult, that multilateralism does not work, that the problems of others are not our problems. But that would be the wrong conclusion, because the answer to a world under strain is not less international cooperation. It is more. The answer to the weakening of principles is not to abandon them. It is to defend them. And if our multilateral system is not working effectively, the answer is not to walk away from it. It is to make it stronger, fairer and fit for the world we live in. That is Ireland's position, and that is what all of us, as members of the United Nations need to deliver on. We should also remember what our collective commitment to the United Nations has achieved. The multilateral system anchored in the United Nations Charter has been the foundation of many of humanity's greatest achievements. It has driven advances in poverty alleviation health care, education, social protection, and food and nutrition security. It has championed human rights and dignity and insisted that accountability matters. It has given voice to the marginalised. Mr. President, the people of Ireland understand that we live in an interdependent world, that the challenges we face are interconnected, cross borders and require collective solutions. Ireland currently holds the presidency of the Council of the European Union. Our stewardship of the European Union's agenda is deeply rooted in the principle of strength with unity, and this principle is at the heart of our vision for the United Nations, as well as our unwavering commitment to the pillars which guide its work. Peace and security. Human rights and development. These pillars equally bear the weight of our shared ambition for a better, fairer and peaceful world. Collectively, however, we are not delivering on their ambition. We are not staying the course. At a time when global needs are increasing and becoming more complex, our responsibility to act does not diminish.
I have come to defend the principles and ambitions that inspired the creation of this organization 81 years ago. Principles and ambitions that different governments present here disregard or seek to dismantle. Eight years have gone by since I addressed this Assembly for the first time, and since then, several things have changed in the world. And I regret to say that things haven't changed—well, not many things have changed for the better, but for the worse.
Tuvalu acknowledges the efforts of the international community to address the climate crisis, but the pace and scale of global actions remain insufficient. With a temporary overshoot of the 1.5°C target now inevitable, a fast, fair, just and orderly transition away from fossil fuel is even more urgent and require serious attention. Although the science may be clear that methane mitigation is the only scalable near-term solution capable of rapidly slowing global temperature rise and buying time for long term CO2 decarbonisation strategies to take effect. Tuvalu will insist that CO2 mitigation must also remain a top priority, and that both methane mitigation and CO2 mitigation should be vigorously pursued simultaneously. Therefore, the call for a fossil fuel free Pacific and the Funafuti call for climate justice and climate actions are critical Pacific led instruments championing Pacific regional survival and global climate actions. Towards that objective, Tuvalu is determined to play its part in driving greater ambition, including the hosting of the Leaders' Segment event of the Pre-COP31 next month and co-hosting with Ireland in Tuvalu next year the Second Conference on Transitioning Away from Fossil Fuels. Tuvalu reminds states of their legal obligation to take appropriate action to protect the climate system from greenhouse gas emissions, as failure to do so constitutes an internationally wrongful act, as confirmed by the ICJ advisory opinion. Tuvalu welcomes the operationalization of the Loss and Damage Fund and call on countries to honour their pledges and commitments. Adequate, predictable and timely financing is essential to ensure the fund can fully deliver on its mandate and provide meaningful support to those most vulnerable to climate related loss and damage including non-economic loss and damage. Finance, therefore, must be provided as grants at the scale required to address the climate impacts already unavoidable, and the increasing loss and damage caused by further warming. Tuvalu stands ready to work with all nations to advance climate ambitions and strengthen resilience and ensure that no country is left behind.
Thank you so much for your hard work for the United Nations Organization and for the Republic of Poland. Distinguished Excellencies, distinguished guests, the 81st Session of the UN General Assembly begins at one of the most difficult, in my view, moments since the organization's founding. Poland was, in fact, a founding member of the United Nations. From the very beginning of the UN's existence, we have been faced with a question about the foundations of the international order that we are shaping within our organization. Despite many achievements, we must not forget that at the very root of its creation lies a fundamental flaw, an original flaw, that continues to undermine the system's credibility to this day. The UN was established in response to the greatest tragedy in human history, World War II, but it was not founded on a simple and fundamental principle: that every wrongdoing must be met with accountability, and sometimes with just punishment. For Poland, this is not an abstract issue. At the very moment the foundations of the UN were being laid, my nation, a victim of two totalitarian regimes, was under the domination of one of them, Soviet Russia, and, after several years of devastating occupation, of the other, Germany. Thousands of Polish heroes who fought for the freedom of Europe and the entire world were, at that time, imprisoned, tortured, and sentenced to death. The UN already existed at that time. At the same time, the state responsible for those crimes had a say in shaping the postwar order, as a permanent member of the Security Council. Poland has never received redress for that period and those wrongs. The failure to hold anyone accountable for these crimes was not merely historical oversight; it sent a signal that violations of international law, aggression, and imperialist policies could go unpunished in reality. It is precisely this lack of justice, this sort of original sin of the postwar order, that creates space for the return of old aggressive ambitions and methods of operation. The aggressive policies of certain states today are, therefore, not a phenomenon detached from history. These policies are a direct consequence of it. A state that has not been held accountable for its actions is more likely to resort to the same tools again. That is why it is so important that today, as the international community, we restore the full meaning of the principle of accountability. Without it, there will not be a lasting peace, and international law will remain nothing more than a declaration devoid of real power. Ladies and gentlemen, today we must show courage while remembering that sometimes courage alone is not enough, that without prudence, courage can lead to disaster.
These ambitions are underpinned by Georgia's strong economic performance. Over the past five years, our economy has grown by an average of 9.3% annually, and this momentum has continued in 2026, with growth reaching 7.9% in the first seven months of the year. As the International Monetary Fund projects, Georgia will deliver one of the fastest growth rates in the medium term among regional and European countries averaging 5.4%. With one of the fastest growing economies worldwide, we are actively building an innovation oriented business friendly environment that supports both local and foreign enterprises. Despite the global uncertainty, Georgia's FDI to GDP ratio is one of the highest among peer countries and averaged over 6% of GDP in 2021–2025, highlighting the confidence of investors in the country's growth potential. Georgia's FDI outlook is supported by a pipeline of large, multi-year investment projects across transport and logistics, energy infrastructure, tourism, and real estate. Yet, the true measure of success is how it improves people's lives. Strong economic performance must translate into tangible social outcomes higher output per person, rising real wages, declining poverty, better employment opportunities, and greater economic resilience.
Resilience without resources is not resilience, it is merely survival. The same logic applies directly to the climate crisis. For Seychelles, climate change is not a prospective debate. It is a daily reality that strikes at the very foundations of our society. Rising seas threaten our infrastructure, our coastal livelihoods and our very territory. The science is undisputed. The targets are clear. What remains missing is political will and execution. Major emitters must display greater ambition while all nations act according to their responsibilities and capabilities. Economic growth that bankrupts the planet for future generations is not progress. Seychelles, therefore, welcomes the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on climate change, reinforcing that climate action is rooted in international law, equity and intergenerational justice. Mitigation, adaptation, technology transfer and loss and damage funding are not acts of charity. They are legal obligations.
We witness geopolitical instability in Europe, the Middle East and elsewhere. It is made worse by growing nuclear ambitions in the Middle East and Asia, as well as the irresponsible transfer of military related goods, dual use items and sensitive technologies. In recent months, Iran has continued attacking neighboring countries, often through its proxies, while actively impairing the freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz. These actions constitute a serious threat to regional and international peace and security. We reaffirm our full solidarity with the Gulf Cooperation Council countries and Jordan. We call on Iran to halt its nuclear and missile programs, as well as its collaboration with armed groups across the Middle East. Lithuania commends all efforts to find a solution ensuring freedom of navigation. We will contribute with our demining capabilities to the international maritime missions in the Strait of Hormuz. As regards the situation in the Gaza Strip, my country supports international efforts to maintain and consolidate the cease fire. The Comprehensive plan to end the Gaza conflict, including the deployment of the Temporary International Stabilisation Force, provides the guidelines to follow. Lithuania reiterates the importance of full demilitarization of non-state armed groups. Humanitarian aid must also be allowed to reach those in need safely and without obstruction. To this day, the two state solution remains the only way towards a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. In this light, it is crucially important to abstain from any further actions incompatible with a credible political process. Ladies and gentlemen, the one conflict that poses the greatest threat to the world order is Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine, supported by its proxies. In the 12 years since the illegal occupation of Crimea, Russia has escalated from clandestine operations and limited warfare in eastern Ukraine to massive military operations, mass killings and ultimately the largest drone attacks against civilian infrastructure the world has ever seen. The current stage of the war, which began with the full scale invasion in February 2022, has already lasted longer than the First World War. In the last 55 months, Russia has suffered 1.5 million military casualties. In the last year, it has gained 0.3% of Ukraine's territory, at the cost of over 400 000 soldiers killed and wounded. Yet all these enormous efforts, all that blood and tears, basically came to nothing. Ukraine is still standing proudly as an independent state. The Ukrainian language, culture and national identity are alive and thriving. In all but name, Russia has already lost the war. Yet its leadership does not allow itself to admit defeat, fearing international legal accountability and possible revenge from its own people. As inevitable approaches, the stakes get higher and the Kremlin regime increasingly finds itself cornered. How much more Ukrainian civilian lives will be sacrificed on Russia's war altar? How many people will be tortured, sexually assaulted thrown into dark dungeons, never to see the sunlight again? How many children will be illegally separated from their parents and sent to Russia to suffer indoctrination? We do not know the answers, yet we must all feel the deep pain brought by this brutal and pointless war. And we all should join our forces to draw Ukraine's victory closer, for it is only Ukraine's final victory safeguarding its sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity that could ensure the global peace, security and credibility of the United Nations Charter. What we can not allow is the brute force prevailing over international law. We cannot tolerate any longer Moscow's colonial aspirations, which undermine global food security and driving up food prices. Russia's imperial ambitions reach far into Europe, Africa and Asia. No country should consider itself immune from this threat. Naturally, Lithuania witnesses many dangers up close. In recent months, Russia's war of aggression has led to numerous violations of our airspace by combat drones. Russia has also intensified hybrid attacks, disinformation and sabotage efforts. Where Russia advances, opening Pandora's box of new techniques for destabilisation, other hostile actors follow, learning new skills and ideas.
Mr. President, this session is taking place at the time of a twofold need: to restore trust and to manage transformation, to understand the urgent need for action. Let us gaze upon the world as it is, first. It has been a long time since peace has seemed so fragile. On all continents, conflicts are multiplying, becoming entrenched, and fueling one another. Each has its reasons, its history, its instigators, but they all have one thing in common: they are costing civilian lives, destroying schools and hospitals, and displacing entire families. These crises never remain contained. Disruptions around the Strait of Hormuz are causing energy and fertilizer prices to skyrocket. Migration—forced migration—routes are growing crowded. Terrorism, trafficking, and armed groups are flourishing in zones beyond state control. However far they may be from the front line, no state is safe from the repercussions of these conflicts. At the same time, divisions within the Security Council— the body charged with protecting international peace and security— are paralyzing action where it is the most urgently needed. International law is supposed to protect the weak from the ambitions of the powerful, and yet it is increasingly being dismissed as optional.
Reform is how we keep this organization fit for the world we live in. Denmark continues to call for a fundamental Security Council reform. We wish to expand the council with more members in both categories, including permanent seat for underrepresented regions, and we wish to commence text based negotiations. Only then can we begin to redress historical injustices. Denmark also strongly supports the UN80 reform process. We applaud the results so far and call for ambitions to be raised. We must strive to build a more efficient and inclusive UN, a UN that delivers better on its core mandates and on the ground where it matters most. To enable this we call on all UN member states to meet their financial obligations to the UN in full and on time.
For Kiribati, the theme reaffirms our shared duty to strengthen the United Nations and ensure it serves everyone. Mr. President, Kiribati is an ocean nation. We are a Big Ocean Sustainable State. Our economy, food security, livelihoods, culture and way of life depend on healthy, sustainable marine resources. Sustainable management is essential to our long-term development and we call for increasing efforts and partnerships to help agreeable, equitable progress towards SDG 14, “Conserve and sustainably use the oceans, seas and marine resources for sustainable development.” The 2026 Sustainable Development Goals Report reminds us that our oceans and fisheries continue to face mounting pressures from overfishing, illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing, pollution, warming and acidification. The entry into force of the Biodiversity Beyond National Jurisdiction Agreement marks an important step towards stronger and more equitable ocean governance. Kiribati is proud to have signed and ratified this Agreement and calls on Member States to recognise the vital importance of our shared ocean and to work collectively to translate the Agreement’s historic ambition into meaningful global action.
It is a responsibility that grows more urgent each day, especially as UNEP's latest findings make clear that the world is now certain to exceed 1.5. This reality must strengthen our resolve to deliver what we have promised, prepare our communities for the impacts science tells us are inevitable. Small island states, young people, scientists, civil society, indigenous communities, and responsible partners have already raised climate ambition, accelerated the shift to renewable energy, and exposed the true cost of inaction. We have called for ambition that matches science, demonstrated that ocean stewardship can protect while supporting livelihoods, and insisted on a stronger voice for small island states in decisions that shape our future.
Excellencies. Climate change remains the single greatest threat to Samoa and the global community. Its impacts are more extensively felt by SIDS due to our special circumstances. As the ICJ advisory opinion puts it, climate change is not merely an environmental concern but an existential problem of planetary proportions that require urgent global action. The United Nations General Assembly welcomed the unanimous ICJ advisory opinion and affirmed its importance as an authoritative contribution to the clarification of existing international law. Climate finance is the bridge between ambition and action. It must be scaled up, easily accessible, devoid of burdensome conditions and responsive to the needs of the most climate vulnerable. Resources intended for education, health, water and social protection are now diverted to disaster recovery.
It is an imperative to build a harmonious future and to overcome the traditional ways of thinking and doing things. Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, development remains at the heart of our national ambition. Since 2019, the Comoros has implemented the Emerging Comoros Plan, a roadmap designed to modernize infrastructure, stimulate the private sector and provide decent jobs for our youth. With financing needs of 5.2 billion dollars over 10 years, the plan is the driving force of our transformation. We have seen tangible progress. The economic growth, for example, which went from 1.9 in 2019 to 3.8 in 2025.
It should be recognised as an actor that is capable of innovating, proposing solutions and contributing to the transformation of the global economy. Beyond climate action, the 2030 agenda remains at the heart of our development vision. Djibouti's economy is demonstrating resilience, driven in particular by port and logistics activities, trade telecommunications, energy and investment. Djibouti intends to consolidate its role as a regional hub while accelerating the diversification of our economy. This ambition can be seen just as recently as this week with the launch of construction work on modern petroleum product storage facilities and transport infrastructure, including oil and gas pipelines in Djibouti linking Djibouti and Ethiopia. These projects illustrate our ambition to achieve energy sovereignty and security, regional integration and economic transformation. But above all, growth should translate into jobs, social progress and opportunities, particularly for women and young people. We are continuing to invest in education, health. And to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals and implement the African Union's Agenda 2063 Both require a collective surge of action.
The human and economic and social cost of these phenomenon continue to grow. There are many environmental perils facing our age. We need to act on all fronts. That is our ambition for the third United Nations Water Conference that Senegal will co-organize with the United Arab Emirates.
Ultimately, global commitments matter only when they enable progress at home. His Excellency President Dr Mohamed Muizzu has set a clear ambition: for the Maldives to become a developed country by 2040. We are pursuing that goal by raising productivity, diversifying our economy, building resilient infrastructure, expanding renewable energy and investing in our people. Our future will be built by Maldivians.
While we are a few years away from 2030, progress towards attainment of the SDGs is still unimpressive. Given this situation, we need to improve our execution and ensure that every cent invested delivers results. Tanzania remains committed and has made strides in implementing the 2030 Agenda. Tanzania Vision 2050, aim to build an inclusive and competitive economy that ensures quality of life for all. We are investing in our people, productive infrastructure, technology and innovation, while creating greater opportunities for women and young people. Our ambition is to transform economic growth into lasting improvements in people's lives. These ambitions may not be realized if the international financial architecture is not made to work for development. Currently, when developing countries are accelerating progress, they are restricted by high borrowing costs, rising debt burdens, and limited access to affordable longterm finance. Tanzania stresses that improvements must be made to ensure the expansion of concessional financing, mobilization of private investment, improved access to development and climate finance, and giving developing countries a stronger voice in global financial decisionmaking. It is without a doubt that political commitment is paramount in undertaking focused investment.
Common rules do not hold us back. They provide the stability and predictability necessary for countries to advance their ambitions. The world is being transformed by technology, climate change, demographic pressures, illegal migration and geopolitical rivalry. Our responsibility is to govern them so that change expands human freedom and security instead of weakening them. The United Nations must begin with its own transformation. Croatia supports a UN that is more effective, accountable and financially sustainable and stronger across all three pillars peace and security, sustainable development and, of course, human rights. Reform must also produce a more representative and effective Security Council. When the council is blocked, the General Assembly can and must act, but it cannot replace the council's primary responsibility under the charter. This makes the selection of the next secretary general all the more relevant. I thank, therefore, Secretary General Guterres, for his work over the last decade. The United Nations needs leadership capable of bringing member states together, defending the charter and turning reform into measurable results. No country alone can successfully respond to the global transformations we witnessed today.
A lesson that fair advocacy and earnest desire for compliance with the law and order alone can hardly defend anything. Like in other parts of the world, a serious landscape of confrontation between justice and injustice, and between hegemonic forces and independent forces is being witnessed in Northeast Asia this year. The Korean Peninsula and its vicinity in particular, are faced with extreme instability and further aggravated tension on a level different from that of last year due to the persistent hostility towards the DPRK and ever increasing military confrontation of the U.S. and its followers. The US Japan ROK military alliance, unmistakably aimed at DPRK, is being evolved by the United States into a more offensive and aggressive military bloc with nuclear element. The US is conspiring with its allies to systematically amend and update the anti-DPRK nuclear war scenarios, and to steadily cultivate and master their performance capability through provocative war rehearsals of all hues and military buildup. This year alone, the US staged a series of bilateral and multilateral military exercises including Freedom Shield and Freedom Edge, simulating a real war scenario. It didn't even bother to cover up its dangerous attempt at military confrontation against the DPRK. The USA has approved and encouraging Seoul's ambition to possess nuclear powered submarines while relocating and deploying different military hardware, including the latest missiles and drones on the Korean Peninsula and its vicinity. The current military inclination is further aggravating the already vulnerable security landscape in the region. On the other hand, Japan, an A-Class war criminal that inflicted untold sufferings and disasters upon mankind in the last century, is taking advantage of the present international turbulence. It accelerates its attempts at rearmament with an unprecedented commitment, including the revision of the peace constitution, abandonment of exclusive defense, reformation of the military structure and arms buildup. Such actions are casting war clouds over the entire region. Under the signboard of a counterattack capability, Japan has buckled down to the development and possession of a long range attack, weapons that put neighboring countries within striking range. Its ambition runs counter to its obligations as a defeated nation. They are in shameless disregard of the UN charter and pose a grave challenge to global peace. The global military and political context is worsening day by day, and the unlimited abuse of power has become a commonplace. Under such circumstances, the risky military threat of the U.S., Japan and the ROK go beyond precedent and continue to break the worst records in their scale, intensity, nature and dangers, creating security instability on the Korean Peninsula on a level different from previous years. Nevertheless, no physical conflict has occurred on and around the Korean Peninsula, a hot spot of the world, and the security index is being maintained at a higher level than any other part of the globe. We owe it to the fact that the DPRK has a war deterrent in place, powerful enough to break anyone's will to start a war of aggression against the DPRK, and that we are thoroughly containing and managing the hostile forces intention to use force. Thus, the regional balance of power maintained by the DPRK's self-defensive capabilities effectively curbs the risk of an armed conflict. No one can deny such an obvious fact. It further highlighted the immutable truth that just power means national sovereignty and prestige, and fundamental guarantee of peace and stability.
But this ambition does not apply only to the fate of our nation. It will also determine the way in which we view the world. The world which today stands at a crossroads. We are seeing wars dragging on terrorist threats, making inroads, persistent geopolitical tensions, worsening inequality, debt levels which are reducing the room for manoeuvre available to many states, as well as climate upheaval, which is hitting the most vulnerable the hardest. At the same time, we're witnessing technological transformation on a vast scale. It's accelerating. AI is already transforming knowledge work, our economies, education and information. Never has humanity had so many different means to shape its fate.
We aim to process and add value to our resources domestically, and this explains our interest in special economic zones because we think political sovereignty must go hand in hand with economic sovereignty. Our vision, I would like to point out, aligns with the Sustainable Development Goals, the SDGs and the 2063 African Union agenda, the Africa we want. But let's be lucid and pragmatic here. The ambitions of our development of the Republic of the Congo and many other African countries are impeded by the burden of debt inequalities in the international financial system and the consequences of climate change. Four years before the 2030 SDG deadline, we cannot afford another collective failure. The Republic of the Congo, therefore, calls for an ambitious international action on the issue of developing country debt, including through debt relief and, where appropriate, debt cancellation measures to free resources for SDG related investments. Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Africa is not the world's periphery. It is one of its centers of gravity and a source of multilateral renewal.
Madagascar's foreign policy is guided above all by the imperatives of economic and social development for the well-being of its people. Madagascar has chosen a policy of engagement in all directions. We are open to all international partnerships, capable of meeting the aspirations of our people and supporting the general policy of the state of the refoundation. Madagascar's position of neutrality with regard to global conflicts is consistent with its diplomatic tradition and its desire to preserve constructive relations with all its partners. This idea is not ideological, but is based on international partnership that can meet the aspirations of our people in an open spirit, without exclusivity, in full respect for national sovereignty. The achievement of our ambitions cannot be separated from the international context in which they are pursued.
Mr. president, peace and stability provide the foundation for economic development. Zambia is positioning itself as an attractive destination for investment and trade with opportunities in mining, critical minerals, agriculture, agro processing, manufacturing, energy infrastructure, tourism and digital services. Our ambition is to move beyond the export of raw materials and primary commodities towards value addition, industrialisation, job creation and technology transfer as key enablers of our economic transformation agenda. We welcome investments that creates jobs, develops skills and builds sustainable value chains. Our message to investors is Come to Zambia, invest with us, produce with us trade with us and grow with us. We are open for development. Mr. president, I now turn to climate change and environmental resilience, water and sanitation. For Zambia, climate change is not an abstract concept.
It must make our societies better. We must not allow further slippage in our pursuit of the Sustainable Development Goals. We must renew our commitment to them, not as an inventory of promises but as a covenant with our peoples and practical blueprint for ensuring the development reaches every citizen, protects generations yet unborn and creates lasting, inclusive prosperity. One way to arrest the slippage is, as Guyana is doing, to mainstream the goals into our national development strategies, public policies and budgets so that they become embedded in the priorities we set and the resources we commit rather than remaining aspirations. The SDGs must not only guide our ambitions, they must shape our choices and our national priorities.
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No. 31
New Zealand09/28 · first at about 11 min2 mentions
Second, we call on the next Secretary-General to provide strong leadership across the UN's development and human rights pillars. The authors of the UN Charter understood that peace and security cannot be sustained without creating the conditions for Member States to provide their citizens with prosperity and the full enjoyment of human rights. With significant changes in the global development cooperation landscape, we ask you to ensure that the UN is clear about where its comparative advantage lies, alongside the role of governments, regional organisations and international financial institutions. Citizens and donors expect the UN to operate as one, with agencies working together through a strengthened Resident coordinator system. We will work with you to ensure the UN is more coordinated and focused on strengthening local capacity and partnerships to address a country's development needs. The UN development system must remain relevant, responsive and accessible to all member states based on need rather than size, income level or location. We welcome progress in advancing the UN's Multidimensional Vulnerability Index, and want to see further work to ensure its practical application across the multilateral development system. In the face of contracting development finance flows and increasing debt levels, we need to ensure our ambitions are matched by more sustainable and predictable financing. This will inevitably involve moving beyond exclusive reliance on traditional sources and approaches. President, as Pacific Islands Forum leaders recently reaffirmed in Palau, climate change remains the single greatest threat to the livelihoods, security and wellbeing of Pacific peoples.
Greece's ambition is to serve as a nexus through which lasting partnerships are being forged, and I was reminded of this vision earlier this year when I welcomed President Emmanuel Macron at the Roman Agora in Athens to discuss Europe's place in a shifting geopolitical landscape. The setting was particularly meaningful. The Agora was a place where commerce, law and public life once converged. There, we reflected on how Europe can transform the crisis into an opportunity for its strategic autonomy and improve its competitiveness. And as we prepare to assume the presidency of the Council of the European Union in the second half of 2027, we will work for a Europe that is more competitive, more secure, more capable of defending itself and more effective in protecting its external borders. Another lesson, however, is becoming increasingly clear: connectivity is the tangible face of geopolitics. The region's energy landscape is fundamentally transformed.
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No. 33
Burkina Faso09/28 · first at about 8 min2 mentions
Finally, this motto is part of diplomatic cohesion between three states shown by this speech made on behalf of the States of the Confederation, on behalf of the peoples of the Confederation, and in behalf of the diaspora of the Confederation. Mr. president, the Alliance of Sahel States welcomes the theme of this session of the General Assembly Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all. Now, this theme is an undeniable admission. It's an admission of an erosion of trust between the members of the organization, double standards, biased positions, institutionalised injustice, and the instrumentalisation of institutions and procedures, and its admission that our organization is struggling to adapt to the changes, the huge changes that we're seeing of a world in constant evolution and an admission that our organization, unfortunately, is no longer there for everyone, but belongs more and more to actors chosen according to their power and their vested interests, the promises of hope enshrined in the United Nations Charter, which extolled peace, are disregarded, international law is being martyred and tortured by members whose propensity for domination, neocolonialism, and hegemony is all too evident. Yes, we need to rebuild trust. It's an ambition that we all share. But this suggests that our organization has to stop being the microphone or an organisation that upholds some powerful actors in order to become the common house of all of the peoples, equal in dignity, equal in rights, and equal in sovereignty.
Trust is not a sentiment that can be created by adopting a resolution. It is an outcome. It is built when an institution delivers on the purpose for which it was established. That is why reform of the United Nations is necessary, so that the organisation can become more capable, so that it can deliver greater results, and certainly not to replace the responsibility of national states, but to act where collective action is needed. Multilateralism does not begin in New York. It begins with the quality of the states that come to New York. Excellencies, we are a small sized country, but we refuse to let the smallness of our territory define the scale of our ambition. Our ambition is to become a serious state, a state that its allies can trust, a state in which young people can plan their future.
Mr. president, over the past year, the international community has faced many challenges. Protracted armed conflicts, an energy crisis and disruptions to global trade have been compounded by destabilization orchestrated by those who pursue their own selfish ambitions. For small island economies, these are not distant events. Every rise in the price of fuel is felt in the cost of shipping, electricity, food and essential services, placing a heavy burden on communities that have no buffer against external shocks. These tensions confirm what Solomon Islands has long understood. Peace and security are inseparable from development. Neither can be secured without the other. There are no winners in war, only graves, orphans and the long labor of rebuilding what conflict has torn down. There is no substitute for dialogue, diplomacy and peaceful negotiation. Solomon Islands calls on all parties to armed conflict to protect civilians and return to the negotiating table and act in full respect of international law. And it is why the world needs a stronger, more agile United Nations, one equipped to respond to the realities of today. Mr. president, the Pacific faces a grave and growing threat.
This lies at the core of Brunei Vision 2035, built upon three mutually reinforcing goals: an educated, highly skilled and accomplished people; a high quality of life and a dynamic and sustainable economy. Together, these goals reflect our conviction that national progress cannot be measured by economic growth alone. A country is strong when its people are strong. That means equipping our people with the knowledge and skills to adapt to change. It also means ensuring they have the security and stability to build their lives with confidence, supported by strong communities quality healthcare and essential services, social protection and a cohesive, resilient society. For Brunei Darussalam, stability and development go hand in hand. Stability gives people the confidence to plan for tomorrow and development gives them the opportunity to build that tomorrow. Both must be sustained by dynamic, diversified and resilient economy that creates meaningful opportunities and quality employment. Together, they create the conditions in which people can realise their full potential. Our ambition is therefore not merely to build a more prosperous country, but a society in which people feel secure in the present, confident about the future and equipped to shape that future for themselves. But progress loses its meaning when people feel less secure, less included or less hopeful about what lies ahead. That is why no one left behind must be more than a phrase. It must be reflected in the choices we make and in the outcomes we deliver. Mr. President, the realities before us are complex, but the principles that should guide us remain clear.
Mr. president, Cambodia is pleased and honored to host in Phnom Penh on the 15th and 16th of November next, the 20th summit of La Francophonie. Nearly 30 years after the historic Hanoi summit, this new gathering of the French speaking community in Asia carries particular significance. It demonstrates the vitality of a Francophonie that transcends borders, continents, and cultural differences. The theme of the summit reinvesting in peace for Shared and Sustainable Prosperity, together with that of this year's session, reflects a common imperative. Restoring trust and reinvesting in peace reinforce one another. Beyond celebrating the French language Cambodia wishes to make this summit a moment of bringing together peoples from all continents around shared values peace, respect for diversity, dialogue among cultures, solidarity, mutual understanding and cooperation. The presence of heads of state and government will give this summit its full political and symbolic significance, and will make Phnom Penh a major venue for dialogue among nations. The Kingdom of the Angkor temples looks forward to welcoming everyone with the hospitality for which it is known. Mr. president, we cannot restore the world of yesterday, nor should that be our ambition.
Restoring trust, managing transformation is a fitting theme for this year's session. It reflects both the scale of the changes our world is undergoing and the need to navigate them peacefully. After the Second World War, a robust multilateral system based on rules and global cooperation was built, spanning security, human rights, and economic development. For decades, shifts in global power unfolded within this largely predictable framework. Power has always been unevenly distributed. Today, however, we are witnessing profound changes that are reshaping the post-war system. The task of the international order is not to resist these changes, but to manage them peacefully. Our shared ambition should be to draw inspiration from the founders of the United Nations. Our goal should be to prevent war and destruction, and to build a predictable international order capable of adapting to change while providing fairness and stability. This is precisely why we need forums like this: places where dialogue can prevail and diplomacy can work. This is why we need rules. Not because all states are equally powerful, but precisely because they are not. Rules have value only if they bind everyone, especially those powerful enough to break them. When rules are cast aside, raw power fills the vacuum. A world dominated by great power competition is a volatile world, less able to address the most pressing challenges of our time. It is a world where a single spark can ignite a fire. Instead, we should insist that with greater power comes greater responsibility. Responsibility in the use of force. Responsibility to exercise restraint. But also responsibility to use one's influence to prevent force from becoming necessary in the first place.
Mr. president, the gap between commitment and delivery on climate change equally tests the credibility of multilateralism. Although the Lao PDR has contributed only a small share of global greenhouse gas emissions, our people are increasingly affected by floods, droughts and extreme weather conditions. The Lao PDR remained fully committed to the Paris Agreement and its nationally determined contributions. However, climate ambition must be matched by adequate, predictable and accessible climate finance, technology transfer and capacity building to enable vulnerable developing states to adapt, build long term resilience and pursue low carbon growth pathways.
Member states must remain at the heart of this work, but they cannot act alone. We must engage industries, scientists, researchers, civil society, academia, young people, the companies building this system and the people using them. Let us carry that ambition into the global dialogue on AI governance in 2027. Excellencies, the world leaders also spoke clearly about reforming the United Nations. Reform is not an exercise in rearranging structures or reducing budgets, or rearranging budget lines. Its measure is whether this organization delivers better, faster and more fairly for the people it serves. We will build on the UN80 initiative and the mandate implementation review. But administrative reform cannot substitute for deeper political reform truly led by Member States. In this regard, Africa's exclusion from permanent membership of Security Council is a continuing injustice. The common African position is clear no reform agenda, including UN80, is complete without addressing this long standing inequity in the Security Council. Excellencies, the appointment of the next Secretary-General also emerged as one of this Assembly's most consequential responsibilities, at a time when the organization is facing complex issues and challenges. The charter is clear about the selection process that the Security Council will recommend, and the General Assembly will appoint the next Secretary-General. Member states called for a process that is transparent, inclusive and merit based. The selection process must strengthen, not diminish, the legitimacy, independence and moral authority of the office. Excellencies, I chose restoring trust as the principal focus of my presidency. It resonated widely with the speakers during this high level week and the general debate. We heard of a crisis of institutional trust. We were reminded that trust cannot be taken for granted, and we heard a vigorous defense of multilateralism, but not as an end in itself. A delegation observed that the test of multilateralism is not how many resolution we adopt or how many meetings we hold. Its test is whether collective action changes realities on the ground. All this goes to the heart of the theme of our 81st session Restoring Trust, managing transformation: A United Nations that delivers for all. Trust cannot be commanded. It must be earned through consistency between words and deeds, equal application of international law, fulfilment of commitments, genuine representation, transparency, accountability and results. Restoring trust, therefore, means making our institutions worthy of their trust. Meaningful and often painful reforms need to underpin efforts to rebuild trust. This hall, where grievances are aired, differences negotiated and agreements forged is one of the humanity's greatest achievements. Dialogue can be difficult, it can be frustrating, but it is always better than a world in which we stop talking and take up arms. So I thank you and your delegations for showing up, for articulating your positions, for listening to others, and for trying relentlessly to advance peace development and human rights.
Bismillahirrahmanirrahim. In the name of God, the merciful, the compassionate. Mr. president, our region and the world are undergoing a period of rapid transformation marked by intensifying challenges and divisions. Against this backdrop, the United Arab Emirates stands tall, guided by a clear vision and unwavering determination to transform challenges into opportunities, to turn ambitions, into achievements, and to open new horizons for peace, development and prosperity for our people, the peoples of the region and the world. This stems from our principled approach rooted in de-escalation, bridge building, the promotion of diplomacy and dialogue, the peaceful settlement of disputes and the rejection of the unlawful use or threat of use of force as well as coercion. This approach is grounded in full respect for the sovereignty of states, good neighbourly relations, international law and the UN charter.
We are all in. But every startup needs one more critical ingredient. Co-founders. And that, Excellencies, is why this salesman is standing before you. We want your capital. Your technology, your talent, your ideas, your enterprise. And let me be absolutely clear. We want you to make money. GMC is not a retreat from capitalism, technology or ambition. It is designed to harness all three without sacrificing nature, culture or human well-being. Those who come early can help create the industries and markets that others will later enter. They can help define GMC's economic journey and share in the value they create. That is the first mover advantage. At GMC, commercial success and human flourishing are designed to build on one another.
It's. Being vulnerable directly affects the means of subsistence of millions of people. We would therefore urge developed countries to uphold their commitments in terms of adaptation, resilience, loss and damages, and technology transfer financing. Mr. president, the clear ambition that my country has for its development can only be achieved with peace, stability and security in our region and also in the world.
The United Nations was created precisely for a moment such as this. When a challenge is too large for any one nation to address alone. When risks need to be managed to protect people all over the world. And when opportunities need to be exploited in a way that benefits the largest and the smallest, the richest and the poorest member state. But today the United Nations itself is under pressure. There are great powers that believe that they fare better if they ignore the rules enshrined in the UN Charter. The erosion of international law jeopardizes the enormous civilisational progress that the United Nations stands for. The commitment to peace, the principle of sovereign equality of all states, the belief in norms and rules, the conviction of the dignity inherent in every human being. The erosion of these principles may serve the interests of a few who believe themselves powerful enough to survive in a world without norms, or to write their own rules. For us, for the overwhelming majority of the 193 states represented in this General Assembly, this is harmful. We know that the people of this world will pay the price if the respect for international law erodes, and if its institutions are under attack. If this erosion continues, we all stand to lose. But this pressure on the international order does not come from political actors alone. It also comes from the forces of technological revolution. This poses a crucial question how do we enable our international institutions to keep pace with the technologies that are reshaping our world? Faced with this question, it will not be enough to invoke what we still have or once had in the United Nations, nor will it have helped if we ignore its weaknesses. What we need is honesty, realism, and cooperation. Honesty in our analysis, realism in our ambition and cooperation as our method. We must acknowledge that many of the beams of this common house cannot carry the burden we put on them. We must decide which parts of the house do we preserve and which do we rebuild? For this endeavour to succeed, we need the new Secretary-General to lead a profound process of reform. Above all, we must close the gap between what we expect from the United Nations and the capabilities we give to the organization.
But experience has also taught us that resilience cannot begin after disaster strikes. We must invest before the storm, prepare before the emergency, build before the damage is done and finance resilience before countries are forced to borrow simply to rebuild what they have lost. This requires greater international cooperation in climate adaptation, disaster preparedness, resilient infrastructure and accessible financing. Small island developing states should not be viewed simply as victims of climate change. We are also laboratories of resilience. Climate action remains one of the areas in which collective effort can make a profound difference. Grenada remains committed to strengthening resilience and advancing sustainable and low carbon development. But ambition without implementation is merely aspiration for vulnerable countries. Climate commitments must be accompanied by reliable access to the resources required to deliver them. Climate financing must become more accessible, predictable and responsive. Our objective should not simply be to help vulnerable countries recover from the next disaster. Our objective must be to transform vulnerability into resilience and resilience into sustainable opportunity.
We aim to build a strong state and a diversified and modern economy that keeps pace with global technological and digital transformations. And accordingly, we are working to employ all successful expertise and innovative experiences in the world of economics, finance and business, in service of a renaissance of economic and financial reform for my country We also do this to provide a safe environment for national and foreign investment. This vision is based on the great potential Iraq possesses. In terms of resources and investment opportunities in the fields of energy industry, agriculture, transport and technology. Not to mention Iraq's exceptional geographical location. Which connects its economy to the world. In this context. Our vision aims to move Iraq to a stage where it can be an effective production partner in the region by gradually reducing the role of the rentier economy. Strengthening open market policies. Developing production and export capacities. And investing in infrastructure and services. On this basis, we have developed the appropriate roadmap To support the private sector. Provide the necessary legal, tax and customs facilities and guarantees for the growth of business and foreign trade. And build effective partnerships with the global market to accelerate achieving sustainable development. In the field of global energy. Iraq's influence is prominent as our government is adopting an ambitious program to increase the production of crude oil in a manner consistent with the size of our proven reserves. Our government is also working to develop gas fields and expand refining capacities and our capacities to produce derivatives, and we are also working to improve our petrochemical industry capacities. Our ambition is for Iraq to be a global hub for energy production and to leverage its potential to promote regional and international security and stability in a sustainable manner. Nevertheless, we express concern regarding developments concerned with freedom of transport and maritime navigation. And the crisis this has caused in terms of the rise of global energy prices. In order to contain the subsequent risks and the consequences on our peoples, we are working to diversify our oil export ports and develop energy lines and corridors linking Iraq, Turkey, Jordan and Syria. In order to reach global markets with the aim of contributing to energy security and diversifying supply routes. Excellencies. Economic diversification on the basis of genuine partnerships is a central strategic objective of our economic policy.
It is a daily lived reality. It is woven into our social fabric as human ambition rooted dignity, opportunity and aspiration. Migration benefits countries of origin, transit countries and destination countries, contributing to skills development, cultural exchange and shared economic growth. We must therefore strengthen international cooperation to ensure migration contributes meaningfully to deeper human understanding and sustainable development. Guided by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, we must guarantee the full enjoyment of human rights by migrants, regardless of status. Protecting their dignity and fundamental freedoms is not only a legal obligation, it is a moral imperative. Mr. president, we welcome progress under the UN80 Initiative and appreciate efforts to enhance efficiency, effectiveness and coherence within the UN system. As deliberations continue, reforms must remain guided by intergovernmental agreed mandates and Member States priorities. Any measures undertaken should preserve the UN's capacity to deliver across all pillars of its work and maintain meaningful impact on the ground.
European integration has become our national project. Moldova has been a candidate country since 2022. Accession negotiations are underway and we are moving quickly. Our ambition is clear to anchor Moldova firmly in the European family. For us, joining the European Union is not about replacing one sphere of influence with another. It is the opposite. It is our citizens exercising their right to choose. Choose democracy, choose prosperity, choose peace. The European choice goes hand in hand with a strong transatlantic partnership. For Moldova, these are not competing directions. The United States has been an important partner in strengthening our security, energy independence and resilience. We want the next chapter of that relationship to be increasingly about trade, investment, technology and building things together. But membership is not only about what Europe can give Moldova, it is also about what Moldova can bring, a democracy that has learned to resist interference, an emerging economy, a country contributing to stability on Europe's eastern frontier, and a small state willing to experiment, reform and move quickly.
I hope the next Secretary-General, elected, will possess the same capacity and ambition to strengthen the organization and to address, with determination, the challenges facing humanity. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, this is the last time that I will have the honor of addressing this General Assembly as Head of Government of the Principality of Andorra. It will be my eighth intervention before this Assembly: six times in person, and unfortunately twice virtually, because of the COVID-19 pandemic. On eight occasions, I have had the honor of bringing the voice of my country to this forum, sharing its convictions, and defending its interests with the certainty that the greatness of a nation is not measured by its size, nor by its economic or military power, but by the strength of its values and by its willingness to contribute to the common good. And I continue to believe, as I did on the first day, that the UN is indispensable, not because it is perfect, but because it remains the finest expression of an extraordinary idea: that despite our differences, dialogue will always be more powerful than force. It has been one of the greatest honors of my tenure as Head of Government of Andorra to represent and serve my country from this podium. The recently deceased Franco-Iranian artist Marjane Satrapi once wondered whether we may have misunderstood the very purpose of education." Perhaps," she said," before teaching our children how to achieve economic or professional success, we should teach them that true success lies in humanism."
Madam president, excellencies, dear friends, the United Nations was born from a harsh lesson of history. The generation of 1945 had learned at terrible cost that while states can choose their actions they cannot control all the consequences they set in motion. That lesson is painfully relevant today. We are living through a period of profound uncertainty. Power is shifting, conflicts are multiplying, and there is a growing tendency to treat the rules and institutions of the international system as constraints belonging to another age. But the United Nations was built precisely for times of uncertainty, to bring rules and restraints to an unpredictable world, and to prevent conflict from descending into catastrophe. The task of our generation is both to preserve the institutions built by those that came before us, and also to remember the hard earned wisdom on which they rest. Today, that wisdom and the United Nations that embodies it is under enormous pressure. Madam president, this year marks 80 years since Iceland joined the United Nations. For eight decades, Iceland has held that a small state should enjoy the same protection, same rights and voice as a powerful one. That idea matters more today, not less. Despite its shortcomings, the United Nations has mattered and it has mattered a lot. UN peacekeeping and peace building operations have helped prevent and contain conflict around the world. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights transformed our understanding of human dignity. The convention on the law of the sea became the Constitution of the ocean, on which countries like mine depend, now strengthened further by the BBNJ agreement. The International Court of Justice has helped states settle disputes by peaceful means through law rather than force. And the International Criminal Court was created to ensure accountability for the most serious crimes. The United Nations has advanced gender equality, fought racism and discrimination, delivered humanitarian assistance, and help countries build more peaceful and prosperous societies. But loyalty to the United Nations cannot mean pretending that everything works perfectly. Bureaucracy can be cumbersome, decisions slow, and resources fragmented. The Security Council, entrusted with maintaining international peace and security, has too often been paralysed when action was needed most. Too often, the veto has become a shield against action rather than a tool for preserving peace. So yes, the United Nations needs reform, and Iceland fully supports the UN80 reform process. We need a United Nations that uses resources effectively and responds quickly when people need it. United Nations that delivers for all. The deeper challenge, however, is political. The strength of the United Nations depends on our willingness to uphold the principles and wisdom on which they were founded. Madam president, the most basic rules of international relations are being tested, not because we no longer know them. We do, but because increasingly governments apply them selectively, meaning that international law applies until it becomes inconvenient, that court decisions must be respected unless they challenge our own actions or those of our friends. That sovereignty is sacred only unless someone else's territory stands in the way of our ambitions. We cannot build courts, celebrate them when they prosecute our enemies and undermine them when they turn their attention to our friends. When grave violations go unanswered, they are more likely to be repeated.
These are all different fronts of a single, profound transformation. The world order that emerged after World War II is coming apart. It was an imperfect order. It did not prevent wars, injustice or suffering. But today, the world balance has been disrupted, and history, which someone has declared has reached its final chapter, is once again moving at a galloping pace. But every race needs a finish line. Our task cannot be to stand and watch passively the fragmentation of our world, but it must be to build a new framework of rules, responsibility, and cooperation capable of governing change. Change that can happen only through political will, through dialogue among nations, through the awareness of peoples, and through the ability of multinational, multilateral institutions to rediscover a mission equal to the challenges of our time. The United Nations cannot simply record the divisions of today. It must have the ambition to imagine the future and recognize its limitations, overcome its paralysis, and reform its instruments without abandoning its deepest raison d'être: to be the place where conflict gives way to dialogue, confrontation to diplomacy, and fear to the search for shared solutions. The United Nations remains the most universal place for pursuing this aspiration, not because it's perfect, but because no other institution can bring together, around the same table, such different interests, cultures, religions, and visions of the world. It is precisely when the world is divided that the value of dialogue grows rather than diminishes. Italy believes in this institution, in its value, in its central role. We believe in peace, which remains our guiding star, the guiding principle of Italy's foreign policy. It is rooted in our history, enshrined in our constitution, and integral to our identity. Dialogue, however, is not a sign of weakness, nor does it mean neutrality.
We have also submitted our updated nationally determined contribution, completed our long term strategy for a low carbon, climate resilient future and advanced our National Adaptation plan. But national ambition must be matched by international action. We must revive 1.5. Climate finance must become more accessible, affordable and predictable, and the international financial architecture must finally recognize what SIDS have so long argued. Income alone does not and cannot measure vulnerability.
Your excellencies, we see the cost of that neglect every day. In my region, from Lebanon to Yemen to Sudan, protracted conflict is deepening humanitarian suffering. And if anyone had any doubt that a crisis in our part of the world stays there, just look at the energy and grocery bills of ordinary families, from Mumbai to Madrid to Minnesota. The Iran war has shown how quickly instability can disrupt trade, investment and lives beyond the region. And then there is Gaza. For decades, I've stood before this assembly and warned of the dangers of leaving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict unresolved. But the international community chose to manage the conflict, not confront it. And every new Israeli violation was treated as temporary, diverting attention from the reality being created on the ground until temporary became permanent and permanent became policy. Of course, this is not the world's only injustice, but one of the world's longest running occupations forces a basic question if international law can be ignored for decades, then what exactly is that law worth and how can we enforce it if we won't even call out its violations? In Gaza, the evidence is overwhelming. In the first 300 days of the so-called cease fire, at least 300 Palestinian children were killed. Jordan's field hospitals have also been targeted. President Trump has pushed hard for peace and a path to end this war. But this Israeli government keeps moving the goalposts, continuing its attacks and destruction of civilian infrastructure, refusing to withdraw and squeezing Palestinians into barely a third of Gaza. This can no longer be dismissed as temporary military measures or a consequence of war. Accountability begins when we call things for what they are, an attempt to erase Palestinian life and impose a new territorial reality in Gaza. And while the world has been focused on Gaza, something extraordinarily dangerous is unfolding in the West Bank. Some may think we have seen this before settlements, violence, displacement, more of the same, but it is not. Nor is it simply an escalation. This is a fundamental shift. What was once a creeping process has exploded into something far more aggressive. Settler violence is rampant. Palestinians are being beaten, shot and terrorized, homes torched, property destroyed, families driven from their land and Israel is tightening its grip on more of the West Bank, seizing land, expanding settlements and pushing the Palestinians out. It is time to see what is happening for what it really is, because when the language is sanitized, the actions become normalized. Demolishing Palestinian homes to expand illegal settlements is not law enforcement. It is forcible transfer. Appropriating occupied land is not land registration. It is de facto annexation. A choking network of checkpoints and barriers is not security infrastructure. It is a system of subjugation. Systematic attacks on Palestinian communities are not settler unrest. The Israeli government criticizes the violence before the international audiences. They call those responsible a handful of rioters. They assure us that Israel is a country governed by law. Yet what's happening on the ground says otherwise. Israeli soldiers stand by as settlers attacked Palestinians, often protecting the attackers or joining them. They have blocked ambulances from reaching the injured. They have targeted international journalists who are trying to say the truth. And when soldiers watch, enable and sometimes even participate in violence against civilians, this is no longer about a handful of rioters. And the question is no longer whether a few extremists are breaking the law. The question is, is this the behavior of a democratic state governed by law? What is unfolding across the West Bank is not a series of isolated acts. It is elements of a single policy to compel an entire population to leave their land. And there is a name for that forced displacement, and that is a war crime. Your excellencies, if we are to resolve the Palestinian Israeli conflict, the world must abandon some illusions. The first is that Gaza and the West Bank are separate stories. They are not. They are two fronts of the same Israeli strategy. In both, Palestinians are being killed. In both, the reality on the ground is being remade. Gaza through destruction. The West Bank through de facto annexation. The objective is the same to make a viable Palestinian state impossible. Another illusion is that this Israeli leadership's rejection of Palestinian statehood is a position that might yet change. It is not. It is cemented on the ground. This government has been accelerating settlements and land seizures, but it began long before. Since Oslo, the map has changed piece by piece, settlement by settlement, and the most dangerous illusion that the Arab world never sought peace. The Arab Peace Initiative of 2002 offered Israel normalization with 57 Arab and Muslim states, including Iran and Iraq at the time, in exchange for peace and Palestinian statehood. For over 20 years, that offer has stood. The obstacle hasn't been the absence of a partner for peace, but the absence of an Israeli government willing to accept it. This Israeli government understands the power of attention, and lately it has not liked the attention it's been getting. When confronted with evidence of wrongdoing, rather than change the course, it opts for distraction, discrediting its critics. It has also tried to cast this conflict as a war of religions Islam on one side, Judaism and Christianity on the other. It is not. This is about whether Palestinians, Muslims and Christians are entitled to the same rights as everyone else. Distractions will not fly anymore. People across the world are paying attention. The question now is, will we act? Because the world's political inaction is not for lack of options. So let's call it for what it is a choice. We have tools, sanctions, asset freezes, embargoes, diplomatic isolation, and we have a record of using them elsewhere. Yet with Israel, resolutions end where they began on paper. The result is a state without restraint. This government's sense of impunity has reached terrifying levels. It no longer feels compelled to ask, can we get away with this? It already knows the answer, and that is precisely why no one in this assembly should assume its ambitions stop at Palestine. This Israeli government's expansionist appetite is now a regional threat. And today Syria is the warning the international community is choosing not to see. Repeated incursions, creeping territorial expansion, new facts imposed on the ground, including around vital water resources, step by calculated step, Israel is testing how far it can go, and every time the international community looks away, Israel learns that it can go even further across borderlines and legal limits. For Jordan, there is no ambiguity, any threat to our northern border or our water security is a threat to our national security. Jordan will not look away. We will protect our security, our water and the interests of our people. And the question here is, if Israel continues its antagonistic approach in southern Syria, will the international community stand by and let that happen?
We carry no larger agenda other than to ensure that the United Nations will do better. Mr. president, as we face a world in which scientists tell us overshooting the 1.5 degree temperature limit that we agreed in Paris is increasingly likely. We all need to wake up and act. Our focus now must be on preventing or minimizing the overshoot. Shortening the time we spend above 1.5, and doing everything possible to fight our way back. As we gather in Tuvalu, Fiji and Türkiye for this year's climate pre-COP and COP, our response to the threat of overshoot must be overwhelming. A much accelerated transition away from fossil fuels is the only logical response. Continued investment in fossil fuels is not only immoral but irrational. Technologies exist which provide secure, stable, zero emissions energy. We are employing them in my own country, where in the next 18 months, renewable energy will cut fossil fuel use in our remote outer islands by 88%, giving many access to electricity for the first time. We must do everything in our power to accelerate the deployment of renewables and to reduce fossil fuel production and consumption with equal speed. This includes shipping, where we have the opportunity at the International Maritime Organization to adopt binding regulations that will place international shipping on a clear path to net zero by 2050, and generate the revenue required to ensure a just and equitable transition. Mr. president, the denials and delays that have slowed the transition away from fossil fuels mean that countries like mine are already experiencing grave challenges. We have developed our national adaptation Plan, working across ministries and with our people to determine how to make a safe future. Adapting is costly and takes time. Even as we've seen schools destroyed by rising seas, salt water poisoning our wells, and disease outbreaks linked to environmental change. This injustice must be addressed. Our communities deserve restitution. The Marshall Islands and vulnerable people everywhere need sufficient, timely and accessible finance for adaptation and loss and damage. Those who have profited to the detriment of the many must pay. We have created homegrown institutions that are ready and willing to respond, like the Pacific Resilience Facility, a regionally managed platform, and the Marshall Islands Adaptation and Resilience Trust Fund, designed to enable donors to support our adaptation efforts. Mr. president, the crisis has the power to divide us or to prove that we all remain willing to achieve common goals. This week, the Marshall Islands convened the High Ambition Coalition, a diverse group of countries committed to a rigorous response to the climate crisis. We are united in the view that the best available science must lead the decisions we make, the importance of a 1.5°C temperature limit, an urgent transition away from fossil fuels, and the need for adequate and accessible climate finance, especially for adaptation and loss and damage.
The principality calls on all countries to show more ambition in their national contributions, and not to abandon island and coastal states, which are the most vulnerable, because the climate crisis is no longer a distant threat. Heatwaves, fires and floods are multiplying, and the Mediterranean, which my country borders experienced last year, its second highest surface temperature ever recorded. And because science is being questioned, let us recall, as the prince did in COP30 in Belém, that science has never been as certain, as accessible and as clear. Four years before the 2030 deadline, the Sustainable Development agenda must not become the symbol of our broken promises. Let us be candid as we take stock. States alone cannot make progress. We need to have a renewed framework for cooperation with those who create wealth and shape innovation: businesses, first and foremost, and civil society.
As we forge ahead with the SDGs, reform of the United International Financial Architecture is critical to a more equitable and inclusive global economic order. Such reforms should create greater policy space and access to financing to enable countries to expand their economies through value addition to their natural resources, including critical minerals, for our people to have full benefit of our resources. This will accelerate sustainable development, address inequality, create jobs for our youth, and lift our population out of poverty. In this context, we welcome the creation of the African Credit Rating Agency to be launched in Mauritius in October this year. This development is a building block of Africa taking ownership of her development and prosperity agenda. It demonstrates progress in Africa's ambitions to drive impetus for the reform of the international financial architecture in order to ensure a level playing field. Middle-income countries continue to face high borrowing costs, limited fiscal space, debt vulnerabilities, climate-related shocks, and persistent inequality. Namibia reaffirms the Sevilla Commitments as an important step towards reforming the international financial architecture and strengthening the global partnership for sustainable development.
And we don't need to reinvent the wheel. A lot of good things are happening already. For decades, the Netherlands has been working with partners around the world to develop climate smart agriculture and future proof water management solutions. And we are keen to share our knowledge and know-how, and we want to learn from what other countries are doing. There are so many great initiatives under way. But I also know there's much more to be done. The need to accelerate and scale up our efforts is only too clear. And that demands our common commitment. The Netherlands wants to build practical partnerships with other countries, so we are once again making funding available for this purpose. And at the same time, we need to adapt to climate shocks that can no longer be avoided. These adaptations will require major investments, both public and private. Because here too, we cannot do it alone. Today, I call on all countries to stick to these ambitions because one way or another, a climate transition is coming. But we can decide how it unfolds. It can be chaotic, or it can be carefully planned with an inclusive approach and economic benefits for all. Ladies and gentlemen, as I come to the end of my remarks, I have an even stronger sense of what Anne Frank was telling us.
Excellencies. The theme of this session calls upon us to restore trust. But trust cannot be restored by simple words alone. It must be earned through action, through behaviour. We will restore trust when rivers become lifelines of cooperation, not fault lines of conflict. We will restore trust when those who failed the climate, those who fuelled the climate crisis, protect those who suffer most from its devastating consequences. And above all, trust will be restored when the guns are silenced and replaced by handshakes, embraces and smiles. Mr. president, the UN80 Initiative should make the United Nations stronger, more coherent and more effective. The Security Council must become more representative, democratic and accountable. Reform must reflect the interests and aspirations of the overwhelming majority of member states, not the ambitions of a select few. Our motto remains: reform for all, privilege for none. Ladies and gentlemen, we live at a dangerous moment.
Mr. president, as we work to correct the imbalances inherited from the last century, we must not allow them to be reproduced in the future. Artificial intelligence opens boundless horizons for growth, knowledge, innovation and improved services. Yet it may also create a vast new divide and power linked to computing capacity, data models skills and financing. Therefore managing this transformation requires the establishment of governance frameworks for artificial intelligence and emerging technologies on the basis that technology is a global public benefit and not an exclusive privilege enjoyed by a limited number of states or corporations. Egypt supports the role of the United Nations and a global dialogue to develop principles that balance innovation and responsibility, protect privacy, guarantee transparency, accountability, non-discrimination, human oversight, respect for international law, technology and knowledge transfer, financing of digital infrastructure and skills development. This would enable developing countries to become producers and developers of technology, rather than merely being markets for its consumption. Artificial intelligence should also reflect the linguistic and cultural diversity of the world Arab and African languages and communities should receive fair representation and data and models. Egypt has launched the second edition of its National Artificial Intelligence Strategy 2025 2030, grounded in its firm conviction that the safe and responsible use of technology and the development of national capacities are inseparable requirements. The same principle governs the green transition. There can be no just transition if ambition is dissociated from fair implementation.
Irregular migration is increasingly becoming a security issue, and it requires a coordinated international response. Ladies and gentlemen, if we want a United Nations that is more effective in terms of decision-making, more efficient in managing available resources, and up to date on technological developments, we adopt as its shared task to readjust the structure of the United Nations around the three pillars, as well as reassess how the United Nations operates. Estonia supports a system-wide reform of the UN80 and humanitarian reset, which are both well underway and have already delivered some encouraging results. Now it's time to build on this momentum and to move decisively forward with reforms. We need ambition. For example, the humanitarian sector, alongside stronger data harmonization, could move towards a shared interoperability model that allows many systems to coexist while quickly and safely exchanging data. Estonian humanitarian organizations are already testing these solutions, from Palestine to Sudan. We also need determination. Above all, we need action. Action that strengthens the UN as the main actor responsible for multilateral cooperation and prepares it for future challenges. This year, the United Nations is set to make arguably one of its most consequent decisions: the selection and appointment of its next Secretary-General. As an active member of the Accountability, Coherence, and Transparency Group, Estonia has stood for a transparent, fair, and inclusive process. At this challenging time for the organization, we need a strong and principled leader with an impeccable track record in championing and upholding international law, human rights, and the principles of the Charter. Estonia also feels that after 81 years, it is time for the organization to be led by a woman. Allow me to take this opportunity to commend and express our gratitude to our current Secretary-General, Mr. António Guterres, for his steadfast commitment to the principles of the UN Charter, including his support for a just and lasting peace in Ukraine. With regard to the Security Council, it must be said that its inability to take timely and decisive decisions on some of the worst crises we are seeing today risks rendering the United Nations irrelevant. We have not seen unified and decisive council action on Ukraine, Sudan, or in Myanmar. The use of the veto and the threat of its use continue to loom over the Council and paralyze any of its attempts to take action. Estonia has strongly advocated for permanent members to refrain from vetoing resolutions aimed at ending mass atrocities, in line with the France, Mexico proposal, and the ACT Code of Conduct. It is also important to call on the Security Council members to start fully implementing Article 27(3) of the Charter once again, and to abstain in cases where members of the Council are a party to a dispute. The General Assembly resolution "United for Peace" gives the most representative and democratic body of the United Nations, a toolbox to act on matters related to international peace and security when the Council is unable to deliver. In concert, we must reinforce the role of the General Assembly when it comes to peace and security, and this will help us in collectively finding solutions where the Council is powerless. Ladies and gentlemen, Estonia firmly believes that respect of human rights is a prerequisite for peace, security, and prosperity. We stand firmly behind the United Nations human rights system and will continue to defend and strengthen it.
Its campaign is conducted under the slogan "Consolidating Justice for Security and Peace: Libya, a Bridge Among Nations." Libya looks forward to the confidence and support of the member states in this endeavor. This candidacy is not merely a diplomatic ambition. It embodies a national will for Libya to regain its natural role in the international arena and to shoulder its responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. It stems from a firm conviction that peace is built not merely on the absence of conflict, but on establishing justice and addressing the causes of injustice and instability. Libya does not seek the seat merely to occupy a position. Rather, it seeks to contribute to building a more equitable international order and to serve as a bridge among nations, a voice for consensus, and an active partner in peacemaking. Hence, our message to our friends and partners is not that they should abandon their interests in Libya, but that they should build those interests with us on a firmer foundation, namely that their interests lie in Libya's stability, not in the fragility of its institutions, and in partnership with Libya, not in influence within it.
Public spending is increasingly directed today towards a structuring productive investment, better access to basic services and training and employment for young people and women in particular. And this ambition requires greater local processing of our natural and mining resources, stronger national production capacities and an active role for youth in Mali's economic and social transformation. Mali intends to continue its national refoundation to guarantee security, justice, wellbeing and prosperity for all of its citizens.
And this commitment comes at a time when the United Nations itself is facing a profound test. Eight decades after its foundation, the challenges confronting this organization are increasingly complex and interconnected. Conflicts are eroding trust in the international system. Climate change is testing the resilience of states and of societies, and artificial intelligence and other emerging technologies are creating risks at a speed that national frameworks alone cannot adequately address. So the answer cannot be less multilateralism. It must be more effective multilateralism. And Montenegro, therefore, strongly supports the UN reform agenda and the ambition to build a United Nations that is more effective, more agile, more accessible, more financially sustainable, and fit for the challenges of our time. This reform must strengthen the UN's ability to deliver where it matters most: in preventing conflict, protecting human rights and freedoms, advancing sustainable development, and responding effectively to humanitarian crises. This responsibility also extends to the Security Council itself, which must become more effective, representative, accountable, and transparent. And the exercise of the veto must carry the weight of conscience above all when the world is confronted with mass atrocities and the large-scale loss of civilian life. The Charter of the United Nations must remain our common reference point, and Montenegro will be a constructive partner in those efforts. Excellencies, Montenegro remains committed to supporting Ukraine and welcomes all credible diplomatic efforts aimed at bringing the war to an end.
Within the framework of the National Development Plan 2025-2044, Mozambique is committed to transforming its potential into shared prosperity for the people through the valorization of resources and investing in human capital, especially in the youth and women, which are the majority. We also want to increase value to natural resources. We also want to modernize our agriculture, promote industrialization, develop tourism, expand access to energy, invest in infrastructures, education, health, science and technology, digitalization, and in the economy in general. Natural resources should contribute to the economic diversification of our economy, the mobilization of income, and investment in our biggest asset, which is the talent of the Mozambican people and the talent of the African people. Our location in the Indian Ocean, our logistic corridors, and our agricultural potential, energy, and minerals make Mozambique a strategic platform for investment and regional integration. We therefore seek partnerships that build national capacity, promote local content, respect the environment, and generate employment, especially for the young people and women. Mozambique will continue to diversify its partnership in a sovereign way, transparent, and mutually beneficial manner, working with all the parties in light of the national priorities. This is also Africa's ambition: to be the architect of their own destiny, to participate in setting the rules, and to fully benefit from the wealth it helps to create.
President, the triple crisis I have set out here is no less than an existential crisis for our United Nations. Yet, thankfully to counter this, we have concrete proposals for reform on the table, the UN80 initiative. The UN80 initiative is a test of our ability to build a stronger more robust UN. Norway supports the level of ambition that the Secretary-General has set out. We support the proposals across all workstreams, including structural changes. The UN80 process has already produced successes. The mandate resolution laid the foundation for better joint decisions. We all agree that we must rationalise mandates, streamline reporting and organise our work to allow for broad, effective participation. Norway is proud to play a role in this process, but we also do need structural change. We need to be better at delivering as one. Some UN organizations frankly overlap. They should be merged in order to serve our common interests. But unfortunately, colleagues too often member states show vested interests, engaged themselves in turf battles and become fearful of change. Let me be clear: reform will not succeed if we always keep protecting the status quo. Let us remind ourselves that we, the Member States, are the owners of this organisation, not the Secretariat. With that comes responsibility. The UN80 process needs to continue under the next Secretary-General. We need to see this initiative succeed. For an organisation of 193 states to function, we need a strong independent Secretary-General that firmly advocates the principles of the UN Charter with integrity and with authority. In a time of geopolitical tension, the Secretary-General's good offices function becomes more important than ever before. The next Secretary-General will face the formidable task of helping us lead the United Nations out of its current crisis. We need someone bold and transformative. She must be able to build trust to implement our decisions, lead meaningful reform and improve effectiveness. A true reform of this organisation must also address the composition and functioning of the Security Council. That is the common call of the majority of this room. The absence of Africa among the permanent seats of the Council is but one striking example. While striving to improve legitimacy, we must ensure that we do not reduce efficiency. We need a Security Council that is open, transparent and accountable in its deliberation.
Saint Kitts and Nevis is not seeking pity; we are advancing partnership. A sustainable island state is not a distant ambition; we are building it today. Yet, even as we advance, the climate crisis is moving the goalposts. This year, our federation and the wider Caribbean faced severe drought. By the end of May, rainfall was 44% below the long-term average. We are investing in resilient infrastructure. But no small island developing state can adapt indefinitely to a crisis the world continues to intensify. Adaptation cannot excuse inaction elsewhere. Distinguished colleagues, the science is unequivocal. The years 2015 to 2025 were the warmest on record, and in 2025, global average temperature remained about 1.43 degrees Celsius above the pre-industrial baseline, while global mean sea level stood approximately 11 centimeters higher than in 1993. For island nations, this is a question of sovereignty and statehood. If our coastlines retreat, our sovereignty must not.
Hope has retreated, while cynicism and doubt have grown. Nevertheless, we hear the insistent calls for justice, peace, and for a rules based international order that applies equally to all nations. Mr. President, I come here for the first time representing my country, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, with a clear mandate and a commitment that governance must be transparent, that individual actions must consistently reflect integrity, and that public resources must be used to improve the lives of ordinary people. We are a small democratic multi-island Caribbean nation committed to multilateralism and the peaceful resolution of disputes. Those principles serve us well and we believe should bind all of us in this chamber. We, in Saint Vincent and the Grenadines experience firsthand the vulnerability of living on the front lines of climate change, having experienced only two years ago the sudden destructive power of a category five hurricane. We also feel enormous strains imposed on small nations and our small, open economy by distant wars that have disrupted supply chains and by decisions made in places where our voice is never heard. Yet we will not let vulnerability define us or limit our ambitions. We will be resilient, and we will work individually and collectively to transcend our vulnerability. So, Mr. President, we come to this august assembly not as mere petitioners, but as partners to play our part in making our world a better place. I come at this point in the debate, having had the privilege of listening to other leaders who spoke before me. And Mr. President, I must tell you, I was moved by the hopeful vision, the fiery passion, the boundless generosity and caring of many of the speakers. They lifted my spirit and I am determined that that is where my spirit shall remain.
At all of these times, I have been compelled to reflect upon the major issues concerning humankind, as well as their aspirations and concerns. These are peace, development, equality, the climate crisis, free trade, energy security, and, more recently, artificial intelligence. Where these challenges are concerned, Venezuela has always held, and continues to hold, very clear positions. One, we adhere strictly to the notion of peace and repudiate violence; understanding and dialogue must triumph over conflict. We firmly believe in the power of understanding and dialogue. Venezuela, who today knows exactly what it is to lift its children from the rubble, extend its solidarity—indeed, its wholehearted solidarity—to all peoples suffering from war. We reaffirm, in the most unambiguous terms here, that peace, a just, lasting peace underpinned by dignity for all parties, is not a naive ambition; rather, it is the only truly humane solution to conflict. Our second, unwavering stance: inclusive development with social justice, to alleviate poverty and mitigate the suffering of hundreds of millions of people that are primarily located in the Global South.
He stood firm in defending our organization against attempts to undermine its foundations. He worked tirelessly to strengthen its role whenever efforts were made to diminish it, he devoted himself to keeping the voice of multilateral action strong whenever attempts were made to silence it. Today we meet at a crossroads. In many parts of the world, tensions are rising, conflicts are expanding, and crises are deepening. Meanwhile, trust among nations is declining. Isolationism and polarization are intensifying. Whereas selfishness and exclusion are prevailing at the expense of cooperation. Unilateral coercive measures are increasingly being imposed, and the logic of power is once again reasserting itself, eclipsing the virtues of dialogue and disregarding the benefits of consensus and understanding. In such a turbulent international context, the danger lies not only in the outbreak of wars, but also in the normalization and acceptance of war itself. It lies in the transformation of the exception into the rule, to a situation where the rules of international law become applicable at times and suspended at others, subject only to the dictates of power balances. What sort of international order can function properly when principles are selected according to the identity of those who violate them? What confidence can remain in international law when the aggressor is granted the right to self-defense, while the victim is required to justify even the right to survive? And what future await humanity if imposing fait accompli and once again becomes a tool for managing conflict or determining their outcome. This matter is not simply a temporary crisis facing the international system. Rather, it is a profound review of our collective conscience and our capacity to preserve and develop the order we established after two world wars, so that future generations would not suffer the scourge of war. Because we fail to learn the lessons of a not so distant history, and because we did not heed these lessons, and we did not transform them into measures that would protect us from the catastrophes of the past finally and in full. And because we built a system of international relations whose central purpose was to reject war. And to safeguard a lasting peace, but without providing the system with the means and instruments necessary to achieve an ambition of this size. For this reason, the theme that was chosen by the president of our General Assembly for this session, namely restoring trust and managing transformation: a United Nations delivering results for all, this theme not only reflects the challenges of our time, but also presents us with a fundamental question how do we restore confidence in an international system whose rules and institutions have lost credibility? Algeria believes that the starting point must be from the place where the will of the international community must be embodied, namely the United Nations itself, this very place and this very hall. Particularly reforming the United Nations system is no longer an institutional luxury, nor is it a choice that can be postponed indefinitely. It has become a necessity imposed by the profound transformations the world has undergone. It is imposed by the need for a more just international order, an international order that is more representative and more equitable. We cannot ask peoples to trust in multilateralism if its institutions continue to reflect the balances of a bygone era. We cannot speak of international justice without addressing the historical imbalances that still mar the structure of international decision making. Nor can we advocate for international peace and security while the system of international relations continues to favor war as a means of resolving dispute. Accordingly, Algeria calls for strengthening the role and the authority of the General Assembly. We call for a profound reform of the Security Council that would make it more representative, more equitable and more effective, and that would put an end to selectivity and double standards in the application of international law. In this regard, Algeria reaffirms its steadfast support for the common African position. We stress that correcting the historical injustice suffered by Africa requires permanent and fair African representation in the Security Council with full powers. If restoring trust begins with institutional reform, then it cannot be complete without doing justice to the peoples aspiring to self-determination and the realization of their national projects.
Generations move on. But the institutions and powers created on the pretext of those alleged emergencies remain. And if for a moment we allow ourselves to believe that the lesson had been learned after so many failures, the arrival of artificial intelligence demonstrates quite something else. The printing press, the steam engine, electricity, the internet— every great technological revolution has been accompanied by fears about what it would destroy, particularly jobs. There is no doubt that this is one of the most effective ways of instilling fear in human beings, given the role of work as a means of subsistence. Take the Industrial Revolution as an example. When it began, the world was home to some 800 million human beings. If, in keeping with the Luddites and the perennial pessimists, employment had at best remained constant, then, given that the world's population has since increased more than tenfold, the global unemployment rate today would be at 90%. That is absurd, something that few of us seem to have stopped to consider, except perhaps those of us with a passion for reading Borges, who love his approach for testing an idea by taking it to its logical extreme. Ultimately, these technological advances have not only failed to produce any of the catastrophes, but in addition, all of these ended up bringing an end to what human beings were able to do. Today, we have built machines that are able to carry out tasks that only a few months ago seemed out of our reach. Where many see a threat, we see a new frontier: artificial intelligence, or superintelligence, as Donald Trump said, can double our productivity in a way that we do not yet comprehend. To invoke Adam Smith, artificial intelligence will be the pin factory of the 21st century, and much more besides. It can transform our economies, our medicine, our education, even the way we govern. That calls for prudence, yes. But prudence doesn't mean fear. Moreover, under no circumstances should fear automatically translate into obedience. Indeed, the dystopian scenarios commonly invoked to instill fear and justify state control make no sense from an economic standpoint. The answer lies with Adam Smith. Artificial intelligence, like the division of labor in the case of the pin factory, is an accelerator of productivity growth. Smith noted, however, that the division of labor is limited by the extent of the market. Growth will therefore be constrained by its counterpart in genuine demand, without fiscal deficits or spurious money creation. But that's not all. Those projects must also be financed, and that should be done with the resources of human beings. That is, their initial endowments and level of wealth, which correspond to the size of the market. Moreover, the purpose of producing more is to achieve a higher level of consumption. Yet the satisfaction generated by consumption increases at a decreasing rate, while the loss of satisfaction involved in surrendering leisure in order to produce more rises disproportionately. Consequently, the point at which the gain from greater consumption is equal to the loss of leisure brings the system to an equilibrium, leaving no room for dystopian terror. That is why, when we hear that the state should control artificial intelligence, we should remember something basic. The state is not an abstract creature. It is made up of people, officials, and bureaucrats. Granting it control over innovation means granting some people, in the best and most naive of cases, the power to limit what everyone else can create. History gives us reason to scrutinize such power carefully. For centuries, fear over tomorrow has been used as an argument for restricting freedoms today, always with the same promise: give us a part of your freedom and we will protect you from this new threat. We will apply a different principle. In the face of uncertainty, we propose determination. In the face of fear, courage. In the face of decline, ambition. And in the face of resignation, we propose optimism. That is why I tell you that when it comes to artificial intelligence, Argentina will stand at the forefront of freedom. We have the critical minerals, the energy, the talent, and the capacity to compete at every link in that value chain. And we want to become the most competitive place in the world in which to develop it, with a cutting-edge legal framework, a commitment not to regulate preemptively, limited liability for companies operating with AI agents, and tax incentives. Because artificial intelligence is not geopolitically neutral. The West must lead the development of this technology to ensure that it is consistent with our fundamental libertarian values, namely respect for life, liberty, private property, and the notion of human dignity.
We cannot speak about interdependence without speaking about migration. People have always moved and they will continue to do so, and governments have a duty to manage that movement and to ensure that migration takes place safely, regularly and in accordance with the law. Order is itself a matter of human rights. When migration is left in the hands of smugglers and traffickers, people are exploited, placed in danger and sometimes lost at sea. But the way in which governments maintain order matters just as much. States have both the right and the responsibility to manage the borders. They must do so in full respect of international law and fundamental rights. A person's legal status may change. Their human dignity doesn't. Every person counts. That is why countries of origin transit and destination must work together. Safe, orderly and regular migration and respect for human rights are not competing ambitions. They must go hand in hand, and we can either manage our interdependence or be at its mercy. Health crises have taught us the same lesson. Outbreaks do not recognize borders. Cooperation is a necessity. Those who refuse to cooperate weaken themselves. But if our commitments are to hold, we also need institutions capable of upholding them.
The above would enable developing countries to invest in education, health, agriculture, climate resilience and other productive sectors to holistically address their interconnected challenges. Mr. president, climate change presents another test of our collective credibility, and for The Gambia, it is not a distant threat. Coastal erosion, changing rainfall patterns, pressure on water resources, food insecurity and environmental degradation are already affecting our communities and livelihoods. However, we are responding with determination by investing in renewable energy, coastal resilience, mangrove restoration, disaster risk reduction, early warning systems, water security, and nature based solutions. National electricity access reached 90% universal access by the end of 2026. We are expanding our solar energy in schools and health facilities, modernizing our electricity network, and advancing a 150 megawatt solar park. We have also adopted our first national disaster risk mitigation Plan, but we urge that our national ambition be supported by external action to make climate finance accessible, predictable and adequate, including through the sustained implementation of the new collective Quantified Goal on climate finance and effective arrangements to address loss and damage, build climate resilience and a fairer international order in which those who have contributed least to the climate crisis are not left to bear the greatest burdens.
They resolved to save succeeding generations from its scourge. They reaffirmed faith in human dignity and in the equal rights of nations, large and small. And they pledged social progress, better standards of life, and the economic and social advancement of all peoples. These were not mere words; they were the foundations of a new global order: peace over war, law over force, sovereign equality over dependency, cooperation over division, and human dignity over ambitions of power. On 16 December 1963, four days after our independence, Kenya took its seat in this Assembly. We arrived with one vote and the same sovereign rights as every other state. The promise made in San Francisco now belonged to us as well. And that promise changed the world.
The Paraguay that, after the military catastrophe, became a true open-air graveyard, is today a very different country. Paraguay has risen up. And it is ready to take its place in the world. We rose up through hard work, through openness to the world, and through the stubborn determination of a people that did not choose its geography but did choose their own destiny. Today, Paraguay is experiencing one of the finest economic periods in its history. And it has become an example to other countries of macroeconomic stability, sustained growth, and poverty reduction. As a result of this, in December 2025, Standard & Poor's awarded us our second investment-grade rating, making Paraguay the first country in more than a decade to achieve that distinction. In the final quarter of that year, unemployment fell to 3.6%. This is the lowest level on our records. Growth only matters if it is felt at home. Decent employment is one of the best social policies a state can provide. And that's not all. Paraguay has reduced poverty to levels never seen before. In less than 20 years, we have brought the poverty rate down from 58% to 16%, faster than any other country in the region. Because people matter to us. Moreover, the future is bright, not only because our electricity supply is abundant, stable, and 100% renewable, but also because our region possesses land, energy, critical minerals, and, most importantly, its extraordinary people. Mr. President, as I come to the end of my statement, I wish to return to the idea with which I began. People no longer want slogans alone. They want solutions to their problems. And above all, they want peace. They want freedom, security, democracy, prosperity, and opportunities for their children. And those of us who are entrusted with the responsibility of leading our countries must rise to those expectations. Paraguay knows that the road ahead is difficult. But we also know that it is not impossible. We believe it is possible to build a world in which cooperation delivers results, a world where democracy is not an empty promise, a world where technology serves humanity, a world in which development reaches those who need it most. And we believe that Paraguay has much to contribute to that future. We are a country that did not choose its geography. But we are a country that chose our destiny, a country that has confronted adversity and chose to rise again, a country with energy, resources, talent, and, above all, an unbreakable determination to progress. We are a country that has stopped asking what we lack and has begun asking," How far can we go?" This is the Paraguay, the Paraguay of great ambitions, a Paraguay that is engaged with the world, that opens its door to opportunity, that defends its sovereignty, that embraces peace, freedom, and democracy, a Paraguay that seeks to grow without leaving anyone behind. And that Paraguay has a message for the world today. We have come to show what we are capable of.
We are grateful to the European Union, and in particular to the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, and to the President of the European Council, António Costa, for every kind of assistance they have provided to our country. Although full-fledged membership to the European Union remains a strategic priority, we cannot ignore the prolonged enlargement fatigue, both amongst certain EU member states and among the candidate countries themselves. Serbia's European path is a clear illustration of the length and complexity of this process. We obtained candidate status in 2012 and opened accession negotiations in 2014, more than 12 years ago. The citizens of Serbia, therefore, rightly expect a clearer perspective and more tangible results from a process in which our country has participated for more than a decade. At a time when the next enlargement of the European Union does not appear likely in the near future, we have sought to remain constructive and to propose practical ways of overcoming the current impasse. We have, therefore, proposed that the Western Balkans be gradually integrated into the EU's single market and granted access to the Schengen area even before attaining full membership in the EU. This would neither serve as a substitute for membership nor diminish our ambitions. Rather, it would provide a concrete and pragmatic way forward, enable the citizens and economies of the region to experience the tangible benefits of European integration and help overcome the deadlock in which the enlargement process has remained for far too long. However, a stable and integrated Europe, of which Serbia is a part, and our European path, do not mean renouncing the traditional friendship thanks to which Belgrade is one of the few European capitals from which one can fly directly to the United States of America, the People's Republic of China, and the Russian Federation. I owe special gratitude for the support during COVID pandemics, as well as for a paramount investment in Serbia to the President of the People's Republic of China, Xi Jinping, hoping that his talks with President Trump will be productive and that they will contribute to the stabilization of the developments in the world. At the same time, we nurture ties with traditional friends and partners in Africa, Asia, and Latin America, with whom we recently marked in Belgrade the 65th anniversary of the first conference of non-aligned countries held in our capital in 1961.
They are what we allowed, what we still allow, and what we will answer for. There is a painful cry for a better world order as we witness the weakening into irrelevance of multilateral institutions. No country, regardless of size or power, can address today's interconnected challenges alone. Excellencies, leadership is not merely discovering the angriest instinct of the electorate and amplifying it. Leadership is sometimes telling our own supporters that they are wrong. It is explaining complexity when a slogan would be easier. It is asking people to consider tomorrow when they are angry about today. It is persuading citizens that humanity of others who may worship differently, speak another language, or vote for another party does not diminish their own freedoms. Statesmanship requires patience, persuasion, courage to compromise. And above all, it requires an understanding that power brings responsibility, not exemption. The Charter of the United Nations was not written to make the strong weak. It was written to prevent the strong from making the world unlivable. Soon we will elect a new Secretary-General. The regional rotation precedent must be preserved. Africa had an unprecedented continuous three terms: Boutros Boutros-Ghali, 1992-1996, Kofi Annan, 1997-2006. Now the Security Council will elect a Latin American as our Secretary-General for 2027-2032. And after more than 80 years of men at the helm of our organization, needless to say, we ought to have enough wisdom and elect a woman with unquestionable integrity, unblemished record, and in defense of human rights, a strong advocacy of gender equality and inclusion, rule of law, democracy, solid experience in senior management in national and multilateral institutions. Mr. President, Excellencies, for developing countries, particularly small island developing states and least developed countries, efficiency must translate into stronger delivery on the ground, not reduced essential support. Timor-Leste urges comprehensive reform, expansion in both the permanent and non-permanent categories, so that developing countries and historically underrepresented regions have a stronger voice in decisions concerning international peace and security. The veto is inconsistent with the sovereign equality of member states. President, Timor-Leste reaffirms the principles of climate justice, common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities in the light of different national circumstances. Greater climate ambition must be accompanied by accessible, predictable finance: adaptation support, technology transfer, and capacity building. Artificial intelligence and other emerging technologies reshape our societies. Developing countries must actively participate in their governance and development.
We know that we are at our strongest when we unite with others, when we reach across borders to solve shared problems. Standing here today, I am reminded of the huge human progress that this organisation has led, like the eradication of smallpox or the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. That is the kind of promise and hope that led Britain to host the very first meeting of this General Assembly in London, and led to the world to create this institution, these United Nations, our United Nations. That is the level of ambition that we need now to renew the UN for our times, to tackle challenges like improving global health and preventing future pandemics, to end the wars that are causing so much suffering and instability, including the terrible conflict in Sudan, and to tackle climate change.
So while others have talked, I have acted. While others have spoken of peace, I have made peace. While others have ignored threats, I have confronted them. While others have talked of courage, America has shown it. While others have promised strength, I have used it to make America the most powerful country in the world. Working with many nations in this room, we are solving decades of intractable challenges, and we are settling years of unfinished business. And we're doing it well. There is no better example of a danger that was allowed to gather strength at the world's peril than the number one sponsor of terror, the Islamic Republic of Iran. For 51 years, the fanatical Iranian regime has ruled by bloodshed and mass murder, spreading death and carnage and chaos across the entire Middle East and beyond. They were the bully of the Middle East, but they are the bully no more. From the first day I entered the political arena, I've been unwavering. I will never allow Iran to have a nuclear weapon. Upon taking office last year, I immediately opened negotiations with Iran and offered them full economic cooperation in exchange for ending their nuclear program and support for terror. But they refused. They absolutely refused. That was a big mistake. Then in Operation Midnight Hammer, the U.S. military obliterated their nuclear program beneath mountains of rubble. And again, I urged Iran to make a deal. And again they refused. The regime continued building a vast missile and drone stockpile that threatened the security of every American service member in the region and everyone else in the region. They also made a missile that was capable of hitting Europe, and they were very proud of it. I hope the Europeans realize that Iran's goal was to complete their mad dash to a nuclear bomb from behind this conventional ballistic missile shield. If they had succeeded, that wicked regime would have been free to spread terror and death forever, knowing that any attempt to stop them would face an arsenal of nuclear annihilation. In America, we just marked the 25th anniversary of the worst terror attack in history, September 11th, which killed 3000 people just a few miles from here. It was an unbelievably terrible time. In two weeks, we will mark the third anniversary of the October 7th attack in Israel, where terrorists funded by Iran tortured, mutilated and killed 1200 very innocent civilians, including dozens of Americans and many babies, babies, little tiny, beautiful babies. Iran's supreme leader celebrated that massacre and called it a service to humanity. The same regime slaughtered over 72,000 of its citizens this year. Recently, 10,000 were killed for protesting. Just imagine such a vile regime were ever empowered to carry out large scale terror attacks from behind a nuclear shield. This was the reality we had to confront, a reality that far too many preferred to ignore. They all ignored it. Many presidents and many others just wanted to ignore it. They were unwilling to do anything about it, but they knew the problem. After giving Iran every chance for a deal, I took action to ensure that neither the United States nor any nation in this hall would ever have to face such a nightmare, such a catastrophic problem. As a result of Operation Epic Fury, all 159 ships of their navy are now lying at the bottom of the sea. Likewise, their air force is gone. Their radar is gone, their anti-aircraft equipment is gone. Their missiles and drone manufacturing capacity is almost gone. Their economy is gone. The only thing that isn't gone is inflation, which is destroying their country and is now well over 300%. Yet even after we agreed to a cease fire for nuclear discussions, Iran promptly violated it with brazen acts of terrorism against civilian ships from other countries. I want to thank the U.N. Security Council for voting overwhelmingly to pass a resolution condemning Iran's despicable terrorist attacks on commercial shipping. Thank you very much. That resolution, I'm pleased to say, received more co-sponsors from U.N. member nations than any Security Council resolution in history. That's something. Now, we must be equally united in maintaining pressure. The United States Navy has recently escorted more than 1 billion barrels of oil out of the Strait of Hormuz, and more oil is flowing than at any point since the start of the war. We're taking 22, 25, 30, 32 and 37 ships out, respectively, every single day, every single night. But I have a big decision to make. Will a deal be made with Iran that lets them rebuild and create a far greater country than it ever was before? Maybe one of the greatest in the Middle East, or even the world. Or do I annihilate the Islamic Republic and do it quickly, never giving them a chance to kill and destroy people and countries again? Do I drive them into hell with no chance of survival and no hope of future greatness or generations? But I believe we'll make a deal right after the election, because it doesn't make sense for them not to. They're waiting to see how I do in the midterm election. What they don't realize is that I'm not running. I did that already and won in a landslide. We won in a giant landslide, and I'll be here for two and a half years. The Republican Party is running and I'll be helping them, but I am not running. I gave absolutely no credence and will not give credence to the election. When it comes to Iran, it doesn't even enter my mind. The only thing that does is that Iran will never have a nuclear weapon. The cowards and traitors. Thank you. Thank you. The cowards and traitors would love to say the United States is low on munitions, but that's not true. We have more munitions than we could ever possibly even think of using, and we're building them at levels that we have never done before. We are adding to our stockpiles faster than we have ever been able to do before. Top of the line stuff. In addition, in the very near future, massive munition plants will be opening. There are 18 of them being built by the greatest defense companies in the world right now 18 under construction. Some of them very quickly will be completed. They're almost there. And that rapid construction will be leading to very rapid deployment of missiles of every type and ammunition of every type, and will be able to supply our allies at a much faster rate than we're doing right now. I call on all nations to join us in enforcing the complete economic isolation of Iran, until they stop their attacks on commercial shipping, relinquish their nuclear ambitions, and cease their support of terror. The terrorist regime is behaving badly, not because they are strong and confident, but because they are weak and desperate. If we stand united, we will soon see a world free of the last 51 year menace of Iranian terror. And oil prices will come plummeting down even lower than they were at the start of the conflict. And they were very low in the United States. They were really low. With courage and resolve, anything is possible. Big changes can happen and happen fast. One year ago, when I addressed the great leaders in this hall, the war in Gaza was still raging brutally. The hostages were still deep in Hamas tunnels and there was no end in sight. It was never going to be resolved. But here on the sidelines of the General Assembly, we took the first steps. That changed everything. A few weeks later, we ended the war in Gaza, saving untold thousands of lives. We also brought home all remaining hostages, both living and dead. Every single one of them. Thank you. Thank you. Everyone thought it was a miracle that we were able to do so. And people celebrated in the streets. I want to express my gratitude to the United Nations Security Council for their unanimous endorsement of our 20 point Gaza peace plan, and for officially approving the Board of Peace. Going to be a very significant group of people. Nearly 30 countries have joined the board, which I am honored to chair, and we're thankful to many of those member nations for contributing billions and billions of dollars to relief. And it goes right to the rebuilding and relief. Morocco, Bahrain, these are the countries that gave Qatar, Kuwait, Kazakhstan, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Uzbekistan, and many more. That money goes right to the source, right where they need it, and they desperately need it. And those countries are very have been very generous, and others also are stepping up at numbers that nobody would even believe because they want to see people live. They want to see the humanitarian thing happen properly. They've been fantastic. I also want to thank those who have committed troops police and training to help stabilize Gaza, including Indonesia, Morocco, Albania, Kosovo, Kazakhstan, Egypt, Jordan and more. Since I took office, it has been my great honor to settle eight wars and in so doing, become friendly with the leaders of many of those countries. It was a great honor to do it. Numerous of these wars have gone on for many years and even decades. The reason I was able to make these settlements was the use of my relationships. Very special relationships to this day, very, very special trade, the use of tariffs and the threat of tariffs and various other reasons depending on the country. Among them, terms of settlement, Cambodia and Thailand, Kosovo and Serbia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda, Pakistan and India, Armenia and Azerbaijan. And of course, the war in Gaza, which, as I stated previously, includes the return of all hostages, both living and dead. Almost every one of these countries wrote me a letter of thank you. The Prime Minister of Pakistan, terrific man, said that Donald Trump was responsible for saving 30 million lives, and probably many more than that. The president of Azerbaijan said President Trump in six months, did a miracle. It was an absolute miracle that nobody thought could be done. The Prime Minister of Armenia said this breakthrough would simply not have been possible without President Trump's personal engagement and his resolute commitment to peace. A president of Cambodia stated President Trump's extraordinary statesmanship, marked by his commitment to resolving conflicts and preventing catastrophic wars through visionary, innovative diplomacy was most recently demonstrated in his decisive role in brokering an immediate and unconditional cease fire and peace. This timely intervention which averted a potentially devastating conflict, was vital in preventing a great loss of lives and paved the way towards the restoration of peace. The president of Rwanda said when President Trump saw the opportunity to contribute to peace, he immediately took it. This conflict has lasted for 32 years. Millions and millions of people have died. We got it settled. We've seen countless mediations and efforts, but none has succeeded in resolving the underlying issues. President Donald Trump issued a new and effective statement that really has brought great peace and space through really a breakthrough that we thought was impossible. We're working very closely with the leaders of Russia and Ukraine, and we will get that one done. It's going to happen, I think, more quickly than people understand. They've had it. 25000 young people, mostly soldiers a month, are dying 25000 a month. And I look at those battlefield pictures and I really don't want to see them anymore. It's so horrible to see 25,000 a month. Both sides. In addition, the United States and Iran will definitely get it done. We will get it done one way or the other. It's going to be done. It's going to be done fast. A lot has happened since we last gathered here one year ago. In January, at my direction, the United States military conducted a massive military operation penetrating deep into the Venezuelan capital, Caracas, descended on a heavily defended and fortified military base, one that was supposed to be flawless against attack, and arrested the outlaw dictator, real criminal Nicolás Maduro.
