The transcripts are AI-generated from the UN's English audio and can contain mistakes. We are checking them against the statements the missions publish; some errors are still expected.
Procedural · at 1 min · 3 mentions in this passage
Mr. Secretary general, First Lady of the United States, distinguished delegates, ambassadors, and fellow leaders. It's my great honor to welcome the world to America as we celebrate 250 years of glorious freedom and independence. Two and a half centuries after the cause of liberty found its home on this continent, I can report to you with pride that America is back And our country is stronger today than ever before. Our economy is the envy of the world.
I remember those words as if it was yesterday. We're going to win. We have no other choice. And when we did, nine years later, Palestinian terrorists hijacked a passenger airplane headed for Israel. They took it to Entebbe, Uganda. Like the Nazis, the terrorists selected the Jewish passengers men, women, children, babies. They threatened to kill them all if Israel did not release Palestinian terrorists. And then on July 4th, 1960. Sorry. On July 4th, 1976, the bicentennial of the United States in one of the most dramatic rescue missions in modern times, Yoni led his brave soldiers to the heart of Africa. Miraculously, they rescued 103 Jewish hostages and brought them all home. Every single one of them. My brother, the commander of the storming party, was the only soldier killed in this mission. I want to thank Uganda again for recently erecting a statue of Yoni in the place where he fell. My friends, Yoni's words are as true today as they were more than half a century ago. We're going to win.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. The peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan, established on August 8th, 2025 with the support and personal engagement of U.S. President Donald Trump, has opened up new opportunities for our region, the South Caucasus. On this occasion, I would firstly like to address what President Trump referred to from this podium two days ago. I have said it and I reiterate it now. The breakthrough in the establishment of peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan simply would not have been possible without President Trump's personal engagement and his resolute commitment to establishing peace. President Trump's personal presence has practical and symbolic expressions on the ground as well. The fourth paragraph of the peace declaration, adopted at the Peace Summit held at the White House on August 8th, 2025 reads, quote. The Republic of Armenia will work with the United States of America and mutually determined third parties to set forth a framework for the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP) connectivity project in the territory of the Republic of Armenia. We confirm our determination to pursue efforts in good faith to achieve this goal in the most expeditious manner.
I had prepared a speech to present to you yesterday. The United States President described us as terrorists. We have been the victims of terrorism. I come from an Iran in which our esteemed Supreme Leader was assassinated without any legal framework or reason. I come from an Iran where, in truth, they bombed a school. You see these children? These children perished under bombs, with weapons used by the United States and Israel. They were innocent, had committed no crimes. Lamerd, one of the small cities in a province in Iran, a sports hall where children were busy playing. The United States, by using weapons with multiple warheads, targeted that sports hall. They martyred, assassinated, our scientists, our men, women, and children. Innocent children who, in truth, had committed no crimes, no sins. Those who are terrorists and train and protect terrorists describe us as such. We have only defended ourselves. We are not terrorists. Our innocent people have been the targets of cowardly attacks and aggressions imposed upon our country, and we defended ourselves with utmost strength.
Chile understands that in a multipolar world, institutional stability is not a luxury, it is a need. For example, we are a pioneer in the energy transition. Chile possesses around a quarter of global lithium reserves, and we are the largest producer of copper on the planet. Chile has a lot of sunlight, the heat of the sun, a long Pacific coast, lakes, rivers, volcanoes that can create vast stores of energy. Chile also has the Strait of Magellan, a crucial alternative route for global trade. Our nation will become the bridge and the port for the bioceanic corridors that will unite America with Asia. This richness, this wealth is not only fortune that we have in our coffers, it brings with it responsibility. Responsibility to you. Chile will never renounce its sovereignty. Neither will it cease to exploit its own minerals. We have our sovereignty, of course, but at the same time, we say that the energy of the future must serve humankind, and energy must not be held hostage by monopolies or actors that do not abide by the rules. Please make no mistake here it is possible to reconcile growth and sustainability. The two are inseparable. Chile understands that environmental protection and economic progress form part of one single development strategy one in which investment and innovation are linchpins when it comes to improving the quality of life of our people. Sustainable development requires robust institutions, clear rules, timely decisions and effective administration able to turn commitments and diagnoses into tangible results for both people and the environment. President, I now wish to turn to a discussion of our continent, Latin America, because I sincerely believe that the coming decade can be ours.
We must champion timelines for decarbonization, but actually doing that in a forced or imposed way is a direct threat to food security, employment, and production. We must avoid industrial collapses, the breakdown of production, and avoid energy costs which people cannot afford. As such, energy security is vital if we are to ensure the survival of the international economy and to buttress development. There is no doubt whatsoever that Venezuela plays—and will play— a crucial role in these international efforts. Here, I wish to point to the recent agreement signed between the United States and Venezuela as one of the most all-encompassing and significant ever signed. It will contribute to ensuring the energy balance of the hemisphere and the well-being of our economy. Six, I now wish to refer to artificial intelligence. It is a genuine technological revolution.
Own country · at 4 min · 3 mentions in this passage
Here, I am referring to all the countries that recognize the unilaterally declared independence of the so-called Kosovo, and without any basis whatsoever in international legal documents attempted to seize 14 percent of the territory of the Republic of Serbia. To many of you, this may sound like a distant past, but the wounds inflicted on international public law are becoming ever deeper and more severe. To be completely precise, the order based on respect for the UN Charter and the law founded upon it no longer exists. It was destroyed by those who tore apart the territories of other countries for the sake of their own political and economic interests. They did so unscrupulously, recklessly, and shamelessly. Do you know, do you know, esteemed friends, what was, in fact, the reason, the sole official and formal reason, for the attack on the territory of the Republic of Serbia and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia carried out by 19 NATO countries? You will not believe it. They told us that they had attacked a sovereign, free, and independent country in order to prevent a potential humanitarian disaster. The humanitarian disaster did not occur, and I have still not managed to hear or see where a similar example has occurred anywhere in the world. The attack against the small, yet free, and freedom-loving country Serbia, of which I am the proud President, was carried out with the intention of finally destroying the UN order established after World War II and of formally and informally confirming the dominance of a that-time unison Western world of United States of America and Europe. Do you know which countries, dear friends, took part in decision-making in the UN Security Council to bomb an independent and sovereign country that had attacked no other country? Just to add, not a single soldier, not a single police officer from Serbia had set foot on the territory of any other country, and yet a decision was made. I am certain that most of you, dear friends, who are among those best informed about world politics, no longer remember much of these either, and especially not the fact of who in the UNSC voted for that decision, or perhaps in the General Assembly. Do not even try, because it is impossible for you to remember. Why? Because such a decision was never made in the first place, and to make things even worse, no one ever even attempted to make such a decision. They were so arrogant and so powerful that they trampled everything in their path, from the Clinton administration to the administration of numerous European countries. That is precisely why Serbia supposed the actions of the administration of President Donald Trump and sees in his work an opportunity for establishing a more just order in the world and more responsible attitude toward Serbia as a close American ally from both world wars. And what they did not know or understand at the time was this: they trampled Serbia, but they did not defeat it. Serbia rose like a phoenix from the ashes, and today, through its example, it shows everyone in the world how the international public order is preserved and how international public law is protected. Nevertheless, the consequences of that brutal attack against Serbia are enormous, and particularly visible here in the UN General Assembly. Admittedly, they are even more visible on the numerous battlefields around the world. Why? Well, because the principles of any kind no longer exist. Those who once trampled them have no moral right to speak about them. And to make the situation even worse, and the hypocrisy even more visible, it is precisely those very people and those very countries who have assumed the position of supreme teacher of morale and every kind of protection of the values of the modern world. The most difficult thing for us in Serbia is when we see in our surroundings the resurgence of Nazism elevated to the position of social prominence, especially in the Republic of Croatia, which is proud of its Nazi past and of the use of Nazi slogans and symbols today. The Serbian people, as people who suffered the most from Nazi hands, cannot accept the revival of the most terrible ghosts from the past responsible for the death of hundreds of thousands of Serbs, Jews, and Roma in monstrous concentration camps like Jasenovac. That is precisely why moral lectures coming from such sources are completely unacceptable to the Serbian people in Serbia. In addition, for four and a half years now, I have been listening to lectures on how many in the West remain last beacon of democracy in the world, the protectors not of Ukraine's but of the rules and principles of international law. And when they raise their voices thinking that they are being highly moral and that their positions are the only right ones, we simply smile and ask ourselves: And how did you treat Kosovo and Metohia and the territorial integrity of Serbia, which is guaranteed by the UN Charter and the resolution of the UNSC 1244? To that, either there is no answer, or they supposedly give us some well-intentioned advice and tell us not to look to the past, but to the future. When we ask them, do you also say to Ukraine that the territories they are fighting for are not important? We end the pointless conversation and move on to another subject. And I want to warn all of you, all of you here who belong to the Global South, pay the utmost attention while signing all the agreements with great powers. That is how we signed the famous Brussels Agreement in 2013, wishing to resolve problems between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo and Metohia by compromise. All the obligations that were to be met by Serbia have been met, and the only one that was to be met by Albanians, the one about the establishment of the community of Serb municipalities, has not been met to this day. It is interesting that the agreement was accepted not only in the presence of the EU, but it was also confirmed with the signature of the EU, but it meant actually nothing. As the President of Serbia, for ten years I have been facing all possible tricks and pressures to give up on full implementation of what was signed. It is a lesson to us Serbs, but also to all others in the world who want to protect their country. In spite of everything, Serbia will defend its country, its territorial integrity, the UN Charter, the UN Security Council resolution 1244. I wish to thank individually every 107 countries, states that have not recognized the unilaterally declared independence of the so-called Kosovo. We know that many of you, that many of those states, have been subjected to pressure, and we know that maintaining a principled position is sometimes far more difficult than it appears from the outside. Thank you for being consistent in not recognizing the independence of a part of Serbia's territory. Excellencies, Serbia is on its European path, and it will have to do many more things in order to become a full-fledged member of the EU.
Excellencies, we are gathering in this hall of nations, countries, large and small, some insanely rich, too many shockingly poor, but all enjoying equal voting rights. Yet we know equality is an illusion. Some possess non-threatening antiquated guns, while few others have perfected their nuclear arsenals, now 100 times more destructive than the ones dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945. As primitive as they were then, these experimental bombs incinerated two cities, almost all living beings in them. Those unfortunate ones who survived the blast died long, painful deaths. Russia, U.S., China, France, the U.K. —all members of the NPT— were joined by four countries not members of the NPT: Israel, India, Pakistan, North Korea. Yes, North Korea had a nuclear arsenal estimated to be around 100. And North Korean leaders seem to have learned lessons from Libya, Ukraine, and the ongoing Iran-Israel-Yes war. Dismantle your nuclear capabilities and you lose. The only deterrence you have against a nuclear power deciding to bomb you into submission. On June 30, 2019, President Trump traveled to DMZ in the Korean Peninsula. The mysterious Swiss educator leader of North Korea, half the age of the American president, walked halfway, and the two leaders engaged in an embrace that promised peace. This is what leaders do to advance peace: they show courage, audacity. President Trump, you did the right thing. Friends are friends. We cherish and embrace our friends, never ignoring them or excluding them from the table. But we talk to adversaries so that we don't become enemies. We talk to enemies to prevent wars, and perhaps we become partners in peace. Those countries amassing nuclear weapons keep us all living near imminent catastrophe. One day, any day, by accident, miscalculation, computer error, madness, or foolish strategic design, we could become the last human generation. All the while, the brandishing of these weapons reinforces adversity and fear, which create a high barrier to achieving rational cooperation necessary to fulfill our responsibility to future generations. Trillions of dollars are invested in perfecting forms of death. Instead, we invest in a fraction of these trillions in clean water: food, schools, clinics. No thought was given to the tens of millions of fellow human beings pushed back to extreme deprivation by COVID-19, Ukraine-Russia war, and as if innocent bystanders on the periphery had not suffered enough, we are presented with another catastrophe: the Iran war and disruption of vital waterways for trade. We know the madness of Iranian leaders seeking regional supremacy, pouring fuel into the fire of religious extremism in neighboring countries to destabilize wealthy, stable monarchies. Iranian leaders launch unwarranted attacks against neighbors, destroying civilian industries, infrastructure. Iran's rationale for these attacks is that those countries host American bases. So is Iran going to launch waves of drones and missiles against U.S. bases in Europe? Can we change course? Can we stop slipwalking into wider wars? My invitation to President Trump: be audacious, be unpredictable, be visionary. Invite all nuclear powers and all major conventional military powers and industries, without exception, to a summit somewhere, maybe a town in Portugal, to talk on no first strike. Enhance regular communication between leaders of the nuclear powers. Commitment on reduction of nuclear weapons toward total deactivation and destruction of nuclear arsenals over a decade. Be yourself, be President Trump, be audacious, be unpredictable. Do the unthinkable, and you will gain worldwide gratitude and respect. The humanitarian situation in Cuba is heartbreaking. We understand that the U.S. has provided $100 million in emergency humanitarian assistance to Cuba through CARITAS. In keeping with the U.S. humanitarian tradition, and toward creating an environment conducive to normal, long-term Cuba-U.S. relations, trade relations between Cuba and the U.S. and the rest of the world could be improved. Regarding the situation in Israeli-occupied territories: Gaza and West Bank.
Since 2021, this organization has been working on recommendations and calling out illegal migration across the Darien and established a basis of humanitarian aid, and it looked like more of a concentration camp in the midst of the 21st century. However, in practical terms, the transit of people increased in 2022, and even more in 2023 and in the first six months of 2024. So it went from being uncontrolled migration and turned into huge illegal migration. People trafficking organizations linked to drug trafficking used and abused this space to transport more families, and the result of it was women and children, children ending up orphaned in one of the worst social disasters that my country can remember. In addition to this, we must add the ecological damage caused in a biodiversity reserve, the Darien Gap Reserve, and this has still not recovered. And this is a situation where there's more than a million people transiting across it, and since the first day I knew that we needed to resolve this issue individually, like I did, because this organization wasn't able to do it. And it's for this reason that at the beginning of my term I signed a memorandum of understanding with the government of the United States. This, at the end of the day, is a border issue for the United States also, but it was taking place in Panama. And so in the second six months of 2024, with colossal effort being made by my country, we managed to oversee a 50% drop compared to the first six months of the year. In 2025, when restrictive measures were implemented in the United States and we worked in better coordination with one another, we saw a 99% drop. So this means halting one of the worst humanitarian disgraces that Panama has ever seen in its history, putting an end to family separation, and also we stopped criminals profiting. This description is something that should not be seen as an isolated criticism, but rather as an inflection point to understand the increasingly widening gap between what citizens expect and what they are able to obtain from this organization on issues such as illegal migration, for example.
Mr. President, for countries like ours, a rules-based order is a condition for our security and a guarantee that it is the norms agreed on by everyone and not force that resolve disputes between nations. It's for this reason that it's necessary to restore trust in this organization, and three things are necessary in this regard to achieve it: renewing representation, renewing peacekeeping operations, and renewing support for developing countries. We support the UNAIT initiative with a sense of conviction. However, there is no reform that can be successful without resources behind it, and that's why the Dominican Republic is complying and playing our role. This year, we were one of the first countries to fully pay our contribution to the regular budget. Renewing representation requires a security council that looks more like the multipolar world of the present, and it also requires thinking about who will lead this organization next. This year, I affirmed, from this very same rostrum, that it was the turn of Latin America and the Caribbean to provide renewed leadership, and that the time had come for a woman to be Secretary-General of this organization. The candidates that are running confirm this.
Freedom of navigation and uninhibited passage through international straits, as guaranteed by international law must be championed globally, and it is our collective responsibility to uphold these principles in practice and to safeguard commercial shipping. And as a leading maritime nation, Greece actively contributes to maritime security through the operation of the European Union that speeds in the Red sea, and this topic will remain a high priority when Greece assumes the presidency of the Security Council next month. We intend to place particular attention to the challenges posed by emerging technologies. Ladies and gentlemen, Greece's geography grants it the natural role of serving as a bridge between Europe and its wider neighbourhood to the east and the south. We literally sit at the intersection of the shrinking space between the east and the West. My country is a pillar of stability, connectivity and peace across the Eastern Mediterranean, the Middle East and the Gulf region Greece has developed strong strategic partnerships with key countries in the region, including Israel, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Bahrain and Qatar. We are a bridge builder. We are not a troublemaker. Yet putting this vision into practice is rarely simple. At a time of tectonic geopolitical changes in the Middle East, the Gaza peace plan agreed last year must be effectively implemented. It is of paramount concern to ensure that Hamas surrenders its arms. It can have no role, I repeat, no role in Gaza's future. At the same time, reconstruction needs to move forward, with Palestinians themselves taking ownership of Gaza's future. Greece will continue to advocate for a two state solution, with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace and security. However, developments in the West Bank remain a source of deep concern Actions that are illegal under international law and undermine the viability of a future Palestinian state cannot be allowed to continue. We strongly argue that this is also to the benefit of the long term security of Israel itself. Greece has established a durable and deep strategic partnership with Israel, while at the same time maintaining strong ties with the Arab world And it is precisely. It is precisely the strength of this partnership that allows us to engage in an open and candid dialogue. In Lebanon, there is now a real opportunity to lay the foundations for a lasting peace. The US facilitated negotiations with Israel are an important step forward and should be sustained. Greece strongly supports a sovereign, resilient and united Lebanon and the government's efforts to restore the state's monopoly over arms. Ultimately, a stronger Lebanese state will serve both domestic security and regional stability. Therefore, we will continue to deliver concrete assistance to the country, including to the Lebanese armed forces with a unifil's mandate. Ending joint action is crucial to avoid a security vacuum and maintain an effective international and European presence. Syria is another key player in the region. Lasting stability in the Middle East requires a stable Syria, a Syria that is inclusive, a Syria that is free from foreign interference and regional rivalries. A Syria where every citizen can and should feel secure. The new Syrian authorities have taken steps in this direction. Get. Further concrete progress must be demonstrated, particularly when it comes to protecting the rights and security of all religious and ethnic communities. And this, of course, includes the Orthodox Christian minority, which unfortunately continues to face the violence of Islamist extremists. The search for stability extends to Libya, a neighbour with whom we share many common interests. We praise all reunification efforts. A stable Libya free from foreign interference, would benefit not only the Libyan people, but our entire region. And Greece is ready to support Libyan institutions in border protection and migration management. And we remain fully committed to reaching an agreement on the delimitation of our maritime zones. Ladies and gentlemen, let me now turn to our relations with our neighbour, Turkey. Over the past three years, we have made a sustained effort to improve our relationship, rebuild trust and keep channels of communication open in order to prevent the escalation of tensions that could lead to unwanted crises. It is a delicate relationship. It's a relationship that carries the weight of history. And indeed, given broader and regional challenges, the situation calls urgently calls for a common understanding on how we move forward and understanding grounded in full respect for international law and the principles of good neighbourly relations. After all, as I've said repeatedly, we cannot change our geography. We are destined to live side by side. And I repeat that the UN convention on the law of the sea provides the only institutional framework to solve our only long lasting dispute concerning the delimitation of our continental shelf and our exclusive economic zones. Dialogue is essential for peace and prosperity, but meaningful dialogue cannot coexist with unilateral actions. The challenge the international legal order. Nor can meaningful progress be made when faced with threats of war in response to the exercise of lawful rights, according to international law. Such actions do not resolve differences. They end up by only deepening them, and they risk undermining the stability of our wider region, a region which we should not forget, still bears an open wound. The unresolved Cyprus issue 52 years, 52 years have passed since Turkey illegally invaded Cyprus and continued to occupy it, a flagrant violation of international law whose consequences persist to this day for the United Nations. Cyprus remains a litmus test of its credibility, of its ability to uphold its own resolutions and the principles of the charter, and Greece fully supports the recent efforts of Secretary General Gutierrez to create the appropriate conditions for the resumption of substantive negotiations, and we sincerely hope that progress can be achieved during his remaining time in office. And we expect we expect these efforts to continue under his successor with the same objective the reunification of Cyprus, free of occupation forces in accordance with the relevant UN Security Council resolutions. The principles at stake in Cyprus are being tested elsewhere to today. Two other major conflicts continue to challenge our ability to defend the values upon which this organization was founded. The war in Ukraine is now in its fifth year, five years since Russia's full scale aggression brought back war to European soil, the Ukrainian people have shown extraordinary courage defending their freedom and Greece continuously stands with them. We strongly, strongly condemn attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure. Diplomacy must now deliver an immediate cease fire and a lasting peace anchored in the principles of the United Nations Charter. Ukraine must have a decisive say in its own future, and Europe cannot be absent from these negotiations. Against this backdrop, another devastating war demands our urgent attention. In Sudan, the nearly four year conflict has resulted in a staggering humanitarian catastrophe. Reports of atrocious war crimes continue to emerge, while the conflict is fuelling instability way beyond far beyond Sudan's borders. We should not permit this tragedy to endure. Foreign interference must also cease with no impunity for war crimes. Ultimately, the way forward lies in a credible, Sudanese led political process that reflects the aspirations of the citizens Sudan. The European Union ought to leverage its capacity to play a more active role in supporting that process and assisting in bringing this destructive conflict to an end. After all, it has real skill in the game. Should the devastating war continue, our continent will be the first to suffer from a possible massive new migratory wave. Ladies and gentlemen, Greece has confidence abroad, rests on a profound transformation at home At a time when the effectiveness of governments all over the world is being challenged by populists and extremists, and public trust is being eroded in the echo chambers of social media, Greece serves as an example that sound reform oriented policies can deliver real results for people and improve their lives.
Addressing these challenges is allowing us to focus on the future. Honduras is a conscientious country, a country of law, a country in which we invite you to invest. Anyone who invests in Honduras will be offered opportunities, order, transparency, and clear rules. We are adhering to the International Monetary Fund guidelines. In the seven months that my country has been in office, we have increased our international reserves to the tune of $1.3 billion, and that is an increase of 13%. We returned to the International Center of Arbitration, CIARI, on the 6th of March 2026. We'd been members of that center since 1989, and we returned to resolve our problems with a sense of solemn responsibility. With these steps, we sought to reiterate that in Honduras, rules apply to everyone, and rules are followed. On that basis, Honduras can offer concrete investment opportunities in logistics, industry, energy, infrastructure, agroindustry, mining, tourism, to name just a few sectors. We are the center of America. We stand between two oceans. We are optimizing Puerto Cortés— that is a port in our Caribbean-Atlantic area— and it is the port with greatest potential for growth in the country, and one of the largest, most important ports in Central America. We are investing to strengthen our road infrastructure so that we can create a logistics corridor to join the Atlantic with the Pacific. This project and its location means that we can offer to the world safe, reliable, and efficient supply chains. Honduras is one of the world's key textile exporters. We manufacture the clothes of well-known brands. We also manufacture cable harnesses and automobile parts that are sold around the world. They've come from Honduran factories. Around 200,000 Honduran people work in those industries. These factories, maquilas, and other forms of industry require stable energy at competitive prices. It is for that reason that the National Congress recently adopted a reform to our electrical energy law. That reform had been championed by the Presidency. In light of the above, we invite both national and foreign investment: investment in the development of Honduras's energy sector, investment in the generation, transmission, and distribution of energy. Our land is fertile land.
This is what we expect from a statesman, Yasser Arafat and Zaki Rabin were statesmen. They challenged the past to envision a future of peace. They were defeated by hatred. Generations of Palestinians will carry the pain and trauma left by the genocide of women and children perpetrated. By Netanyahu. Government in Gaza. Israeli civilians pay the price for radicalism and intolerance of Hamas terrorist acts, persecuting the International Criminal Court and its members encourages these crimes to go unpunished. The U.N. special rapporteur, Francesca Albanese, must not be silenced for telling the truth. Illegal settlements in the West Bank. Are making the two state solution increasingly unviable, essential for Israelis and Palestinians to live in safety, threatening civilizations with extinction will not bring stability to the Middle East. The Strait of Hormuz became has become a battleground, when it should have remained a vital passage for international trade Families around the world are paying for the rising. The price of fuel, fertilizers and food. The war between Russia and Ukraine has dragged on for five years in a humanitarian drama that continues to claim lives. We all know that there will be no winners on the battlefield. Diplomacy is the only option. Initiatives such as the Friends of Peace Group, created by Brazil and China, revealed that there are forces in the international community willing to work towards dialogue in Latin America and the Caribbean region. Geographical proximity to the world's greatest military power is inescapable, especially in the context of renewed hegemonic temptations. Brazil does not fit in anyone's backyard. We need partners with a positive agenda that fosters development. Ideological differences should not hinder higher integration amongst neighbors. The countries in the region have experienced the horrors of authoritarian regimes. We have come a long way to restore popular will. Democracy is once again under threat. We witness once more interference in the electoral processes, dividing the world into zones of influence and neocolonial incursions for strategic resources are anachronistic gestures. The Venezuelan people deserve to define their own destiny. Nicaragua will not solve its problems by preventing the opposition from running in the elections. The crisis in Haiti continues to test the limits of the international community's indifference. In Cuba, the world watches in horror as collective punishment is imposed on 10 million people by an illegal economic and energy embargo.
The climate crisis is now a national security threat for countries around the world, as this summer of extreme heat, wildfires and floods has proved beyond doubt. Britain will continue to lead with others to fight this threat, to protect our children and grandchildren, to protect the natural world and also to seize the benefits for jobs, growth and reindustrialisation that the clean energy transition can bring. So we must raise our sights and I believe the United Kingdom has a unique position as an honest broker to help drive this forward. We are America's closest ally. We have deep ties with our friends in the European Union and seek to deepen them further. We work with China and emerging powers like India and Brazil. We sit on the UN Security Council in the Commonwealth, in the CPTPP.
Facts have taught us that war is abhorrent, that peace is the only objective to pursue, and that we must stop watching from the sidelines, stop talking, and start acting. Paraguay comes before the community of nations with one non-negotiable conviction: the dignity of the human person must be at the heart of every decision. For this reason, we defend freedom, democracy, the sovereignty of states, respect for human rights, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. For this reason, we uphold human life from conception, and we recognize the family as the fundamental unit of our society. Because when human dignity is forgotten, humanity itself disappears. Human dignity, from conception until the end of life, is the foundation of our presence on this earth. There is an increasingly visible gap between the commitments we make and the results we achieve. And as that gap widens, trust erodes. People no longer believe us. And that trust will not be restored through mere statements or beautiful slogans. It will be restored by confronting problems without fear, proposing solutions, and delivering results. The first issue that I wish to address here is one that is in my own neighborhood in Latin America.
True leadership requires both. Prudence, in this case, means not only knowing what we want; it also is about, um, pursue of goal while calling aggression by its name, and also condemning those who disrupt the world order without turning a blind eye when they violate the rules. Ladies and gentlemen, for many years, representatives of my country have been trying, in this chamber and in the Security Council, to point out that a situation in which a permanent member of the council, Russia, attempts unsuccessfully, but with ruthless persistence, to conquer a neighboring state and destabilize the entire region is a violation of the principles we all uphold as signatories to the Charter of the United Nations. Russia is destabilizing the situation in Europe through open aggression, hybrid operations, acts of subversion and sabotage, and by ignoring successive resolutions of this Assembly. It displays the same imperial arrogance that, in the past, led to unimaginable suffering and the tragedies of two world wars. Contempt for international law must not become the norm. It is not too late to restore the primacy of international law and strengthen the foundations of a system in which principles matter, and in which the international community, acting jointly and in solidarity, opposes aggression, which is prohibited by the Charter of the United Nations. Ladies and gentlemen, the Russian Federation, guided by an imperial and neo-colonial vision of the world, is attempting to impose its will on others. In doing so, it is effectively challenging the right of every nation to determine its own destiny. Neo-imperial and neo-colonial policies are, in essence, an attempt to return to a world in which the borders, security, and future of states and nations would be decided not by the states and nations themselves, but by other states that consider themselves stronger and predestined to dominate. And there might would replace law. It is an attempt to return to the concert of powers. This cannot be accepted. It is the force of law that should decide, not the law of force. Poland is particularly aware of the consequences of Russian colonialism and imperialism. History has taught us that freedom and sovereignty cannot defend themselves. That is why we are determined to counter the threats that the Kremlin's aggressive policies are posing to us, with increasing audacity. As a representative of a country neighboring Russia, I want to make it clear: we are not the ones seeking confrontation. We are strengthening our alliances, developing our military, and modernizing its equipment, not to wage war, but to prevent it. Our goal is deterrence and defense, the defense of two values that also form the foundation of the United Nations Charter: freedom and sovereignty. We continue to view the North Atlantic Alliance as the guarantor of European security. NATO remains united in the overarching goal of defending our community on both sides of the Atlantic, in Europe and America, on its eastern flank and along its northern border. We therefore welcome with satisfaction the strengthening of security in the Arctic region, which is now becoming a reality thanks to the agreement signed yesterday between our allies. Ladies and gentlemen, we must, however, make it clear: modern security threats are not limited to classical military actions. Russia is carrying out actions aimed at undermining the foundations of international stability, striking at global food security through attacks on ports and ships transporting grain, as well as by deliberately provoking crises that affect millions of people outside of Europe. At the same time, a large-scale hybrid war is being waged, involving sabotage, cyber attacks, and destabilization operations on an unprecedented scale, including an artificially induced migration crisis. These are planned, coordinated, and consistently executed actions. Their goal is to weaken states, undermine public trust, and shatter the unity of the international community. We are not dealing with isolated incidents, but with a sustained, well-thought-out strategy. And that is precisely why the response to these actions cannot be ad hoc or half-hearted. It must be firm, consistent, and it must also be united. For if aggression, whether military or hybrid in nature, is not met with an adequate response, it becomes an invitation to repeat it. Ladies and gentlemen, even if today we have reservations about the effectiveness of the Security Council, we respect the achievements of the United Nations in maintaining and building peace in many parts of the world. The role of UN peacekeeping operations in preventing the resurgence of conflicts is undeniable. Poland advocates for stable funding of peacekeeping missions and for granting them more transparent mandates that also take into account tasks related to the protection of the population and support for the reconstruction of state institutions. Poland also fulfills its commitments to global security through its participation in UN peacekeeping operations as well. Polish blue-helmet soldiers are currently serving in Lebanon, carrying out their duties with dignity despite the difficult security situation throughout the region. We will support efforts to de-escalate conflicts, protect civilians, and uphold international humanitarian law, and work toward the implementation of a two-state solution, ensuring the peaceful coexistence of Israel and Palestine. Ladies and gentlemen, this is precisely why the response to contemporary threats cannot be limited solely to reacting to crises. It must be based on clear principles and reliable partnerships.
We must move towards a more balanced international community in which Africa participates fully in global decisions and strengthens its ability to lead its own development. Equatorial Guinea reaffirms the African common position as enshrined in the Ezzelini consensus and the Sirte Declaration, which calls for two permanent seats with veto rights for Africa, as well as two additional non-permanent seats on the Security Council. Mr. president, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, respect for international law, sovereign equality and friendship with all peoples is what guides Equatorial Guinea's foreign policy. Based on that position, we encourage the United States of America and the Republic of Cuba to continue to pursue paths of dialogue, which will make it possible to end the blockade and build a relationship of mutual benefit. Moreover, we see the United Nations as a universal space for pursuing solutions to shared problems. Equatorial Guinea maintains its trust in this organization because cooperation among nations remains the most certain path towards preserving peace and building shared prosperity. We also thank Mr. Antonio Guterres for his years of service as Secretary General, for his commitment to peace and to the attention he has paid to Africa. On behalf of President Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, the government and the people of Equatorial Guinea, we express our gratitude to him. Excellencies. I will conclude by saying that the history of the United Nations shows that peace and prosperity can move ahead when nations work together, and it is in that regard that Equatorial Guinea will continue to contribute based on mutual respect, sovereign equality and dialogue to turn our cooperation into development and opportunities for future generations. Thank you very much.
As the 2030 Agenda enters its final years, partnership must remain central to accelerating SDG progress. Kiribati recently presented its Second Voluntary National Review (VNR), reaffirming our commitment to the 2030 Agenda. We value our longstanding diplomatic relations with traditional partners and welcome countries seeking new partnerships based on mutual respect, shared interests, transparency, sovereign equality and respect for our national priorities. This year, following the submission of our second VNR, my Government convened its first Development Partners Forum on Kiritimati Island, or Christmas Island, which we highly value as the world’s largest coral atoll and the first island to see each new day’s sunrise. The Forum strengthened partnerships between Kiribati and its Development Partners and showcased two flagship projects critical to accelerating economic growth and sustainable development. Participants included Australia, the People’s Republic of China, the European Union, New Zealand, Japan, the United States of America, the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank, and UN agencies.
Ideally, the transformation that is required involves a United Nations that is responsive, that is effective, and capable of making tangible differences to the safety, security and well-being of people. Since my government was elected to office in 2025, we have pursued a people centred agenda focused on safer communities, productive investment, modern public services and expanded opportunity. A central part of our agenda has been restored in secret security to our communities. To this end, we have strengthened cooperative efforts with the United States and other partners to dismantle criminal syndicates that have wreaked havoc across our country and across our region.
Mr. president of the General Assembly, your Majesties, Your Highnesses. The United Nations Secretary General, your excellencies, heads of State and government, your excellencies, heads of delegations, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen. Peace be upon you. At the outset, I would like to. On behalf of the Comorian delegation, I wish to express our sincere gratitude to the authorities of the United States. We thank them for the hospitality and arrangements extended to us since our arrival in New York. For this 81st session of our Assembly. Allow me to also congratulate His Excellency Doctor Khalilur Rahman on his election as president of the session, and to wish him every success in his noble mission. I would also like to pay a well-deserved tribute to Her Excellency, Miss Annalena Baerbock, for her work and her wisdom in guiding the previous session. I would also like to pay tribute to the leadership of His Excellency Antonio Guterres, Secretary general of the United Nations, and commend his commitment to peace and development at a time when the international order is under severe strain.
It is fitting that I begin by paying tribute to the people of the United States who, 250 years ago, a quarter of a millennium ago, decided and understood that people have rights, the right to life, to their liberty and to happiness, and that these rights should guide every government, and that it is the governed who should decide who should govern them. We in South America. Also Peoples of migrants inherited these same principles 50 years on. And to that we say cheers.
It is exactly these principles that are guiding our efforts for peace and stability in the South Caucasus. Even though the decades long conflict with Armenia brought immense tragedy to our people and left deep scars across our land, Azerbaijan has chosen to look ahead and turn the page of enmity. We offered Armenia peace fully in line with norms and principles of international law, based on mutual recognition of and respect for each other's sovereignty and territorial integrity. Our normalization efforts produced historic results at the Washington Peace Summit last August, where the leaders of Azerbaijan and Armenia signed a joint declaration witnessed by President Trump of the United States of America. Through this declaration, both sides confirmed the end of the conflict and their will to jointly chart a peaceful and prosperous future. The sides also initialled the agreement on Establishment of peace and inter-state relations. Today, we have achieved de facto peace Moreover, by unilaterally lifting transit restrictions, Azerbaijan facilitates transportation of goods to and from Armenia. We have also established bilateral trade. Azerbaijan provides strategically important oil products to Armenia on a regular basis. Despite increased volatility in markets and growing international demand for these commodities. As we proceed with the peace agenda initiated by Azerbaijan, our entire region is now turning into a promising anchor of stability, connectivity and tangible economic dividends. To make this process irreversible, it is of crucial importance to eliminate the remaining obstacle, which will allow finalization of the normalization process through the signing of the already initialed bilateral agreement.
Mr. president. The expanded theatre of conflicts and the escalating humanitarian cost of such conflicts requires greater protection of civilians, while ensuring the peaceful settlement of such disputes for the sake and benefit of communities. The systematic destruction witnessed in the Palestinian territory and the ensuing fall of victims and displacement are of the responsibility of the international community, especially the United Nations. We have to protect the Palestinian people and end their suffering. In this vein, we renew our support for a just and lasting solution to the Palestinian cause based on the peace, the Arab Peace Initiative and the UN resolutions. To establish the state of Palestine that is independent, viable. Along the lines of the 4th of June 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital. We appreciate the mediation effort undertaken by the United States of America, Egypt, Qatar to Turkey or Turkey, and we stress the need to implement the Security Council Resolution 2803 issued on the 17th of November 2025 on the peace plan in Gaza. This will bring about peace and ensure reconstruction in the Gaza Strip. We would like to recall the historic step. Taken by a number of European countries over the past year, when they recognised the state of Palestine. We do welcome and commend the recent measures undertaken by a number of European countries to impose sanctions on Israeli settlers who have been implicated in violent acts against the Palestinian people. However, even though they are important. But such initiatives should not be isolated. Instead, they should be a driver for more firm international action to put an end to the settlement activity. While opening the horizon for the two state solution. Paradoxically. That we have denied the Palestinian people from participating in this international forum at a time when the Palestinian question is at the forefront of our agenda. At a time when the Palestinian cause comes at the forefront of the international agenda. They were not able to attend. This go contravenes the spirit of dialogue and pluralism that the United Nations is underpinned upon in this domain. We stress that the State of Palestine has gained the recognition of most of the Member States of the United Nations. This reflects a wide range, uh, support international support of the Palestinian people and their establishment of an independent statehood. Therefore, we call for the, um, the participation of the Palestinian the Palestinians in the UN forums so that they can achieve their aspirations and defend their just cause before the international community. We renew our support to the people of Lebanon in the face of the violations that they have endured. We have to end their suffering and ensure their sovereignty. We are also standing in solidarity with Sudan. We are committed to Sudan's unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity. We call for an immediate end to this war, giving priority to dialogue while protecting civilians and ending their suffering. Turning to Libya, we support the UN efforts and the African Union's effort to reach a permanent settlement that would maintain the country's unity and sovereignty, sovereignty, while ensuring peace and stability to the people of Libya. We renew our support. To the efforts made. Um in the. Al-Arabiya in Yemen and the initiatives taken by the Arab, uh, countries, as well as the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to support that country. We stress our principled position on the conflict of the Western Sahara and hope to reach a just and sustainable solution that will be accepted to all parties. We express our deep concern towards the military escalation in the Middle East and the resulting threat to the entire region and its stability. The repercussions of which would also reach the Strait of Hormuz and the. Regional and international navigation in this important waterway. We support the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, the State of Qatar and the Kingdom of Bahrain and Kuwait, as well as the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. Uh in the face of the attacks against their stability and security. We have to preserve states, territories and call upon all countries to de-escalate and ensure self-restraint, ensure dialogue, and save the region and its peoples from more crises and sufferings. Mr. president, ladies and gentlemen The world today faces. An important moment that goes beyond political challenges. It.
Faced with this tragedy, the Holy See. While calling for strict observance of the international humanitarian law, highlights the urgent necessity to bring hostilities to an end and paving way for diplomacy. The Holy See encourages every initiative aimed at achieving an immediate, complete and effective ceasefire. The Holy See reiterates its call for an end to the ongoing violence against the Palestinian civilian population in the West Bank, particularly the escalation of hostilities, home demolitions and movement restrictions driving the displacement of Palestinian communities. On the situation in Gaza, the Holy See remains concerned about the dire humanitarian humanitarian crisis. The widespread destruction, mass displacement and the severe persisting shortages. In this regard, urges the international community to work towards advancing the two state solution with a view to bringing about a just and lasting peace. The Holy See welcomes the signing of the Trilateral Framework Agreement between the United States, Israel and Lebanon aimed at stabilizing the southern borders of the Republic of Lebanon and achieving a just and lasting peace. This agreement in itself represents a significant development. However, the Holy See expresses serious concern regarding the difficulties encountered in its implementation and call on the parties involved to respect fully and enforce the terms of the agreement through concrete actions, respect for sovereignty and borders form the essential foundation for the implementation of the peace plan. Furthermore, the presence of Christians in Lebanon and throughout the Middle East must not only be safeguarded as the legitimate continuation of a historic presence, but more, but must also be encouraged by international community. Since Christians aspired to be an active force for peace, spirituality, and culture within the mosaic of people that make up the Levant, where the Christian faith originated, the Holy See is following with deep concern the situation in the Gulf region, where the conflict has gradually spread and the violence shows no signs of abating. In particular, the Holy See cannot remain silent about the dramatic impact that this conflict is having on vulnerable civilian populations who are being driven into hunger and forced displacement, and who are living in barely sustainable conditions. This conflict has also affected vital infrastructure, maritime transport routes and energy resources that are of strategic importance to the entire global economy, which has an impact on the livelihood or persons all around the world. The Holy See strongly reiterates its appeal for the parties involved to find the courage to engage in dialogue. Only a renewed commitment to negotiation, supported by the international community, can restore the prospect of stable peace and shared development to the Gulf region. The international community must not forget the tragic plight of the hundreds of thousands of Rohingya who, for more than nine years now suffer not only from the tragedy of statelessness, but also have been subjected to inhumane and deadly circumstances. These individuals are deprived of their inherent rights in flagrant disrespect, of their human dignity. Their suffering must end. The conditions must be created within their homeland to allow the safe, legal, voluntary and unhindered return. The Holy City News is heartfelt appeal for an immediate end to the conflict in Sudan, a land that has for too long been ravaged by indiscriminate violence affecting the most defenseless, starting with children and women faced with an unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe. All parties are urged to initiate, without delay a sincere, constructive dialogue with the support of the international community to facilitate assistance to the population and ensure stability and peace. The Holy See appeals to all key figures in South Sudanese politics to prioritize the well-being of the nation over any partisan interests. Everyone, based on their own responsibility, is called upon to promote action and words that contribute to reconciliation, peace and harmony amongst all South Sudanese. The Holy See is following with deep concern the humanitarian crisis currently unfolding in certain areas of Somalia, where outbreaks of violence and extreme weather events are exacerbating the population's already precarious living conditions. The Holy See urges the international community to generously commit to meeting the immediate needs of the most at risk, especially women and children. The situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo is of concern to the Holy See, particularly the protracted crisis in the east of the country and the Ebola epidemic. The Holy See, while expressing full support for the peace processes in the country, encourages a national dialogue and calls for the urgent protection of health and humanitarian workers, unimpeded access to aid, and the strengthening of regional cooperation to address these challenges in an integrated manner.
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General and distinguished delegates when it comes to peace on the Korean Peninsula, the Republic of Korea knows firsthand the change that the United Nations has brought about. 35 years ago, the two Koreas were admitted to the UN as members on this very stage. It was a crucial turning point that laid the foundation for peaceful co-existence, freeing us from the relentless rivalry and confrontation that followed our division. One year ago, I stated from this stage that the Republic of Korea would begin a new journey toward peaceful coexistence and shared growth on the Korean Peninsula. Today, as we set out on this new journey, I would like to present to the international community the three blueprints for the road to peaceful coexistence on the Korean Peninsula. First is inclusive peaceful coexistence built on mutual respect. Based on the respect for each other's systems and acknowledgment of our differences, we will explore ways for shared growth through cooperation. We will continue to respect the North on the international stage and seek cooperation wherever possible. We hope that opportunities will emerge for us to work together in the international community in areas such as public health, disaster response and the climate crisis. Second is stable, peaceful coexistence that renders conflict unnecessary. We will work to institute mechanisms for preventing crisis and managing conflicts. Reestablishing basic channels of communication, and building trust will be the first step toward a stable, peaceful coexistence. Third is responsible peaceful coexistence contributing to world peace. We will go beyond building a Korean Peninsula free from war and nuclear weapons to promoting stability and cooperation in Northeast Asia, while actively contributing to global efforts to build a world free from war and conflict. The most critical task is to bring an end to this decades old war on the Korean Peninsula and establish a lasting peace regime. For decades, the two Koreas, along with key countries such as the US and China, have recognized the need for a peace regime on the Korean Peninsula and discussed ways to achieve it. Fortunately, President Trump's resolve has recently created a hard won opportunity for change. I hope the long suspended dialogue between North Korea and the US can resume without delay. We will lay the groundwork for this to develop into a dialogue among the parties aimed at ending the war on the Korean Peninsula and transitioning to a peace regime. I am confident that the dialogue for establishing a peace regime on the Korean Peninsula can provide a valuable framework, not only for normalizing relations among the parties concerned, but also for fostering shared growth through multilateral cooperation and promoting stability and cooperation in Northeast Asia.
We will be resilient, and we will work individually and collectively to transcend our vulnerability. So, Mr. President, we come to this August assembly not as mere petitioners, but as partners to play our part in making our world a better place. I come at this point in the debate, having had the privilege of listening to other leaders who spoke before me. And Mr. President, I must tell you, I was moved by the hopeful vision, the fiery passion, the boundless generosity and caring of many of the speakers. They lifted my spirit and I am determined that that is where my spirit shall remain. I owe it to the people who sent me here to be hopeful. I owe it also to people whom I have never met, who come from places I have never been to, but who nevertheless are my brothers and sisters. And so that brings us to the task at hand. We all know that the United Nations has its flaws, but we must not seek to abandon it. It is what we have made it. Some, no doubt are more culpable than others. But in one way or another we are all involved. We speak of culpability, not merely to point a finger of blame, but to understand better where the solutions may lie. We believe profoundly that more than ever, humanity needs the United Nations. Try to imagine a world without it. Where would we go to have the conversations we are having now and that we are having throughout the week? And that is only the beginning. As a global institution, the United Nations is fundamentally an inclusive space where every nation can play a role in addressing our common problems. A retreat from multilateralism undermines the interests of small states and indeed, of everyone. But we acknowledge that our support for the United Nations must be matched by our willingness to embrace reform, to make it more effective. Trust cannot be built or restored by declarations alone. It is only when ordinary people see that cooperation makes their lives safer, richer and happier that trust will be restored. Mr. president, let us restore trust through organisational reform and greater inclusiveness. The United Nations governance model designed in 1945, cannot adequately address the security and economic challenges of today. Therefore, we join with other nations in calling for reform, specifically of the Security Council, to include a permanent member from the continent of Africa with all the attendant rights and privileges. Failure to do so would only confirm that the current composition is not about governance and fairness, but about power. Further, as we proceed with selecting our next Secretary General, let us be more open and inclusive. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines is pleased to join other Caribbean community members in endorsing the candidacy of Her Excellency Carolyn Rodriguez Birkett of Guyana and of the region of Latin America and the Caribbean. We know her as a distinguished diplomat, a principled multilateralist, and a compelling advocate for developing countries and small states. Mr. president, as this is my first time here, like a tourist, I walked the halls of this historic building and admired the impressive portraits on the walls, the impressive portraits of the nine men who have served as Secretary General since 1946. And while I appreciated the outstanding calibre and service of those men, I nevertheless could not resist thinking that after eight decades, surely the time has come for an equally capable woman to be Secretary General.
We reject these unlawful punitive measures, and we reject the accusations and justifications on which they were based. We affirm that we have fulfilled our obligations, carried out a comprehensive national reform program. And upheld our commitment to international law To shunning violence and terrorism, and to the two state solution and to peace on the basis of resolutions of international legitimacy. We also affirm that the Palestinian people and its leadership should not be punished for demanding an end for the occupation, or for turning to the UN. The International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court. Our choice to invoke international law and its institutions is a peaceful and civilized choice, and not an act that runs counter to peace. Denying the Palestinian delegation access to the UN headquarters is a violation of the. Of the United States obligations as the host country Therefore, we call upon the American administration. To lift these sanctions and restrictions, return to dialogue and mutual respect. And work with us and with the international community in order to implement the two state solution on the basis of international legitimacy and to establish peace, rather than punishing the side that has chosen the path of international law and political and diplomatic action in order to guarantee its rights. Mr. president, esteemed Member States. I speak to you today as the Palestinian people faces one of the most dangerous times of its history.
The development of our countries and the stability and prosperity of our region. Mr. president, in pursuit of a stronger and safer region, Guyana is honoured to be a founding member of the shield of the Americas, launched by President Trump in March 2026. Since the founding of this initiative, Guyana has worked closely with the United States and 13 other like minded nations that believe in building a Western Hemisphere that values freedom, peace, economic prosperity, and a shared responsibility and commitment to fighting transnational crime and criminal networks. It has.
Second, a state does not regain the trust of its citizens through reform alone, but also by reclaiming its national decision making. In that spirit, we did not merely affirm the principle that weapons must be exclusively in the hands of the state, and that decisions on war and peace rest solely with its constitutional institutions. We translate that commitment into decisions taken by the Council of Ministers, notably in August and September of last year and again in March of this year. That was after Lebanon found itself in a war that it did not choose. It was imposed upon us despite our repeated warnings. Again repeated warnings of the dangers of being drawn into it. As the war in the region widened and initiatives to end it multiplied, we held fast to a non-negotiable principle. No one speaks for Lebanon and no one negotiates on its behalf except the Lebanese state through its constitutional institutions. It is true that Lebanon is affected by developments in its surroundings. That does not mean, however, that we accept its becoming once again an arena for the conflicts of others or a burning bargaining chip in their hands. Lebanon's future. Will not be decided on its behalf, nor may its security and stability become the price of settlements concluded in its absence. Third our position on the war has been clear from the outset. We want it to end. We want the cease fire consolidated. We want Israel to withdraw from all Lebanese territory up to our internationally recognised borders, in accordance with the 1949 General Armistice Agreement and as affirmed by resolution 1701. We want the release of all our detainees, the safe and dignified return of our people to their villages and towns, and the reconstruction of what the war has destroyed. It was in that spirit that the Lebanese state entered into negotiations with Israel under the kind auspices of the United States of America and its president, for which we are grateful. With a view to reaching arrangements that ensure an end to the war and the restoration of Lebanon's full sovereignty. The sovereignty to which we are committed is indivisible. It requires Israel's withdrawal from all Lebanese territory. It equally requires the extension of the authority of the Lebanese state through its own forces, over the entirety of its territory, with weapons held by the state alone. It is on these two principles, and on the basis of reciprocity and phased implementation, that the tripartite framework reached in the negotiations rest. However, the success of any agreement is measured not by declared intentions but by fulfilment of commitments. What is required today, therefore, is to complete the translation of this framework into practical steps within a clear timetable and with a verification mechanism that ensures the implementation of all its provisions. Mr. president, in this context, I must pay tribute to the role played by the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon, UNIFIL, and to the courage of its leadership, personnel and staff and their sacrifices in preserving stability, supporting the Lebanese Armed forces and implementing resolution 1701. To all the countries that have contributed troops to this force, Lebanon extends its profound thanks and appreciation. We have taken note of Security Council resolution 2790 of 2025, which decided to terminate UNIFIL's operations at the end of this year and to begin its gradual withdrawal, and requested the Secretary general to explore available options for the continued implementation of resolution 1701. What we wish to stress here and today is the need to avert the vacuum that UNIFIL's withdrawal could create, were it to take place without agreement on a new international force to replace it. Such a force should ensure the continuation of monitoring, reporting and liaison functions and its role should complement the requirements for implementing the tripartite framework.
That is peace, security and the well-being of all peoples. This is the whole point of the topic that brings us together this year. Mr. president, I congratulate you on your election as president of the General Assembly. I also wish to hail the Secretary General, Antonio Guterres, for his unwavering commitment to peace. I still remember fondly his visit to Port-au-Prince on the 16th of June 2026, which bore witness to his solidarity toward the Haitian people. In these difficult times that our country is undergoing, Haiti wishes to extend its gratitude to all of its partners and friends that have continued to stand by its side. In this regard, I would like to hail the commitment of the United Nations system, and especially the commitment of the Security Council and that of the Organization of American States, Caricom and the European Union, whose support remains essential. More than ever, I want to pay a particular tribute to the kindred peoples who, by contributing to the gang suppression force and supporting its full rollout, have chosen to share with us the burden of fighting for peace and security. Haiti will never forget the solidarity nor their sacrifices. I also want to underscore the privileged partnership with the United States of America and the steadfast support of Canada and the invaluable assistance of our partners such as France, Chile and Mexico in the modernization of our national security capacity. Also, the opening of the Dominican Republic to dialogue and its advocacy for a sustainable resolution to the Haitian crisis. I express my gratitude for that. Finally, we wish to recognize the Integrated Office in Haiti, the funds and programs present on the ground, as well as all of our multilateral partners.
Today, Central Asia is becoming an example of constructive inter-state cooperation as well as economic, infrastructural and technological development. In this regard, we are ready to share the experience we have accumulated along this path. Distinguished heads of delegations. For the first time in its history, Kyrgyzstan has been elected as a member of the United Nations Security Council for the 2027 2028 term. Taking this opportunity, I would like to express my profound gratitude to all countries that supported our candidacy. The support of 142 member states not only confirms Kyrgyzstan's readiness to contribute to international affairs, but also demonstrates the growing role of the Central Asian region in international relations. This achievement is clear evidence that even small states can make a meaningful contribution to addressing global challenges. We fully understand that membership in the Security Council is not a privilege or reward. It is a great responsibility. One year ago, standing at this stage, I stated with confidence that Kyrgyzstan is among those states whose experience enables them to put forward substantive issues for consideration by the Security Council. We do not forget the promises we have made and will make every effort to implement them fully. Therefore, I would like to reiterate Kyrgyzstan firmly adheres to international law, justice and the protection of human rights and supports the multilateral system based on mutual respect, balance of interest and responsibility towards future generations. We intend to work closely with every country and remain committed to productive cooperation. Distinguished colleagues as you all may know, since the establishment of the United Nations in 1945, its member states and leaders have attempted to undertake systematic reforms. Reforms have ranged from expanding the membership of the Security Council to modernizing mechanisms of governance, peacekeeping and the protection of human rights. These initiatives continue to be actively discussed at the international level. However, despite numerous efforts and years of discussion, the institutional structure of our organization continues to face various challenges. Therefore, I believe that expanding the membership of the Security Council is one of the reforms that the international community expects. I consider it fair to grant two permanent seats to the African continent, with a population of more than 1 billion people and one permanent seat to Latin America. Today, the world has changed. At the same time, a number of developed countries have also expressed their aspiration to become members of the Security Council. I believe that the request of this country should be also considered. Another issue, in my view, the weakness of effective mechanisms for ensuring the implementation of the decisions of the organization. The systematic failure to implement the organization's decisions undermines the legitimacy of multilateralism concept, creates the impression that international law is not binding and encourages disregard for international obligations. Therefore, we must expand and strengthen the authority of the United Nations. In this regard, we propose to develop the United Nations mechanism for the implementation of decisions and accountability. First, it is necessary to establish, within the framework of the General Assembly, the permanent Public registry of the implementation of resolutions and obligations by Member States. This registry could include the following information and ensure the implementation of such mechanisms as. First, systematically record and verify the level of implementation of adopted decisions. Second, establish the obligation for Member States to regularly submit report in accordance with the agreed standards. Third, provide analytical reviews on sectors and regions. Fourth, ensure transparency and equal access to information for all states. The registry could be administered by the United Nations Secretariat with the support of independent experts. If decisions of the organization are systematically not implemented, I propose the gradual response mechanisms. The first stage an official notification to the concerned state, followed by consultations with the relevant bodies of the organization. The second stage deployment of a monitoring mission to the country concerned to assess the objective obstacles, preventing the implementation of the decision and to prepare recommendations. The third stage consideration of the case right here at a plenary meeting of the General Assembly to determine the status of the concerned state in terms of its systematic implementation or non implementation of United Nations decisions. The fourth stage, the initiation of appropriate procedures under the charter of the United Nations with regard to states that fail to comply with the requirements. In particular, the matter could be referred to the United Nations Security Council for consideration of restrictive measures provided for under international law, including the first temporary restriction on participation in United Nations programs. The second, recommendations to review existing formats of cooperation and other diplomatic measures, where appropriate. Distinguished colleagues, I believe that when cases of systematic non-implementation of United Nations decisions are considered, the permanent members of the Security Council should voluntarily refrain from using the veto. If a mechanism designed to ensure the implementation of the organization's decisions is systematically blocked by permanent members through the use of the veto, such practice would no longer be consistent with the spirit of the UN charter and the principle of equal responsibility of Member States. Therefore, we should once again consider the possibility of voluntarily restraining to use the veto in matters related to the implementation of the organization's decisions. This approach could promote universality, the equality of all states, regardless of their size, the primacy of diplomacy, and avoid the double standards. In order to implement this initiative, I propose establishing to open a working group within the General Assembly with the participation of the interested Member States. The working group could conduct inter-governmental consultations and prepare a report on possible models for the proposed mechanism. Following these consultations, the General Assembly and the Security Council should consider adopting the relevant resolutions and decisions. The strategic objective of this initiative is to ensure that the decisions of the organization are treated not merely as political recommendations, but as genuine international obligations. Improvement of their implementation would strengthen the rule of international law and reinforce confidence in the United Nations. Kyrgyzstan is ready to initiate interstate discussions on the development of such a mechanism. Starting from the 1st January 2027, as a member of the United Nations Security Council, we intend to formally submit all these proposals to the relevant committee. Distinguished colleagues, I would like to address separately the issues of sanctions. As we have all observed today, sanctions are in some cases, used by individual countries as an instrument to interference to the internal affairs of sovereign states.
Russia's bet on cruise missiles and Shaheds didn't work the way Putin planned. They still caused damage, but they didn't break us. We built our defense. What is truly difficult for us now is Russian ballistic missiles and their new jet-powered Shaheds. Iranian technologies. Just imagine this: since the beginning of this year, Russia has already used more than 2,100 missiles of different types against us, against Ukraine, our people, and our children. More than 950 of them were ballistic missiles. In 8 months of this year, Russia used 63,000 attack drones of different types against Ukraine, our people. And more than 7,700 of them were jet-powered Shaheds. Truly destructive and very dangerous weapons. Just think about it. The Russians launch jet-powered Shaheds every hour. Every hour. Against our cities, our economy, our infrastructure. Our combat aircraft are fighting them 24/7. And this is part of Russia's strategy: to create a near threat every hour, to make life harder for the economy, and to disrupt people's lives, and to stop children from being able to study, just to study at school. Would your country survive if, God forbid, you had to face something like this? Ukraine has. Our soldiers have already successfully tested four new jet-powered interceptor drones against Russian jet-powered Shaheds. So we are scaling up production, and we will build, of course we will build, protection against these threats too. We have also launched an anti-ballistic program, FREA, together with our partners. Ten countries are already part of it: Ukraine, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Germany, France, Italy, the United Kingdom, Spain, and the Netherlands. Last week, I invited Poland to join. And we are also in consultations with a couple of other allied governments who want to join FREA. And we remain open to every country that can contribute to building protection against ballistic missiles. Our FREA program does not replace proven and effective systems, like, for example, Patriot systems or upgraded anti-ballistic SAMP/T systems. We want to build a system that can be produced on a much larger scale and at a lower cost, a system that can become an integrated part of Ukraine's defense and Europe's defense. One that can help any freedom-loving nation. The global waiting list for anti-ballistic systems is very long. There are more and more ballistic threats, and the industrial capacity of those who choose war is very large. So we need to produce enough protection so that every person sitting in this hall can say," My people are truly protected." That is our approach to security. Today, even the richest countries in the world can't find enough missile interceptors. Current production is simply not enough. And even those who spend years building up interceptor stocks have already used a large part of them, unfortunately. This is the reality, even in the Gulf, where countries really worked to build strong anti-ballistic system, anti-ballistic defense. So we need a new program. We need FREA join these common efforts. And yes, sometimes it may seem that Ukraine is focused, focused only on war, because we speak about weapons, we speak about defense and sanctions against the aggressor. But Ukrainians did not choose this war. We choose not to die, not to lose our country, our families, not to lose our independence, our freedom. And we are defending ourselves. And this matters not only for us. I'm sure most of you here are like Ukraine was before this war. You are peaceful nations. And you do not think about war every second. But that does not mean you are weak. And those who may wish you harm should not make that mistake. Most of you do not have nuclear weapons. You do not have a habit of attacking your neighbors. And you may not have the money to finance years of war. But that does not mean you have no chance to stay safe, to detour those who may threaten you, to make anyone who may threaten you think twice, and to protect your life and, of course, protect your people. Ukraine has proven that even against a much bigger enemy, you can stand and survive. And we also have the drone deal format. This is not simply about selling drones. Not, of course. It is cooperation with other countries to build a modern, integrated defense system against drone threats in the air, at sea, and on land. And this is not only about protecting the sky. Drones help us control our borders. It's important. Mountain areas. And of course, roads. And without them, this would simply be impossible. And it is also about protecting infrastructure, critical infrastructure, about resilience, about organizing resources and defense forces so that critical infrastructure and transport can keep working even in the most difficult conditions. This is also part of the deals we offer. These are ready-made security formats that we adapt to each specific country and each specific region. We are already working with partners in the Gulf, the South Caucasus, and across Europe through drone deals. Today, I signed a drone deal, serious drone deal, with Finland, and this is significant. Also, today, I signed a security agreement with Australia, and drones are part of it too. And we are preparing drone deals with Canada and with other countries as well. When Russia started this war, it could never have imagined that Ukrainian long-range drones would one day reach its factories, its military factories, somewhere in Siberia and on the Yamal Peninsula, thousands of kilometers from our borders. Thousands. No Russian admiral expected that we would be able to sink Russia's pride cruisers that were supposed to dominate the sea but could not survive our naval drones. And along with different types of drones, we also produce a wide range of conventional weapons quickly, at lower cost than in many other countries, and tested in modern war. Ukraine is building its security so that we reinforce our role of a real provider of security and help others get the protection that has already worked for us and that can truly reduce the space for starting and spreading wars in the world. Peace through protection. Ladies and gentlemen, just think about it. No Russian official ever imagined that Army General Winter, which had fought on Russia's side for centuries, would one day switch sides and support those defending themselves from Russia. We will make that happen this winter if Russia continues to target our energy system and our heating. Ukrainians understand that this winter could be very harsh for us. But in response, we will have no choice but to make it painful for Russia too. And that's exactly why we say that de-escalation steps are important, are needed before winter. Now, we need diplomacy, and we need strength. And step by step, we are closing the gaps in both. Yesterday, we met with the President of the United States, and this is exactly what we discussed. Unfortunately, we have not had a chance to speak directly with the leader of China, who is in America today, but not here. And he is someone who can influence Russia too, more than many, many others can. And we would like him to want peace as much as we do in Ukraine. We believe the world has the power to make this happen. We are sure the world needs this. This is about energy, about critical infrastructure. This is about food security.
Mr. President, a few situations illustrate so painfully the gap between international commitments and lived reality as that of the East of the DRC. For more than three decades, millions of Congolese have been suffering attacks, forced displacement, and bereavement. Territories have been occupied, families dispersed, women and girls have suffered sexual violence, while children are recruited by armed groups or deprived of education. At the same time, the looting of our resources continues to fuel international trade. My country continues to face a war of aggression led by Rwanda through its proxy, the AFC M23, in violation of its sovereignty, our sovereignty, and our territorial integrity, as documented by the UN. The atrocities committed by other armed groups, especially the ADF and CODECO, are exacerbating this humanitarian crisis even further. To combat this challenge, the DRC has chosen the path of diplomacy without ever abandoning its rights. The peace agreement signed in Washington on June 27, 2025, the commitments made as part of the Doha process, and the roadmap coordinated by the African Union have opened up prospects that we have constantly supported. I commend the United States, Qatar, the African Union, African facilitators, regional partners, and all those who are sincerely striving to restore peace. However, for the sake of truth, we must recognize that for millions of Congolese, this peace remains only a promise. Resolution 2773 of the Security Council has laid out an unambiguous path. It calls for an effective cessation of hostilities, the withdrawal of Rwandan forces from Congolese territory, and, to all support for armed groups, the disengagement of the AFC M23, the dismantling of parallel administrations, the restoration of state authority, unhindered humanitarian access, and the safe and dignified return of displaced persons and refugees. But we don't need new texts to replace those that have already been adopted. What we need is their implementation. With regard to the issue of the Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda, the FDLR, long cited by Kigali to justify its military presence on our territory, the DRC is shouldering its responsibility. The protocol signed by the political and military leadership of the FDLR on May 30, 2026, provides for the disarmament, demobilization, and containment of their combatants, with a view toward their repatriation or resettlement without prejudice to potential judicial prosecution for serious crimes, until the movement is disbanded. The repatriation on September 8, with the support of MONUSCO, of 120 persons associated with the FDLR, is a first testament to the protocol's implementation. The issue of the FDLR, therefore, should no longer serve as a pretext for maintaining foreign military presence in our territory. The coordinated implementation of the mechanisms of Washington, Doha, and the African Union must be subject to a precise time frame, independent verification, regular information exchange, and clear consequences in case of violations. In this context, MONUSCO maintains a vital role in protecting civilians, monitoring the ceasefire, and supporting agreed-upon mechanisms. Any change to its presence must be determined by the conditions of security on the ground, the strengthening of national capacity, and the guarantee that no vacuum of power will remain to the detriment of populations. The DRC, for its part, will continue to fully shoulder its responsibility, especially through pursuing reforms of its defense and security institutions, through bolstering state authority, and through reconstruction on territories affected by the conflicts. And because the peace sought after in the subregion ought to go hand in hand with cohesion within our nation, the President of the DRC launched on August 28 a national dialogue for peace, cohesion, and the rebuilding of the state. This dialogue is open to the political and social forces that are committed to the Republic, our constitution, our territorial integrity, and to the rejection of violence.
At the heart of human rights is a simple truth. Every human being has inherent dignity and is entitled to fundamental freedoms. From a Christian perspective, these freedoms are not gifts bestowed upon humanity by governments or institutions or powerful nations. They are God given rights inherent in every human life. And because this right belongs equally to every person we have a responsibility to respect and protect the rights of others, including those who may not look like us or speak like us, or worship like us, or believe what we believe. The strength of a nation, a government or an economy or a technology, or a religion should never be used to suppress the fundamental human rights of another human being. The might of military power must not suppress the weak. The might of economic power must not suppress the poor. The might of technology must not be used to diminish human dignity or freedom, and the might of a religious majority must never be used to suppress those who belong to religious minority. Human rights have the greatest meaning when they protect those with less power: minorities, the vulnerable communities, and individuals whose beliefs may differ from those of the majority. We must therefore learn to live together with mutual respect. We do not have to agree on everything. We do not have to share the same religion, same culture, same political system or worldview. But we must respect humanity and the fundamental freedoms of one another. Mr. president, this principle is especially important when we speak about religion. Papua New Guinea, for instance, is a Christian nation believing that Jesus Christ is our Lord, Savior and soon coming King. Christian principles profoundly have influenced our country, our communities, and our institutions. But let me make one point clear: our Christianity must and will never be an excuse to deny another human being the freedom of conscience. And we have embedded this the fathers of my Constitution, the fathers of my country's constitution. In 1975 in fact, are right from the foundation of our Constitution. Section 45 of our Constitution guarantees every person freedom of conscience, thought, and religion. And that practice or he that person can practice his or her beliefs and religion according to his own conscience or his own conscience. Our Constitution also protects people against being compelled to participate in religious observance, and against attempts to force religion or irreligion upon another person. Mr. president, faith that is forced is no longer faith. I believe freedom is a choice, a God given right, implanted in the conscience of every human beings. Our moral conscience comes from God. God does not compel worship. He calls worship through love, allowing every person to exercise the freedom of choice he has given them. True faith, therefore, cannot be imposed by force, fear, law, or persecution. A person must be free to believe. A person must be free to worship. A person must be free to change his or her belief. A person must be also free not to profess religion if he or her chooses. So. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights recognizes this principle in article 18 the right to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion. Mr. president, history teaches us what happens when government or institutions or majority use religion to suppress those who believe differently. Human beings have been persecuted, expelled, imprisoned, or killed because of their faith. Humanity must learn from this history. A Christian majority nation must protect people of other religions. A Muslim majority nation must protect people of other religions. A Hindu majority nation must protect people of other religions. A Buddhist majority nation must protect people of other religions. And every society must respect the rights of those who choose not to profess a religion. The size of a majority does not diminish the rights of a minority. The United States, for instance, this country where we stand on, where the Assembly meets, expressed the principle more than two centuries ago through its First Amendment, which prohibits laws respecting the establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof. Government should neither impose faith upon its people nor prevent people from practicing their faith. Papua New Guinea supports this principle. We are proudly Christian, but the strength of our Christianity should not be demonstrated by suppressing other persons' beliefs. It should be demonstrated by having confidence in every human to allow their own exercise of free choice or free conscience. Humanity can be diverse in culture, religion, and thought.
Solomon Islands reaffirms that maritime boundaries, once established and deposited in accordance with UNCLOS, together with the rights and entitlements that flow from them, shall continue to apply notwithstanding any physical changes caused by climate change related sea level rise. Sir, the ocean is not simply a resource. It is our identity, our heritage and our future. It sustains our livelihoods, our culture and our economy. We do not own the ocean. We belong to it. We hold it in solemn trust for generations yet to be born. Yet our ability to benefit fully from our own ocean is undermined by illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing, which costs our region US$300 million every year. Solomon Islands is fighting back, working with the Forum Fisheries Agency and partners including Australia, France, New Zealand and the US to strengthen surveillance and enforcement across our waters. Mr. president, the SDG 14 remains among the least funded of all the Sustainable Development Goals. With just four years left until 2030, the fourth UN Ocean Conference must raise the bar on ocean finance and secure the ocean's place in the development agenda beyond 2030. Solomon Islands welcomes the entry into force of the agreement and the preparations for the first conference of the parties in January. We look to that conference to establish, without delay, the Secretariat and the institutional arrangements to implement the agreement. Plastic pollution is poisoning our ocean and our food. As negotiations resume in Bangkok, Solomon Islands calls for an ambitious, legally binding treaty that addresses the full cycle of plastics from production to disposal. Mr. president, our people are our greatest asset. With more than half of our population under the age of 25, my government is prioritising legal frameworks that empower young people, advance gender equality and strengthen the protection of women and children against domestic violence. We welcome global progress in advancing the rights and full participation of women and persons with disabilities in the economy, and Solomon Islands is committed to accelerating that progress at home. There can be no sustainable development without equal opportunity for all. Mr. president, our development partnerships play an indispensable role in expanding infrastructure, maritime connectivity, health and education, and in improving the lives of Solomon Islanders. I thank the governments and peoples of Australia, China, Japan, New Zealand, the Republic of Korea and the US, as well as the EU for their contributions to our national development.
Mr. president, as I turn to my region in the Caribbean, I'd like to highlight a series of crises that continue to threaten our peace, stability and development. Let me say at the outset that when I speak about letting many hands make light work, when it comes to conflict resolution, that this is one of the areas in which the political leaders of the Caribbean can play a pivotal role in its own region. Firstly Haiti, the security crisis continues to retard political renewal and economic recovery, and still the preparations for a return to constitutional government, yes, are moving forward even with great difficulty. But those efforts cannot succeed unless security improves, particularly in the areas containing more than half of Haiti's electorate in the capital and surrounding areas. Barbados, therefore supports the full deployment that has been 2 to 2 long promised, and the renewal of the mandate of the gang suppression force. Let me remind you that it was in 2022 that this recent, more heightened state of insecurity began with the fuel riots just before the General Assembly met in 2022, and in 2026. We have not kept faith with providing the level of security that would minimize the loss of life At the same time, we have to give thanks where thanks is due and there are member states who have contributed in whatever way to help in Haiti find its path. This includes, of course, the Caribbean community's Eminent Persons group, which has been helping to build consensus and maintain engagement with key international partners in the last few years. In addition, Mr. President, we are deeply concerned by the worsening humanitarian pressures facing the people of Cuba. Too many people are suffering. Too many people. Restrictions on trade, finance and access to fuel are intensifying hardship not only for Cuban citizens, but for all others who study and live there Barbados has each year opposed the use of the embargo and other unilateral coercive measures against Cuba. And as always, we call for constructive engagement, constructive engagement grounded in dialogue, sovereign equality and respect for international law. That is why we are here as individual states. We will also extend our continued solidarity to the people of Venezuela, who, regrettably, are recovering from the devastating double earthquakes in June. The horror was mind blowing. Barbados was proud to stand with our neighbour in the immediate aftermath, dispatching our field hospital and personnel to Venezuela. We remain committed to supporting them in their longer term recovery. A stable, sovereign, peaceful and democratic Venezuela is vital to the security and prosperity of not just Latin America, but the wider Caribbean. In this regard, however, I must take this opportunity to reiterate Barbados steadfast support to its sister of Caricom, its sister Caricom country Guyana, as it seeks to bring a peaceful resolution through the International Court of Justice for the long, outstanding territorial controversy with Venezuela. This is in the interests of the people of Guyana, the people of Venezuela and the wider people of the Caribbean and Latin America. The Caribbean, my friends, must remain a zone of peace. We cannot accept our region becoming a theatre. We cannot accept our region becoming a theatre for confrontation, or for the unilateral and unjustified use of force.
Ecuador will continue to fulfill our responsibilities and invite all of you to join us. Latin America and the Caribbean is a region with a lot of talent, energy, food, strategic resources, and above all, youth that is resolved to building a different future. It's a region that has not come to this Assembly to ask for solutions from the outside, but rather to offer up our solutions. And one of the greatest challenges of the future is artificial intelligence.
Hungary asked to be judged by what we do. We will be reliable. Member of the European Union, a committed NATO ally and an active member of the United States United Nations. These partnerships do not take away our freedom. They protect it. Hungary will defend its national interest, but it will do so as a partner. We believe that national interest and international cooperation do not have to stand against each other. For Hungarians, the reasons are part of our our own history. 70 years ago, the Revolution of 1956 expressed our people's determination to govern themselves. Soviet tanks tanks crushed that hope. Our appeals reached the United Nations, but the international community could not prevent our defeat. Many countries represented here opened their doors to Hungarians who fled their country after the revolution.
International law applies everywhere. International humanitarian law applies everywhere and human rights apply everywhere in Ukraine, in the Middle East, in Africa, in Asia or in Latin America. We are well aware that conflicts never remain purely local. They have repercussions on food security, energy markets, immigration development and global stability. We can see that with the war of aggression by Ukraine, Russia on Ukraine, this was a war chosen by Russia the consequences of which are worldwide in scope. This is a devastating aggression on a sovereign state committed by a permanent member of the UN Security Council, the violation of the UN charter and of international law. Attacks by Russia on Ukraine also threaten the security of civilian populations beyond Ukraine's borders, and it is unacceptable that over the last 12 months, Russia has on several occasions threatened the security of several European Union member states. Russia must bring an end to this dangerous escalation, and the international community must do its utmost and use all of the tools available to it to bring an end to this war and to create the conditions for negotiations for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. This war must end. The same goes in the Middle East. We regret the current stalemate in Gaza and more broadly speaking, in Palestine, which is prolonging the suffering of millions of civilians. Despite the momentum towards the end of the conflict that we thought we saw at the end of last year, the European Union and its member states are made a their positions clear. The two state solution is the only one that can ensure lasting peace in the Middle East. With the State of Israel and the State of Palestine independent and living side by side in peace and security. And we also support all of the efforts to find a solution to the conflict in Iran. The cease fire must be fully respected. Freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz must be preserved without conditions and without hindrance. For a lasting solution. It is also necessary that security of the countries in the region be ensured. It is essential that Iran never be allowed to acquire nuclear weapons.
That reflects who Latvia is, and that reflects what Latvia believes in. At the core are real people. That is why Latvia will continue to do everything possible to help return Ukrainian children deported to Russia. Those children have been taken from their families, their communities, and their country. We know such stories from the darkest chapters of history. Today, those things are happening again. We support every genuine effort to secure the return of Ukrainian children. We are very grateful to the First Lady of the United States, Melania Trump, and her efforts to help bring those children home. These children need to come home now. The most vulnerable must be protected. And this includes conflict-related sexual violence. Survivors need justice.
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary— Pleasure to do so here in the United States, a country with which Romania shares a long history of friendship, a nation toward which Romanians look with respect and gratitude, including for its essential contribution to the fall of the Iron Curtain and the opening of my country's path toward democracy and freedom. We are at the United Nations, and I will speak about relations between nations.
Austria will be a reliable partner in the Security Council during the next two years. Austria throughout the campaign has made a promise to spare no effort on the Security Council to protect our common rules, to engage in dialogue with everyone, and to rebuild trust in our global order that has been eroded by a dangerous zero sum logic. But for all of us, the road ahead is not easy, because today that order is being tested in conflict after conflict. For more than four years, Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine has violated the UN charter, and it still does. During my last visit to Kiev, I witnessed the pain it causes firsthand. Austria's position remains clear we will not accept a change of borders by force. We need an urgent cease fire to create a credible path to negotiations between the parties in the Middle East. The continuous escalation teaches us a similar lesson. After years of bloodshed and suffering, it is obvious no one can bomb their way to peace. We want a prosperous and safe Israel. But the same applies to the Palestinians and to Israel's neighbors. Israelis and Palestinians deserve to live side by side in peace and security, with a credible path to a two state solution. Any unilateral actions that undermine this prospect, including the continued settlement expansions in the West Bank, only perpetuate the conflict and must be firmly rejected by all of us. Palestinians in Gaza desperately need peace and stability. With Hamas disarmed and the IDF withdrawing from the strip. Iran and the United States must come back to the negotiation table to end the suffering, to credibly revive the nuclear talks, and to stop holding global supply chains hostage to political ends, especially when there are bilateral deadlocks and conflicts are impacting the whole world. I believe we believe we must pursue for multilateral solutions in Lebanon. We need a sustainable arrangement to support the Lebanese armed forces in disarming Hezbollah. The withdrawal of Unifil must not create a vacuum that will leave the region worse off than before. The same set of international rules must protect civilians in Sudan, in the DRC, in Yemen, Haiti, Myanmar, Ethiopia or other conflicts that receives far too little international attention.
Mr. President, Botswana supports reforms that strengthen the effectiveness, coherence, and responsiveness of the United Nations system. We also believe that efficiency gains should be redeployed to strengthen the capacity of the organization to prevent conflict, address emerging security threats, and deliver meaningful results in program countries in line with the UN80 vision. It is in this spirit that Botswana accords the highest priority to its partnerships with the United Nations Office of Counterterrorism, UN-Habitat, the International Trade Center, the International Organization for Migration, among others. We particularly recognize UNOCT's leadership role in strengthening the United Nations' collective efforts to prevent and counter terrorism and violent extremism, and in translating international commitments into practical support for member states. Botswana remains committed to further deepening its cooperation with UNOCT and the wider United Nations system through capacity building, technical assistance, knowledge sharing, and the exchange of good practices. Such partnerships demonstrate that a responsive United Nations can build trust, strengthen national capacity, and foster peace and security. Mr. President, no reform agenda, including UN80, is complete without addressing the long-standing inequities within the Security Council. In this regard, Botswana reaffirms its support for comprehensive Security Council reform and aligns itself with the common African position as articulated in the Ezuluiny Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. We believe that a Security Council that continues to exclude Africa and Latin America from permanent membership cannot credibly claim to reflect contemporary geopolitical realities. We also call on the United Nations to continue to explore the creation of an inclusive international framework on emerging technologies, including artificial intelligence. We recognize technology as a bridge that narrows global inequality. This extends to critical minerals, rare earths, and energy resources that power the technological revolution, many of which come from developing countries.
This same commitment. Um is also being engaged in in our own region in Latin America and the Caribbean. Mexico will continue to work to preserve the nature of the zone of peace that our peoples created for ourselves and to strengthen cooperation in fora such as Celac and the Pacific Alliance. Our regional vocation also explains Mexico's position, the position that we have had for more than six decades, and that solidarity with the people of Cuba rejecting the embargo, and any unilateral measure that is against the UN charter, we will continue to send humanitarian aid to address the most urgent needs of its population, because the fraternity between our nations does not depend on any given situation, uh, in any moment or differences between us. This solidarity is also calling on us to pool our efforts to deal with regional differences on the basis of dialogue and working with one another above and beyond our hemisphere. We are strengthening our links with Asia and Africa, and recently modernized our partnership with the European Union. Uh, confirming the close links between partners. Um, and, um, this doesn't ever mean that, uh we have different distance between other partners either.
European integration has become our national project. Moldova has been a candidate country since 2022. Accession negotiations are underway and we are moving quickly. Our ambition is clear to anchor Moldova firmly in the European family. For us, joining the European Union is not about replacing one sphere of influence with another. It is the opposite. It is our citizens exercising their right to choose. Choose democracy, choose prosperity, choose peace. The European choice goes hand in hand with a strong transatlantic partnership. For Moldova, these are not competing directions. The United States has been an important partner in strengthening our security, energy independence and resilience. We want the next chapter of that relationship to be increasingly about trade, investment, technology and building things together. But membership is not only about what Europe can give Moldova, it is also about what Moldova can bring, a democracy that has learned to resist interference, an emerging economy, a country contributing to stability on Europe's eastern frontier, and a small state willing to experiment, reform and move quickly. Being small imposes constraints, but it can also be an advantage. Moldova is not a huge domestic market. We cannot outspend the largest economies, so we have to compete differently with permits in days rather than months, clear regulation, digital public services and rules that change when they no longer make sense.
In this same spirit of peace and respect for people's rights to development, Vietnam has always stood in solidarity with the state and people of Cuba. We call upon the U.S. to end the unilateral embargo and sanctions and the energy blockade against Cuba, and remove Cuba from the list of state sponsors of terrorism. We also call upon the international community to support Cuba in overcoming the sanctions induced crisis. Second, we must advance development that is equitable, humane and inclusive and sustainable.
Reflecting its emphasis on regional ownership, it brings together partners from the Middle East, North Africa, and the Gulf. This commitment to regional cooperation and regional engagement is also demonstrated through the Cyprus Center for Land, Open Seas, and Port Security, jointly created with the United States. In this four-year of operation, it has provided specialized training to thousands of government officials from more than 50 countries from the Middle East, Africa, and Europe. Excellencies, the ability to bring different interests together was also at the heart of the Cyprus Presidency of the Council of the European Union during the first half of this year. For six months, a country of fewer than one million people assumed the responsibility of steering the work of a union of 450 million citizens. For Cyprus, this was both a responsibility and an opportunity: to listen, to negotiate, to build consensus, and to help the European Union and its member states move forward on common priorities. Our size did not diminish the responsibility to lead, nor did it diminish our ability to fulfill it. Our position is clear.
Mr. president, we express our country's grave concern as the world continues its slide toward uncertainty and division. The erosion of trust among nations is rapidly reshaping the international order. Our collective inability to prevent conflicts, our collective indifference toward humanitarian crisis, and our collective reluctance to seek common solutions to shared challenges are all becoming normalised. Trust cannot be restored when international law is applied selectively and commitments remain unfulfilled. Our response must be grounded in the fundamental values we have affirmed together freedom, equality, justice and respect for human dignity. President Tokayev has repeatedly underscored the indispensable role of the United Nations as a single universal platform, uniquely capable of bringing the states together to address the challenges we face. But to fulfil its potential, UN must be able to act, adapt and deliver. We fully support the UN 80 initiative. The success of the reform should be measured not by what is cut or reorganised, but by whether the United Nations prevents conflicts more effectively, responds more rapidly to crisis and delivers better results for all member states. Central to this renewal is reform of the Security Council. Broader representation of Asia, Africa and Latin America in the Council, as well as greater voice for developing countries and for middle powers, is a moral imperative. Equitable geographical representation must apply throughout the United Nations system as a condition of legitimacy and credibility.
The sacred trust of the UN trusteeship to ensure our wellbeing was jeopardised by these tests and the lack of due acknowledgement remains a moral failing. For generations, our families have testified to displacement, illness, contamination and loss. All of them impacts to our core human rights, as our survivors would say, and I quote, this is a song that has been sung far too many times, unquote. It was in the same building that the UN Trusteeship Council sat in session and voted on resolutions 1082 and 1493 in 1954 and 1956, respectively, to effectively authorize further nuclear testing over the demands of our local leaders and many citizens. The United Nations ultimately allowed testing to continue, but the shock and tragedy of nuclear exposure in the Marshall Islands was a profound driver of the 1963 global ban on atmospheric testing of nuclear weapons. We acknowledge the ongoing actions, dialogues and complex legacy of the UN's administering authority, the United States. But the role of the United Nations cannot pass without comment. For us and for fellow member states. This apology is an opportunity to reflect upon the past, to bring healing and closure to the Marshallese.
A diary that would make its way into the world and inspire millions of people. And I think that one of the reasons people are so inspired by Anne is that she had an unshakable belief in the power of people to turn the tide so that good prevails. She wrote, and I quote, how wonderful it is that nobody needs to wait a single moment before starting to improve the world. And these words are just as powerful and true today. This week is the perfect example of that. And I realize that the United Nations does not carry the most positive associations for everyone. And indeed, there is much that can and must be improved. But let us not forget what lay behind the founding of the United Nations over 80 years ago. The realization that doing nothing had led to the darkest chapters in human history. And we now live in a different time. New generations have arisen, and we face new challenges. But when we look at the world today, we see similar challenges as which preceded the founding of the United Nations. We see that the international legal order is under pressure in more and more places, even though it is a very foundation to our freedom and prosperity. We see the unending human suffering in Gaza, Sudan and so many other places in the world. We see violations of international law and of human rights, which are in stark contrast to the UN's aims. And we see institutions being undermined, institutions that were established to protect people and populations. And we must not be naive about the causes. These constant threats and attempts to dismantle the legal order are fueled by people and groups with their own agenda, an agenda that runs counter to the interests of everyone else. Yes everyone, and even those who don't feel directly threatened because they think it doesn't affect them sooner or later. Everyone is affected. As we saw in the time before the United Nations and when major powers chose to pursue only their own interests. It is tempting to respond defensively, but as Mahatma Gandhi, an eye for an eye will only make the whole world blind. And so it is time for us, the global community, to choose to pursue the common interest, not by trying to build an entirely new world order, but simply by working together. And the middle powers must take the lead in fostering such international cooperation. And everyone must be able to participate, including those countries who are currently too often left on the sidelines. It is time that countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America had a fully fledged place not only on the Equal Earth map, but in the real world too. To start with, here in the UN, improved African representation in the Security Council at the very least. Because if we want. If we want to preserve the UN for the future, we must change the balance of power in line with the changing times and modernize our institutions. And this means that we must focus on core tasks and stable financing, but also that we must work to protect the multilateral order with all our strength. And because international law either works for everyone or for no one. Take the attempts we've seen to undermine the International Criminal Court, which is based in my country, in my city. This undermines the international legal order as a whole, and that affects us all. This court was established to protect us against impunity. This court was built on the foundations of the Nuremberg and Tokyo trials. In the words of the Nuremberg chief prosecutor, Robert H. Jackson, and I quote one of the greatest tributes that power has ever paid to reason. And now, with the ICC under attack, the writing is truly on the wall. After all, how can you possibly be opposed to prosecuting the very worst crimes? And I believe there can be only one response to say, hands off the ICC and all those other institutions that protect the international legal order.
Saint Lucia believes that a truly inclusive United Nations must ensure that its decision making bodies reflect the world that they serve. Saint Lucia advocates for comprehensive reform of the Security Council to enhance its legitimacy and effectiveness in addressing global challenges, thereby restoring trust and a more inclusive multilateral system. Mr. president, a 21st century United Nations Security Council could have been more successful in its responsibility for international peace and security had it not been anchored in the world of 1945. The prolonged reform process must be concluded quickly and include expanded permanent and non-permanent membership for Africa, the Asia Pacific and Latin America and the Caribbean region. This reform is essential to restore trust in the United Nations and ensure it delivers peace and security for all. Saint Lucia pledges its commitment and dedication to work with like minded nations to achieve the stated reforms. I wish to take this opportunity Mr. President, to thank the outgoing Secretary General, Antonio Guterres, for his sterling service, especially his steadfast solidarity with the Caribbean through the many challenges and disasters our region has faced.
We want African cartographers to contribute. We want European cartographers to contribute. We want Asian cartographers to contribute. We want cartographers from America, from Arab world, Arab region, Pacific and every region in the world to to to contribute. Because the world belongs to all of us and because the way we represent our world should be a conversation open to all. Excellencies. Today, Togo launches an appeal, an appeal to all member states, an appeal to international organizations, an appeal to the scientific community, an appeal to educators, an appeal to innovators, an appeal to the young people of the world. Let us make correct the Map and international laboratory for reflection, refresh and innovation on the representation of our world. Let us transform our this resolution into a program of cooperation. Let us transform an idea into. Into knowledge. Let us transform knowledge into education and let us transform education into greater understanding among the people we say. We know now what we have to do for our our generation. We are not here simply to correct a map. We are here to to help correct a way of seeing, of seeing a way of seeing some things irritated from the past, a way of seeing that can be enriched by. Since a way of seeing that can be rebalanced by our, our knowledge, and ultimately a way of seeing that reminds us of one simple truth we share our planet, we share our humanity, and we must learn to see our common world with greater occurrence, greater justice, and greater understanding. Let us correct the map. Let us broaden our perspective. Let us strengthen our understanding. Excellence. Excellencies, the fact that a resolution called correct the map was adopted here on the 4th of September 2026, will go down in the history books. And we would like the history books to remember. Another thing that thanks to this resolution, the United Nations begun a global dialogue on the way humanity represents itself. Togo stands ready to continue this dialogue And finally, we invite all member states to join us. We invite scientists to guide us. We invite educators to support us. We invite youth to hold us to account, and we invite innovators to help us to build the tools of the future. Correct. The map is not the end of the map. Correct. The map is the beginning of a new way of seeing the world. Thank you for your kind attention.
A moratorium observed by responsible state will not restrain hostile powers, criminal international networks or industries of manipulation. We cannot regulate ourselves into helplessness. On this essential strategic question, the president of the United States is right. We cannot stop. We must accelerate. But acceleration must have a direction. We need artificial intelligence that is verifiable, transparent and accountable, built by free societies, shared among allies and placed in the service of citizens. The answer to weaponized automation is not technological surrender. It is democratic capacity. It is sovereign capability. It is better artificial intelligence in the hands of those who remain accountable under the law of the land. Sovereign artificial intelligence does not mean isolation. It means that no nation should be helpless before systems it cannot understand, it cannot inspect, and forget about challenging them. Every country must be able to protect its language, authenticate public communications, detect coordinated manipulation, preserve evidence, and inform its citizens without depending entirely on the commercial priorities of a very distant corporation. This is why Albania, in its own microscopic scale, compared to this gigantic challenge, is building an artificial intelligence based digital mirror. The mirror will identify manipulation in real time, will test claims against authoritative information, will reveal coordinated patterns, and help citizens understand not only what they are seeing, but also how and why it has reached them. It will not tell citizens what they must think. Truth cannot be decreed by any government. It must be evidenced, sourced, tested, challenged and defended out in the open. Our mirror is not intended to become an arbiter of opinion. It is intended to become an infrastructure of transparency. It does not seek to create a ministry of truth.
At a time when good governance of countries is widely advocated, the governance of the world likewise calls for a new, more democratic and just world order one that is not only based on the power of the restricted club of victors, of a war that took place eight decades ago. Since then, the world has come to know different reality. New countries have emerged, which at that time were colonies and which today are strong economies with significant advances in science and technology. It is therefore becoming increasingly pressing and urgent to undertake a profound reform of the Security Council, in which Africa, Latin America and Asia should adequately be represented as permanent members with all the powers inherent therein. In this context, the Republic of Angola reaffirms its full support to the common African position enshrined in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. The voice of Africans must be heard in all circumstances, at all times, in strategic decision making processes on issues of peace, global security, financing for development as well as climate issues and global governance of artificial intelligence.
So it's up to the challenges ahead and building beyond multilateralism, with new coalitions and partnerships to address and solve complex problems. As a middle power, Australia is showing leadership and working with others on fresh ideas to tackle the big issues now facing the world in our region, the Indo Pacific. We are elevating relationships that help to build sovereign capability and offer nations sovereign choice free from coercion, so that our partners can address the big issues confronting them. Economic security, human development, energy security, transnational crime, sovereign capabilities, trade and investment, and science and technology. Whether it's our support for our Pacific family, our partnerships in South East Asia the elevation of our relationships with Japan, India and the Republic of Korea, or the deepening of our partnerships with Europe and Canada. This is our approach. We seek to amplify the voices of small and mid-sized states to ensure council decisions are informed by the widest possible perspectives. Working strongly together on issues that matter to us, to them, and to the world. Listening. Partnering. Protecting. We are developing these new partnerships while continuing to work closely with our principal ally, the United States, and our major trading partner in China.
In 81 years, this organization has had nine secretaries general, all of them men. None has come from the Caribbean. We in the Bahamas believes that the time has come for both to change. Mr. president, in our own hemisphere, the Bahamas again calls for the lifting of the strengthened blockade against Cuba and an end to the fuel blockade and Cuba's removal from the unilateral lists of alleged state sponsors of terrorism. The Cuban people are suffering, and that's why we call for that. We call on all states to respect Latin America and the Caribbean as a zone of peace. And we must speak of Haiti.
And I would like to begin by talking not about the government, but rather the people, the Bolivian people, the homeland people that has gone through difficult times, a people that knows poverty, but also that knows the meaning of work, that knows division, but also knows how to recognize one another in unity. That has been through economic and political crises, social conflicts, and times of uncertainty, but which has never lost sight of something fundamental. And that is the hope of building a better life. I come from a country that today is facing a reality that we cannot hide. But first of all, allow me to say one thing. A part of those 20 years of the reality of a country that has been dragged along, is due to the consequences of a time of ideological construction on our continent. In the case of part of South America, where one leader came here and said, this smells of sulfur. It was part of a political and ideological line, which was, uh, being built upon by another leader who brought a coca leaf here. And he turned a traditional leaf into a historic leaf, a leaf that is part of our culture. He turned it into a betrayal. So that construction and development and the vision of a the development of a nation would be betrayed. Today the Bolivian economy. In 2026 had inflation of more than 20%. But it was a country that was an energy power in gas and hydrocarbons and mining. Nevertheless, we were reduced to a country that now has to be negotiating with multilateral institutions and with various different nations, and that is not right. They said that they were socialists. However, we carried out a campaign a ten months ago, in the ten months since I've been president, with the concept of capitalism for all of resources financial capacities, being able to invest and develop socialism and ideology does not put food on the table. What does is employment and the development of our economies and our production. When I took on the challenge of government, there were $51 million in our reserves because the reserves of the central bank had been entirely liquidated. Now, ten months on, we have nearly 1.2 billion and we, by the end of the year, are heading towards nearly 4 billion. And in the following 18 months, nearly $10 billion. For many nations, that might not be much, but for Bolivia it is a record, a milestone, a challenge, and a process of construction to build, strengthen our democracy and to strengthen our productive model within the country. I say this clearly, being able to look at the reality in my country, which decided to engage in a change and a transformation and to not turn back to the past. We are indeed doing this. We are ordering our economy. We are putting our house in order. We are facing up to the shortage of fuel. We are rebuilding our reserves. We are reforming our institutions. We are trying to restore internal and external trust in the country. We are doing something that we thought was even more important. We are trying to restore that trust in Bolivians so that we can move forward, because a nation that does not rebuild its trust cannot move ahead with money alone, with clear rules, with labor, with institutions that work, education, security and justice. It's one thing to have a government which we do have. It's quite another thing to have governability, which we do now have, because the Parliament is now drafting and approving laws and governance is yet another thing. Governance, governability and governance are not the same things. And in governance there was a deep rooted danger that we should denounce in this space of the United Nations, 53 days.
As one of the first supporters of a global alliance for human rights, Estonia feels that human rights should, once again, be at the center of a world we choose to build. Estonia is a member of the United Nations Human Rights Council for a period from 2026 to 2028, and is currently serving as Vice President of the Council. As a country ranked among the world's top three for press freedom, we are committed to promoting media freedom, protecting journalists, and enhancing media literacy. We will continue our strong commitment to women's rights and gender equality, including sexual and reproductive health and rights. Together with New Zealand and Colombia, Estonia is leading negotiations on the Human Rights Council on the resolution on preventing maternal mortality and morbidity. Their survival is a question of human rights, not only health care. Estonia stands firmly for ending all forms of violence against children. One of the gravest aspects of Russia's war against Ukraine is the mass deportation and forced transfer of Ukrainian children, which is a systematic and deliberate attempt to erase their Ukrainian identity. It is a war crime and a crime against humanity. We therefore reiterate the call of the General Assembly resolution adopted on the 3rd of December 2025, and demand that the Russian Federation ensure a safe, immediate, and unconditional return of all forcibly transferred and deported Ukrainian children. We thank all our international partners working to reunite these children with their families. In particular, we asked U.S. First Lady Melania Trump for a remarkable humanitarian initiative.
Now ladies and gentlemen, let me conclude with the following remarks. I would like to thank Secretary-General Guterres for his service and his dedication to reforming and rationalizing the UN system. This work must continue. Every Secretary General is shaped both by their era and by their own actions, and I was reminded of this when I recently read the biographies of two former Secretaries-General U Thant and Kofi Annan, both highly influential leaders who navigated an era of great power tensions. Let me put forward a few suggestions for the new Secretary General's consideration, whoever she may be, and for the international community at large. Now, since my first speech here two years ago, I've consistently called for a reformed Security Council. The world has changed and so should the U.N. There should be at least two new permanent seats for Africa, two for Asia Pacific and one for Latin America. No single state should have veto power. And if a member of the Security Council violates the UN charter, its voting rights should be suspended. The world needs a functioning UN Security Council. To move forward, we need to break the impasse and be open for creative solutions. The need for reform also extends to the global economic architecture. It must be updated to reflect today's power balance. We have to make sure that international economic cooperation continues to be rules based, legitimate and representative. Multilateral solutions are needed in an increasingly multipolar world. We must also bring the United Nations back to peace mediation. The Secretary General, as mediator in chief, will have a key role. The UN's legitimacy as a mediator is unique. Together, the UN and its member states can accomplish what neither can achieve alone. The UN needs to be at the center of rule making and institution building.
We urge constructive dialogue between the governments of Cuba and the United States. Engagement, mutual respect, and cooperation offer the best path to improving the lives of the Cuban people and advancing peace and stability throughout our region. Mr. President, Saint Kitts and Nevis remains steadfast in its friendship with the Republic of China Taiwan and supports for its meaningful international participation. Earlier this year, we joined our member states in requesting Taiwan's observer participation in the 79th World Health Assembly.
Now it's time for a woman to serve, a Latin American woman. Because, ladies and gentlemen, how can an organization that claims to speak on behalf of the whole of humanity never have had a woman leading the organizations? How can we represent all of the continents if, for 3 decades, we haven't let the third most populated continent have this role? The United Nations came to being with the promise that all human beings had their place in this house. Therefore, the time has come to fulfill the outstanding half. The time has come for a woman from Latin America to become United Nations Secretary-General. This is an historic debt that we must settle. And today, more than ever, when feminism is being attacked, when thousands of women are falling victim to machism, violence, and xenophobia, we must reaffirm this commitment. And I want it to be very clear: I'm not saying this because I think that women have anything to prove. I'm saying it because it is the world that needs to show itself that on the road to equality, there's no going back. In my country, ladies and gentlemen, in Spain, it was women who were the first to show us that security could not be achieved through force but through social progress. It was brave women like Clara Campoamor, the first to defend in Parliament the rejection of war as a way of interacting with the world, and opting instead for empathy and peace. That should always be what we do. If only more of the leaders that came up to this rostrum this week had even half the courage and lucidity of Clara Campoamor. Feminism, ladies and gentlemen, is one of the main forces of transformation and progress that the world has experienced in the last century. And it's time for this force to guide this institution in much more of a clear and robust way. And it's for these reasons, ladies and gentlemen, that I believe. I believe that in order to get off on the right footing in this new decisive step forward for the United Nations, the UN needs a female Latin American Secretary-General. And I believe, what's more, that in order for her not to be alone, she will also need the support of brave governments who are prepared to do things right, however high the price to pay may be. This, ladies and gentlemen, is the option and the way forward that Spain has chosen.
The international community's hesitation to designate the Houthis as a terrorist group provided them with a valuable opportunity to expand their influence and magnify the threat they pose. We have seen that decisive action, when applied, weakens their capabilities. The Coalition to Restore Legitimacy in Yemen, led by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, has played a critical role in reducing the dangers posed by this group through its support for the Yemeni government, thereby contributing to regional and international security and stability. We believe that this firm approach adopted by the United States administration in dealing with the Houthi militias, has disrupted their calculations. The Yemeni government appreciate President Trump's clear understanding of the only language this terrorist group comprehends the language of resolve. It is the language that leaves no room for misinterpretation. We likewise value the support of every friendly state that has stood behind this position. International legitimacy and its resolutions are there. But resolutions alone do not make peace and international resolution without a political will to implement it does not stop wars. Rather, it merely prolongs a marathon of negotiations while only terrorism advances. Peace is not a distant aspiration. It is a firm determination. It is an effective deterrent action against those who threaten the security and stability of states. Ladies and gentlemen, Iranian support is not the only factor contributing to the danger posed by Houthi terrorist militias. They also benefit from the lack of an effective and decisive international position. They benefit from every statement that underestimates the threat represented by this racist terrorist movement in Yemen.
Argentina's position is clear. Today I have come to tell you that Argentina is not going to sit around waiting for the UN and the international community to live up to their own mandate. We're going to take matters into our own hands. For far too long, Argentina managed its own decline. We managed poverty. We managed isolation. We managed irrelevance. We grew accustomed to debating how to divide up what remained, rather than asking ourselves how we could grow again, how we could rebuild what we had lost. That's over. We've already lost too much. We do not want to lose it again. That's why we've embraced free enterprise capitalism. We're opening our economy up to trade and investment. We're advancing in the development of our strategic resources. We've embraced the technological revolution, and we are rebuilding our military capabilities after decades of neglect. We've also made a geopolitical choice. We have unequivocally aligned ourselves with the West, with the United States, and with Israel, countries with which we share a deep affinity of values and strategic complementarity. That is why we condemn the attacks by the Iranian regime against the State of Israel. We have designated the Iranian Revolutionary Guard as a terrorist organization and continue to seek justice for the two terrorist attacks perpetrated on Argentine soil in 1992 and 1994. We have decided to cooperate with the world, but to do so standing tall, in the understanding that only a nation that is politically relevant, economically influential, and militarily respected can truly be a master of its own destiny.
Relations among the major powers increasingly shape trade, technology, energy, critical raw materials, transport routes and digital infrastructure. What we called economic interdependence yesterday, we increasingly see today as a matter of national security. Globalization is not disappearing. It is being reshaped. Supply chains are changing. Production is once again becoming a geopolitical question. States are asking not only where something can be produced more cheaply, but who can be trusted, not only where energy comes from, but whether it will be available when crisis strikes. Not only who develops the next generation of technology, but who will set the rules under which it will operate. Alliances, too, are changing under the pressure of this same world. Macedonian citizens know where they belong. We are a NATO ally. The United States are our strategic partner. Full membership in the European Union is our strategic commitment. These are not three separate policies. They are one geopolitical orientation, an orientation grounded in democracy, collective security, the rule of law and an open economy. In a time of uncertainty, our response is not strategic ambiguity. Our response is clarity. But clarity in our alliances does not mean turning away from the world. Quite the opposite.
As an integral part of Europe, our country plays a significant role in ensuring the welfare and security of the European continent. The NATO Ankara summit, which we successfully hosted in July, was a concrete manifestation of our commitment to our common security. A Europe that excludes Turkey from its security architecture cannot. And let me say this clearly it cannot possibly be stronger or safer. We are shaping our future with the European Union precisely through this strategic vision, and we expect the same vision from the European Union as well. The Balkans is a region with which we have strong historical cultural and human ties. Within the Balkans Peace Platform, we are taking joint steps to deepen our cooperation with them, and our position on the South Caucasus is also quite clear. Namely, we hope for the establishment of lasting peace between Azerbaijan and Armenia. We commend and support the commitment to a solution demonstrated by President Aliyev and Prime Minister Pashinyan. We are also advancing with determination the normalization process between our country and Armenia. I would also like to express with pleasure the following. The Organization of Turkic States has become an exemplary model of regional cooperation that is growing in strength year by year. The 13th Leader Summit, to be held in Ankara on the 30th of October, will, we hope, open new doors and new horizons for the organization. The fourth Turkey Africa Partnership Summit, which we will organize in Libya in December, symbolizes the institutional partnership we have been building for more than two decades now. In South Asia, it is important that all disputes, including the Kashmir issue, be addressed through dialogue within the framework of the United Nations Charter and of relevant resolutions. Provided that constructive action is taken, all issues can possibly be resolved, and the same Applies to tensions on the African continent also. We fully support efforts for a ceasefire and for lasting peace in Sudan, as well as efforts to strengthen security, development and institutional capacity in Somalia. Meanwhile, maintaining stability and tranquility in Libya is our priority. It is imperative that the ongoing reconciliation process is led and owned by Libyans themselves. As Turkey, we continue to support the success of this process. Now, also through our Asia Anew Initiative, we continue to strengthen our relations with our partners in the Asia Pacific region. We regard the elevation of our relations with ASEAN to the level of dialogue partnership as a concrete outcome of this approach. Likewise, we are developing our relations with the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean on the basis of mutual respect, partnership and a win win approach.
We are already the victims of climate change. We must do it for them, and even more so for our children. Last but not least, we must hold fast and not yield on artificial intelligence. There are some who wish to make us believe that only two powers, the US and China, will be taking the decisions. They want us to believe that just a few economic actors will make all the decisions, the kinds of economic innovations that will be implemented, whether they want to take a break or not, the kinds of innovations that happen. Some of these technological developments might attack the security of our states, our hospitals or banks. They say that just a few will decide what kind of society we live in. No, no. Starting in 2018 at the G7 with our Canadian friends, we launched the Global Partnership for Artificial Intelligence under the auspices of the OECD to kickstart discussions on the need for regulation. At the AI summit in 2025. The AI Governance Summit. The next edition will be held in Switzerland next year. There was also the Indian edition. We advocated for two very simple things for everyone in the world to have their own LLM model capabilities, calculation capabilities, AI capabilities, so that we can craft a way of auditing these models instead of being reliant on just a few private actors. And in fact, Europe was the first with the AI Act to take forward these principles, to take forward these models, and we must continue down that path. Therefore, I wish to emphasize a particular point. Our young people and our children. We've spent far too long not protecting our young people and adolescents. And as a result, we're living with the consequence. Their capacity to learn is in decline. We're seeing mental health problems. The facts are stark, and the correlation is clear cut. That's why we've kickstarted a large scale initiative aimed at protecting our young people, our adolescents, to stop them accessing social networks before the age of 15. Underway in various countries. And I wish to commend our Australian colleagues, the first to take legislation on this front. We must continue down this path and see it through, but let's not wait for the consequences to come raining down on AI. We must act now to protect our children and our young people. Look at the impact chat bots have on our children. This is why, together with Kenya, Spain Australia, we've built a coalition on children's rights in the era of AI. We are mobilizing already this afternoon and also at the Paris Peace Forum on the 10th and 11th of November of this year. Governments, organizations, public and private actors, academics, private companies everyone will be rallying behind this agenda. So I hope to see you on the 10th and 11th of November in Paris. Going beyond that, we can clearly see the race that is underway in cutting edge models we must all be investing in. France is proud to have a competitive frontier model, and we will continue supporting them. So that we can have this kind of model. But we must also forge new kinds of cooperation. And I very much hope and wish for all sovereign states committed to their independence. India and Brazilian, African Gulf states, Singapore. The list goes on. This independent coalition, which I mentioned earlier, I don't want anyone to become the vassal of one of the great powers. Rather, we must come together to build an open source frontier model, a cutting edge model. Using all of the calculation capabilities you have pooling them. Our investment capabilities must be pooled to build a cutting edge, open source AI model, which we will share. We should not depend on somebody else. This is the agenda we must take forward and this through cooperation. Furthermore, there are other areas where we must set new rules AI in outer space, AI and defense, and cyber security. This has very serious consequences which affect the very heart of our national security. In Evian at the G7. Many of us lend our support for the call launched by our Finnish and Norwegian friends, and we want to continue within the framework of the G7, but also working closely with our UK colleagues who will hold the chairmanship of the G20 next year. We want to set a cooperation agenda on AI so as to protect the most sensitive components thereof, which affect our national security. We are coming to an agreement to build a new international architecture. We did this on chemical weapons. We did this when it came to other risks, and we must do the same when it comes to outer space defense, cyber security issues on which we must take control. And we need very specific kinds of cooperation, a specific framework for cooperation between member states in these areas, so as to be able to take this cooperation forward within a specific framework. We must not yield on this either.
