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In the relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan, the clarification of the fate of several thousand missing persons is a matter that needs to be addressed, on which we have reached an agreement to cooperate with Azerbaijan. Armenia is ready to continue and deepen cooperation with Azerbaijan on the issue of de-mining and, of course, people in the Republic of Armenia are waiting for the return of Armenians who were detained in Azerbaijan as a consequence of the conflict. Along with these issues still being unresolved, another reason that fuels pessimists is the use of conflict rhetoric from time to time in certain circles of Armenia and Azerbaijan, sometimes at the official level. I think that we, I mean Armenia and Azerbaijan, have achieved more than sufficient results, which should be more valuable for us than the use of conflict rhetoric, whether it is about history or historical-cultural monuments or anything else. Nurturing the peace, strengthening and making it institutional should be the main theme of cooperation between Armenia and Azerbaijan. For two and a half years now, there have been no casualties or injuries as a result of crossfire between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and I think this is the greatest value that was created as a result of cooperation in recent years. We have never had such a period in the relations between independent Armenia and independent Azerbaijan before. Even though Armenians and Azerbaijanis have centuries of experience of peaceful coexistence. Our task, however, is not to restore that experience, but to build inter-state relations on the basis of that experience of the peoples, based on respect for each other's territorial integrity, sovereignty and political independence. This, by the way, is exactly the rhetoric that Armenia and Azerbaijan have already agreed upon and initialed in the text of the Agreement on Establishing Peace and Inter-State Relations between the two countries. The signing and ratification of that agreement, which was initialed at the Washington Peace Summit, is the next major topic in the joint agenda of Armenia and Azerbaijan, and we will consistently continue to work in this direction. Ladies and gentlemen.
This picture must be a shocking one for all of us. And what it tells us is clear. The United Nations, established 81 years ago to maintain international peace and security, is no longer able to fulfill this mission. Or more precisely, it has been rendered unable to do so. The UN continues to be weakened. Those in Palestine, in Lebanon, Sudan and in other crisis zones who have tied their hopes to the UN are deeply disappointed. But let me remind you that one day everyone will have to seek refuge in the collective conscience of humanity. Today we may feel safe, we may feel prosperous and at peace. Um. Today we may live in comfort far away from conflict zones and from crisis areas. But none of us knows what tomorrow will bring or what might happen to us. It is for this reason that I think that this year's UN General Assembly theme is particularly timely and pertinent, because it focuses on restoring trust in the international system. We support the sincere efforts of the Secretary General in this regard, including efforts around the UN 80 initiative. We expect this commitment to reform to continue in the same direction during the next Secretary General's term. Of course, I also want to clearly state the following here. We are truly committed to restoring confidence in the UN. The steps that must be taken are actually clear. Children in Gaza must be safe. When Palestinian children look up at the sky, they will see kites flying freely, not fighter jets, UAV or drones. Children in Lebanon will not wake up in the middle of the night to the sound of bombings. The labour of Asian workers will not be exploited by ruthless capitalists. Our African brothers and sisters will look to their future with as much confidence and hope as the citizens of prosperous countries. Now, only in this way can trust in the UN possibly be restored. We must acknowledge that a system in which the will of more than 190 countries is subject to the whim of just five countries, is not a fair system, and it is not capable of fully inspiring or establishing trust either. The Security Council must absolutely be reformed in accordance with the principle that the world is bigger than five. Dear friends, while we must keep pace with rapidly advancing technology, we also have the demanding but noble responsibility of building a more equitable international order. At this point, I want to share with you some basic principles. First and foremost, we are compelled to change the current mindset where international law is applied differently to the strong versus to the weak. Let us not forget that an international system where wrongdoers get away with it, and to make it worse, where impunity has become the norm. Such an international system, let's face it, is doomed to decay. Secondly, whenever international efforts fall short in resolving crises, we must harness regional ownership as an effective means of addressing those issues. As Turkey, whenever we have acted upon this principle, as in the case of the Black Sea Grain Corridor, we have achieved results and we have contributed to both regional and to global security. Third. We must absolutely re-establish an approach that places cooperation and open diplomacy at the core, at the center of relations among states. History has shown us time and again, through bitter experiences, that there is no winner in a political approach which is built on mistrust.
Distinguished guests. Ladies and gentlemen, the world is undergoing a profound shift in the international order, with many risks and uncertainties. The tendency towards the threat or use of force, and the arms race, especially the modernization of nuclear weapons and the development of new technology weapons, are heightening the risk of confrontation, miscalculation, conflict, and even of large scale wars. At the same time, the global economy is becoming increasingly fragmented amid mounting barriers to trade, investment and technology, supply chain disruptions and economic instability, and narrowing development opportunities for many countries. Climate change, natural disasters, pandemics and emerging technological risk continue to pose direct threats to the lives of the people and their livelihoods, and to the development and stability of many nations. The shift in the balance of power and development inequalities are placing growing strains on international relations.
Your Excellency António Guterres, the UN Secretary general. Your Excellency Rahman the president of the 81st General Assembly. Your excellencies, heads of state and government, distinguished delegates. Ladies and gentlemen allow me to congratulate His Excellency Khalilur Rahman on his election as president of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly, in the hope that with his vast experience and profound knowledge of our organization, he will render a valuable service to the United Nations, which is facing complex challenges that must be overcome in order to retake its key role in addressing the major issues of contemporary international relations. I also congratulate Miss Annalena Baerbock, who preceded him in the discharge of these noble duties, who did not spare efforts in her term that she carried out with undeniable competence to preserve the role of United Nations in addressing the issues that most concern the international community today. I would like also to congratulate His Excellency Secretary General Antonio Guterres, who has been working tirelessly and devoted himself with persistent dedication to the great global causes, building bridges for dialogue in the search for peaceful solutions to the problems facing humanity.
It is no longer acceptable for the world to regard the Sahel merely as a source of resources, an arena for international competition, or a footnote in global decision-making. Africa, whose journey we have followed since the founding of the African Union, is not the margin of the world; it is one of the centers of the world to come. Libya does not lie on the edge of Africa; Libya is of Africa, of its history, of its security, and of its future. Decades ago, an African will emerged from the Libyan city of Sirte that contributed to the establishment of the African Union. That fact reminds us that Libya has never been merely a bridge between Africa and the Mediterranean, but a partner in shaping the African project itself. We, therefore, view the security of the Sahel region as part of Libya's own security and stability. We view the security and stability of the states of the region and all our African neighbors, near and far, together with developing Africa, all as investment in the common security of Africa and its European neighborhood. This is not assistance provided by one party to another, nor is it a responsibility borne by one party alone. Likewise, we view the Mediterranean basin not as a barrier between Africa and Europe, but as a shared space of connection. Relations among its countries should move from beyond merely managing migration and crises toward making the Mediterranean a bridge for development, trade, energy transition, investment, and common security. Ladies and gentlemen. Geographically and politically, Libya stands at the meeting point of these worlds.
This session of the General Assembly is convening on the eve of the 65th anniversary of Mongolia's full fledged membership in the United Nations. In 1961, Mongolia made history by raising its national flag with the Golden Soyombo at the United Nations and becoming the 101st member of the United Nations, the guarantor of global peace and security, and the beacon of hope and trust for the world's nations. Mongolia welcomes the convening of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly under the theme Restoring Trust Managing Transformation a United Nations that Delivers for all, reaffirming its belief in the central role of the United Nations in fostering mutual trust, mutual respect and cooperation among the nations and peoples of the world. Mongols say if you do your best, fate will do the rest. The United Nations is an organization based on the trust and commitment of each member state, and the UN is strengthened by their dedication and sustained efforts. Therefore, it is incumbent upon us, Member States to uphold the mission of the United Nations with a sincere heart. Rather than simply expecting support and assistance, we must remain deeply conscious of our own responsibilities and duties and dedicate our wholehearted efforts to strengthening the United Nations. It is through trust and hope, dedication and commitment and engagement and participation of every Member State that we can strengthen the United Nations. A stronger United Nations, in turn, will deliver more efficiently towards global peace, security and sustainable development, thereby creating conditions for all Member States to benefit. As the conflicts and confrontations flash across the world, the walls of distrust rise higher and the chasm of misunderstanding grows deeper, it is becoming crucial to shape and develop international relations, not through a form of multipolarity that risks driving the world toward division, but through a multi-pillared principle that respects the pluralism inherent in each nation's history, culture, civilization, core national interests and chosen path of development. Eight centuries ago, our ancestors established the great Pax Mongolica, promoting, for the first time the idea to the world that nations could mutually recognize one another's values, and that peoples of diverse civilizations and faiths could coexist. This historic contribution of the Mongols to the advancement of humankind continues to be recognized by the international community. Let us strengthen multilateral cooperation through the multi-pillar principle, inspired by the ideas of Pax Mongolica, so that we may restore our trust and hope through shared responsibility, reform the United Nations with a common purpose and build a better, more peaceful world through the strength of our collective action. Mr. President, despite the remarkable heights of development and progress humanity has reached, our planet is currently confronted with more than 90 armed conflicts, around 30 of which are international, demonstrating that global peace and security remain unstable and that geopolitical and geostrategic competition continues to intensify. This results in the disruption of global economic supply chains, a rise in the prices of energy, fuel, raw materials and food, as well as economic strains on nations around the world. All of this is weakening the international order established since the Second World War, changing the universally recognized norms of international law and undermining the stability of multilateral relations and cooperation. Mongolia shares the view expressed by United Nations Secretary General Antonio Guterres in his annual report on the work of the organisation that in a world marked by turbulence, division and uncertainty, the United Nations is more necessary than ever. Hence, Mongolia underscores the tangible progress made under Secretary General's UN80 initiative to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of the United Nations in response to the challenges of our time and reaffirms its active support for this initiative. The effectiveness of the United Nations, the decisiveness of its actions, and the ability of nations to unite their efforts will ultimately depend upon us, the Member States. Mongolia is confident that the soon to be appointed Secretary General will steadfastly uphold the principles and purposes of the United Nations and international law, ensure that the voices and positions of all Member States are equally heard and reflected, and provide strong leadership in restoring trust and managing transformation within the UN. Believing that reform of the Security Council should be at the core of broader United Nations reform, Mongolia maintains its principled position in support of expanding the number of both permanent and non-permanent members of the Security Council ensuring equitable representation of developing countries in the Council, and promoting greater openness and transparency in its work. Mongolia is one of the 58 countries that have never served as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. Therefore, Mongolia aspires to actively participate in the work of the Security Council and contribute to finding collective solutions to the problems and challenges facing the international community. In manifestation of this aspiration, I officially announce from this rostrum today that Mongolia is presenting its candidature for a non-permanent seat of the UN Security Council for the term 2048 2049. Mr. President, on behalf of the people of Mongolia, I extend my heartfelt gratitude to the United Nations and its system organizations for their valuable contributions to our country's development and progress and their long standing, constructive cooperation over the 65 years since Mongolia's accession to the United Nations as a full fledged member. Mongolia has been contributing with honor to the efforts on strengthening international peace and security, advancing social and economic development and protecting human rights, the core pillars of the United Nations. For instance, more than three decades ago, in pursuit of its foreign policy to ensure national security through political and diplomatic means, Mongolia declared its territory nuclear weapon free. Since then Mongolia has consistently pursued policies and taken actions to verify the status legally. In this spirit, the United Nations General Assembly adopts on a biennial basis the resolution entitled Mongolia's International Security and Nuclear Weapon Free Status, initiated by Mongolia in 1998.
Relations among the major powers increasingly shape trade, technology, energy, critical raw materials, transport routes and digital infrastructure. What we called economic interdependence yesterday, we increasingly see today as a matter of national security. Globalization is not disappearing. It is being reshaped. Supply chains are changing. Production is once again becoming a geopolitical question. States are asking not only where something can be produced more cheaply, but who can be trusted, not only where energy comes from, but whether it will be available when crisis strikes. Not only who develops the next generation of technology, but who will set the rules under which it will operate. Alliances, too, are changing under the pressure of this same world. Macedonian citizens know where they belong. We are a NATO ally. The United States are our strategic partner. Full membership in the European Union is our strategic commitment. These are not three separate policies. They are one geopolitical orientation, an orientation grounded in democracy, collective security, the rule of law and an open economy. In a time of uncertainty, our response is not strategic ambiguity. Our response is clarity. But clarity in our alliances does not mean turning away from the world. Quite the opposite.
Excellencies, we are gathering in this hall of nations, countries, large and small, some insanely rich, too many shockingly poor, but all enjoying equal voting rights. Yet we know equality is an illusion. Some possess non-threatening antiquated guns, while few others have perfected their nuclear arsenals, now 100 times more destructive than the ones dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945. As primitive as they were then, these experimental bombs incinerated two cities, almost all living beings in them. Those unfortunate ones who survived the blast died long, painful deaths. Russia, U.S., China, France, the U.K. —all members of the NPT— were joined by four countries not members of the NPT: Israel, India, Pakistan, North Korea. Yes, North Korea had a nuclear arsenal estimated to be around 100. And North Korean leaders seem to have learned lessons from Libya, Ukraine, and the ongoing Iran-Israel-Yes war. Dismantle your nuclear capabilities and you lose. The only deterrence you have against a nuclear power deciding to bomb you into submission. On June 30, 2019, President Trump traveled to DMZ in the Korean Peninsula. The mysterious Swiss educator leader of North Korea, half the age of the American president, walked halfway, and the two leaders engaged in an embrace that promised peace. This is what leaders do to advance peace: they show courage, audacity. President Trump, you did the right thing. Friends are friends. We cherish and embrace our friends, never ignoring them or excluding them from the table. But we talk to adversaries so that we don't become enemies. We talk to enemies to prevent wars, and perhaps we become partners in peace. Those countries amassing nuclear weapons keep us all living near imminent catastrophe. One day, any day, by accident, miscalculation, computer error, madness, or foolish strategic design, we could become the last human generation. All the while, the brandishing of these weapons reinforces adversity and fear, which create a high barrier to achieving rational cooperation necessary to fulfill our responsibility to future generations. Trillions of dollars are invested in perfecting forms of death. Instead, we invest in a fraction of these trillions in clean water: food, schools, clinics. No thought was given to the tens of millions of fellow human beings pushed back to extreme deprivation by COVID-19, Ukraine-Russia war, and as if innocent bystanders on the periphery had not suffered enough, we are presented with another catastrophe: the Iran war and disruption of vital waterways for trade. We know the madness of Iranian leaders seeking regional supremacy, pouring fuel into the fire of religious extremism in neighboring countries to destabilize wealthy, stable monarchies. Iranian leaders launch unwarranted attacks against neighbors, destroying civilian industries, infrastructure. Iran's rationale for these attacks is that those countries host American bases. So is Iran going to launch waves of drones and missiles against U.S. bases in Europe? Can we change course? Can we stop slipwalking into wider wars? My invitation to President Trump: be audacious, be unpredictable, be visionary. Invite all nuclear powers and all major conventional military powers and industries, without exception, to a summit somewhere, maybe a town in Portugal, to talk on no first strike. Enhance regular communication between leaders of the nuclear powers. Commitment on reduction of nuclear weapons toward total deactivation and destruction of nuclear arsenals over a decade. Be yourself, be President Trump, be audacious, be unpredictable. Do the unthinkable, and you will gain worldwide gratitude and respect. The humanitarian situation in Cuba is heartbreaking. We understand that the U.S. has provided $100 million in emergency humanitarian assistance to Cuba through CARITAS. In keeping with the U.S. humanitarian tradition, and toward creating an environment conducive to normal, long-term Cuba-U.S. relations, trade relations between Cuba and the U.S. and the rest of the world could be improved. Regarding the situation in Israeli-occupied territories: Gaza and West Bank.
Uruguayans have an expression that sums up an understanding of coexistence. No one is better than anyone else. No country holds the absolute truth. No nation has a monopoly on their solutions. No society can claim that its historical experience is universal, and no people should be doomed to choose between models imposed from outside. Our understanding of relations among countries stems from that notion of humanity humility. This is a humility that doesn't mean weakness. On the contrary, it means recognizing our own limitations, while at the same time trusting in the abilities of others.
We would be remiss not to applaud the efforts, good offices and initiatives of the Secretary General aimed at strengthening multilateralism and that include initiatives such as UN 80 and the pact for the future, as well as the ongoing efforts to address global challenges, crises, conflicts, wars, climate change and terrorism, as well as the efforts to assist member states in order to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals and to strengthen international cooperation on artificial intelligence. We hope that these efforts will continue beyond the conclusion of the Secretary General's term in an in a manner to guarantee the continuity of work to reform and develop the organizations bodies to enhance its effectiveness and performance in discharging its responsibilities. In this context, we emphasize that Security Council reform and the Security Council is the body charged with maintaining international peace and security has become essential to keep pace with the significant increase in the number of member states and the changes in international relations since the establishment of the organization. There is an urgent need for the Council to become more representative, effective and transparent in carrying out its responsibilities.
Own country · at 5 min · 2 mentions in this passage
We are on one side; that is the side of citizens of the world that are pursuing their happiness, their development, and their freedom. A great deal is said about Venezuela. Many people opine about Venezuela. Some attempt to interfere in the domestic affairs of Venezuela. I come to this rostrum to talk to you about a Venezuelan whose national life has been affected by a crisis that has disrupted political coexistence, a crisis that disrupted national life, and upset our relationships with the world. Interests alien to the common good of the Venezuelan people were pursued without our say-so. In 2026, Venezuela was forced to face two major painful tests to its life as a nation. One was the test that arose from the suffocation of its internal political life and a dispute with the United States of America, which was ratcheted up and became more extreme. Another test arose from nature's savagery; that was the double earthquake on the 24th of June. In spite of these "life's bitter blows," as they were called by the poet César Vallejo, for all Venezuela people, Venezuela's people, today Venezuela is being reborn. The idea of our country being reborn is, if you like, the expression of our country's attitude, the attitude that it has assumed in the face of the aforementioned events. We are transforming our political relationships, and these are now rooted in dialogue, negotiations, and diplomacy. We wish to have with the United States, with our neighbors, and with all countries on the continent, relations with the international communities. We wish to rebuild them and maintain them. They must be rooted in respect and equality. I wish, before the 81st General Assembly of the United Nations, to thank President Donald Trump and his government for their readiness to resume the course of diplomatic relations and cooperation with Venezuela. The last time that two presidents, the President of Venezuela and the United States, met together was in 2009. Today we are working solemnly to, through dialogue, settle our differences. But first and foremost, we are working to pave the way for cooperation in the field of energy, to promote security, and to fight together transnational crime. And we're looking to buttress economic cooperation for the benefit of our two peoples and the peoples of our continent, and the continent as a whole.
And I do so at a moment of particular importance. As Greece reaches the end of our second year on the U.N. Security Council and is again preparing to assume its presidency next month. 12 months ago, as we marked the 80th anniversary of the United Nations, we spoke of the need to reinvigorate multilateralism And one year later, that need has only become much more urgent as we are living through extremely perilous times. Conflicts are multiplying, tensions are deepening, and perhaps most alarmingly, we're witnessing a further erosion of restraint and international affairs. The rules and understandings that have long provided a relative degree of stability in international relations between states are increasingly being tested. Secretary General Antonio Gutierrez has steered these United Nations through this exceptionally turbulent decade, with a steadfast commitment to its charter and the values it embodies, and the selection of the 10th Secretary general presents a historic opportunity for the reinvigoration of the organization when it is most needed. Ladies and gentlemen, the first step in restoring confidence in multilateralism is acknowledging where it has actually succeeded. And few examples are more powerful than the United Nations Convention on the law of the sea. With 172 parties, Unclose provides the binding legal framework within which disputes can be managed peacefully rather than through force, and from the Strait of Hormuz and the Red sea to the Indo-Pacific. Strategic maritime routes are increasingly becoming arenas of geopolitical confrontation. Commercial vessels are being targeted and vital trade routes are used as instruments of pressure, with grave consequences for supply chains, for energy markets and for future food security worldwide.
We need to embark on reforms that strengthen delivery, protects universal character of the organisation, and enable developing countries to participate meaningfully in decisions that shape their future. Mr. president, the General Assembly's decision to move towards a convention on the prevention and punishment of crimes against humanity is an important contribution to addressing a long standing gap in the international legal framework. The government is proud of its leading role alongside Mexico, in advancing this process through more than three years of patient negotiations. Our conviction is simple the gravest crimes cannot be met with silence. Victims cannot be forgotten. Impunity cannot become an accepted feature of international relations. Prevention, accountability and justice are indispensable to reconciliation, healing and sustainable peace. The rule of law is one of the foundations upon which trust is built. The continued development of multilateral treaties, and the entry into force of the agreement on the Conservation and Sustainable Use of Marine biological diversity of areas beyond national jurisdiction also demonstrate what is possible when states negotiate in good faith and persevere. The Gambia comments Ghana for its historic resolution on declaration of trafficking of enslaved Africans and racialized chattel enslavement of Africans as the gravest crime against humanity. And Togo for the resolution on correcting the map at the General Assembly. Mr. president our credibility is ultimately tested by how we respond to conflicts and crises that remain unresolved for years.
Mr. president of the General Assembly. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the international system that has guided our relations over recent decades is undergoing a profound transformation.
Created in the aftermath of the Second World War, the immediate focus was obviously on peace and security but the UN system has evolved significantly over the decades to expand its scope and sphere of influence within the confines of its charter. However, the UN must now look to the future, building on its record of achievements as well as from lessons learned from what it could not achieve. As we look to the next 80 years, we must ask ourselves a searching question is the UN fit for the purpose for the 21st century, not the world of 1945, but the world of today and beyond? We are entering a new era of international relations defined by unprecedented technological developments, often absent from the table where the rules of tomorrow are being adopted, developing countries risk being left further behind. The same exclusion afflicts the international financial architecture, which remains skewed against the Global South. Developing nations must have a seat at the table as equal stakeholders. We all acknowledge that the three pillars of the UN charter are peace and security, development and human rights. The twin institutional pillars provided in the charter were and still are, the Security Council and ECOSOC as the apex bodies for achieving these purposes. However, over the years, optimal use has been made primarily of only one of these organs. We need to enhance and accelerate the revitalization of the General Assembly and that of ECOSOC so that they are not merely forums for debate, but engines of action. This must be done as we bring about the reform of the Security Council, the historical injustice regarding the composition of the Council was acknowledged in action 39 of the pact for the future, but the process for reform is still stalled. Mauritius fully supports the Common African Position, the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration calling for no fewer than two permanent and five non-permanent African seats on the council. Mauritius also supports the call for SIDS to have a seat on a reformed council. On the question of the veto, Mauritius aligns itself with the position of a growing number of states that, in the event the veto is retained, any new permanent member must have the same rights as the original permanent members. Mauritius also supports the Franco-Mexican initiative on the suspension of the veto in cases of mass atrocities. We support the positions of the G4 and the L69 on council reform, and we reiterate our support for India's candidature for a permanent seat commensurate with its constructive role in global affairs. Mr. president, Mauritius welcomes the increasing recourse to the International Court of Justice as a mechanism for the peaceful settlement of disputes and determination of issues of international law. We call upon Member States which have not yet done so, to accept the compulsory jurisdiction of the ICJ. We welcome the landmark unanimous advisory opinion of the ICJ on the obligations of states in respect of climate change. This was a vindication of the tireless advocacy of Vanuatu and the core group of states. Mauritius was proud to stand among them.
This has led to a blurring of standards and concepts. Alliances have become open to question. International law is frequently violated. And its capacity to regulate international relations faces numerous challenges. End of quote from His Majesty the King We are therefore facing a world whose fundamental features are the following. First, the escalation of acute and diverse international crises military, economic, energy related and environmental. Second, the spread of confrontational tendencies as a key determinant of relations between states. Third, the difficulty of predicting the outcome of crises. We know when they begin but not when they will end. Fourth, the diminishing capacity of existing regulatory structures to play the role in preventing and managing crises in this complex international context. Mr. president, I wish to focus on three areas to which the international community must accord priority. First, confronting non-state armed groups as a threat to international security and stability.
For the first time in a long time, Latin American governments are really, truly uniting and working together, not by simply issuing communiques, but getting to know each other and speaking to each other to really come up with common plans against transnational organized crime, migration control, and coming together to forge joint development opportunities. Latin America is the continent of the future, and those of us that lead the continent today are ready to give momentum to that change. Relations with our neighbors Peru, Bolivia and Argentina are in fine fettle. We are resuming relations with Venezuela under a new leadership. We've opened doors that were closed for years. Some people will say to us that we don't, or they don't understand this change, but others, or that they don't understand this move on our part. Others will say that we're simply new, unthinking allies of this country, but we're neither one or the other. We recognize the reality for what it is. We value change where it exists, and we offer support. We are of the view that Venezuela has before it a historic opportunity to reconcile with its best democratic traditions, with its institutions, and with the millions of its children that are now scattered across our continent that want to return. This path will be a demanding one. Chile is ready and willing to provide the help necessary.
12 people find themselves in a forest on an island. The guide who led them there is sitting among them, is dead, but they don't know it yet. They are waiting for him to return. They hear the wind, the sea, the voices around them. They know they are not alone, yet they can barely tell where the others are. At one point, one of the characters says, years and years we have been together and we have never seen each other. That line comes back to me when I look at our world. We too are together. We meet constantly. We exchange statements, messages and positions. At times we spend hours around the same tables and yet being in the same room doesn't mean that we understand one another. Do we still take the time to hear what others are telling us, to understand what they fear, what they need, and what the world looks like from where they stand? That, to me, is where diplomacy begins. Not when we agree, but when we no longer do. Diplomacy is not erasing disagreements, nor about abandoning our principles to secure consensus at any cost. It is about continuing to speak continuing to listen and finding ways to manage our differences without allowing them to lead to a breakdown in relations or to confrontation. In the play, one of the characters says something very simple let us try to draw a little closer. Maeterlinck wrote those words more than a century ago, yet they feel entirely relevant today. Drawing closer doesn't mean thinking alike. It means refusing to let distance turn into indifference, then mistrust, until eventually we stop speaking altogether. That risk is real today. It is one of the paradoxes of our time. We have never been more connected, yet we do not necessarily understand one another any better. Our economies, societies and technologies have become deeply interdependent, even as the temptation to turn inward returns with force. In other words, we depend on one another more than ever at the very moment when we are sometimes tempted to believe that we can do without one another. The more interdependent we become, the more we need common rules not to erase our differences, not to impose a single vision of the world, but to ensure that we can manage our disagreements without allowing the law of the strongest to become the only law that matters. In the play The Blind, the characters have lost the person who was meant to show them the way. We are not in the same position. No one will come and decide for us which direction to take, but that doesn't mean we can move forward without bearings. Faced with wars, humanitarian crisis, climate disruption, pandemics and technological upheaval, the question is ultimately quite simple do we still have a common compass? For Belgium, the answer is yes. That compass is the charter of the United Nations. It is international law, but the rule has value only if it continues to apply when respecting it becomes difficult. It is precisely when the law runs counter to a state's immediate interest that we discover whether it really matters. When a signature loses its value the moment it becomes binding, when a treaty holds only for as long as it suits the party that signed it, it is not merely a legal text that is weakened. It is trust in a promise made, and with it the security of all those who believed they could rely on that promise. That is why Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine concerns far more than two states.
Everyone is aware of it. Its name is Venezuela. Before coming to New York, I visited Caracas, despite the fact that the diplomatic relations between Paraguay and Venezuela have been suspended. My decision to visit the Caribbean country, therefore, surprised many, and many people have questioned, sometimes harshly, my decision. I therefore like to use this forum to say it loudly and clearly: I didn't go to Venezuela to legitimize a regime. I did not go there to legitimize or validate anything whatsoever. No, ladies and gentlemen, quite the opposite. Paraguay cherishes democracy, and we believe that the Venezuelan people also deserve democracy. The reason I went to Venezuela is because, for 25 years, South American leaders have issued fine, lyrical rhetoric, resounding statements, and countless slogans on Venezuela. For 25 years, we watched, we waited, and we condemned, from the comfort of this distance, without doing anything for the Venezuelan people. We watched. We talked. But we didn't act. We did nothing. In the meantime, our Venezuelan brothers and sisters suffered. That is why I went to Venezuela a few days ago, to take a second step following the first difficult but extremely important step that was represented by the fall of the dictator Maduro. Because Paraguay can play a useful role in the second step: Venezuela's transition towards a pluralistic democracy. Venezuela is now facing a new reality. Defending our values cannot mean standing indifferent to that reality. That is why Paraguay has opened a channel of dialogue with the Venezuelan authorities and is already taking action towards a Venezuela in which power resides with its one true sovereign, the Venezuelan people. Dialogue doesn't mean abandoning our principles or forgetting the past. It means having the courage to look ahead and to act. We cannot wait for the United States or some northern power to resolve our problems. We have to resolve them ourselves. Venezuela, what I want, is what my own country achieved after 35 years of dictatorship in 1989: a real, lasting democratic transition. I don't want a photo opportunity. I don't want a communiqué. I want, we want, a transition. With institutions, with security, with an economy, and with a people that are once again integrated into the international community and, in our region, integrated into Mercosur. Paraguayan leadership doesn't confuse dialogue with indifference. Dialogue, talking, is one way of standing with the Venezuelan people. It's also a way of jointly combating transnational crime, which knows no borders and which harms our entire region. Today I call on all my Latin American brothers and sisters, but also on these United Nations. Let us come together to help Venezuela, this beautiful country, to reintegrate into the world and achieve a democratic government that respects human rights. To borrow the words of the Latin poet Publius: I am human. Nothing human is alien to me. The suffering of the Venezuelan people is also the suffering of the Paraguayan people. It is the suffering of us all. And what applies to Venezuela applies, perhaps even more so, to Nicaragua, Cuba, and Haiti, countries that have lived for far too long in the darkness of authoritarianism, violence, and sorrow. Let us bring light to these sister nations. For where there are free elections, there is hope. But we mustn't stop at words. We must act. Let us do so. Let us do so together. Of course, problems are not confined to my region. There are problems all around the world. Paraguay is noting with deep concern what is happening in the Persian Gulf when the Strait of Hormuz is closed. It is not the great powers or the wealthiest who pay the price. It is the least protected who pay the price, the most vulnerable among our citizens. Food and energy security, the food and energy security of millions of people, depends on keeping that passage open. Therefore, today I make an urgent appeal for the immediate cessation of attacks, for the full reopening of and freedom of navigation through the Straits of Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb, and a return to negotiations. Human dignity, dear friends, does not change when we move from one continent to another. It is always the same. And it is that human dignity that must guide not only our words but also our actions. Hormuz is the problem we face today. But I wish to tell you here that tomorrow's problem could be far worse, infinitely worse. I'm referring to the ominous clouds gathering over the Indo-Pacific, particularly over the Taiwan Strait. What happens there is not merely a regional matter. No, ladies and gentlemen. It affects Japan, the whole of East and Southeast Asia, and above all, it affects the global economy. It affects the microchips that power industry, defense, and artificial intelligence. Anyone pretending that this is far off or too distant to matter simply has not understood the 21st century. If oil was the fuel of the 20th century, microchips are the fuel of the 21st. The stakes of this potential conflict could scarcely be higher. The very future of humanity is at stake. And I want to make one thing clear here: Paraguay is not neutral on this issue. Paraguay stands, and I say this loud and clear, with Taiwan. Not out of expediency, quite the opposite. We stand with Taiwan because of the profound values we share: democracy, the rule of law, human rights, and peace. Seventy years of uninterrupted diplomatic relations are not merely a number or the product of a mere calculation. They are a testament to the real friendship between our peoples. That is why today I reaffirm our support for the full and meaningful participation of the Republic of China, Taiwan, in the United Nations and its specialized agencies. Taiwan has concrete contributions to make to peace, development, and human rights. Excluding it doesn't serve to strengthen the system. It deprives the system of capacities that could benefit us all. And it is a stain on the United Nations. But let's make no mistake: the problem is not Taiwan alone. What's happening there, in that part of the world, is simply too dangerous for us all. Dear friends, let us not stop at words or slogans. Let us move to concrete action. I assure you that at this negotiating table, at the table for peace and concord, Paraguay will be on the front row, ready to help. But the world's problems do not end in a single region or place. They go to the very heart of the international system.
Poland has no colonial past. Our historical experience is different, marked by the struggle for our own freedom and resistance to domination imposed by force. In international relations, we advocate an approach based on mutual respect, sovereignty, and equality of states. Poland does not seek an advantage over others. On the contrary, it builds cooperation that strengthens all participants. In a world of growing geopolitical rivalry, we need more partnerships that create real value rather than deepening dependencies. That is why Poland consistently works toward a model of international cooperation that gives countries room to develop, strengthens their resilience, and allows them to make sovereign decisions. This approach is reflected both in our own regional policy and in our global engagement. We propose partnership instead of dependence. It is in this spirit that we view our role in the global economy and our engagement in international initiatives. Ladies and gentlemen, today Poland is the world's 20th largest economy. Our path to becoming a developed nation was not a matter of chance, but the result of consistent reforms, including the fight against corruption, responsible policies, and the efforts of the entire society.
Mr. President, Excellencies, Ladies and gentlemen, The faultlines in our world are widening. Cracks have become canyons. Over the last decade, wars erupted with devastating consequences and dragged on with despicable cruelty. Civilians were targeted. Human rights trampled. Hunger weaponized. Humanitarians killed. International law cast aside. Geopolitical divides have deepened. Inequalities have intensified. Trust has frayed. The climate crisis went from distant warning to daily reality. And artificial intelligence moved at a speed that has blindsided even those who created it. These are not separate crises. They are chapters of the same story. The story of power. Who has it. Who is denied it. How it is used. And how it is changing. Excellencies, Power is being reshaped in three fundamental ways. First, among States. New centres of economic, political and technological influence have emerged. Second, we are witnessing an extraordinary transfer of power away from governments to a handful of private corporations and individuals. Their reach now extends across politics, economies, information flows, technological development, and the civic space on which societies depend. And, third, humans are increasingly handing over power to machines – with Artificial Intelligence agents going rogue, and lethal autonomous weapons going from science fiction to military reality. Yet our institutions and systems of global governance continue to reflect the power realities and interests of a largely bygone age. That is the defining challenge before us. At the very moment when humanity faces an unprecedented convergence of threats, our mechanisms for collective action are under growing strain. Excellencies, We are clearly moving towards a multipolar world. And that movement is irreversible. But there are different ways that multipolarity can take shape. One possibility is a world of fragmentation and transactionalism. A world of rising tensions and deepening mistrust. Of fractured markets and weakened institutions. Of shrinking cooperation and zero-sum calculations. In many respects, that is the trajectory we are on today. But there is another path. A path towards networked multipolarity. A world built on interdependence – and sustained by a dense web of economic, political, social and technological connections. A world in which multiple centres of influence coexist within a common framework of international law and shared rules. Such a world can help us avoid hegemonic tendencies and what I have called the Great Fracture: The division of the world into two rival blocs with separate economic, technological and security systems. A networked world recognizes that no power can solve today’s challenges alone. Of course, competition will remain a permanent feature of international relations. But competition does not have to mean confrontation. Healthy competition can drive innovation, strengthen resilience, and expand opportunity. But only when it operates within frameworks that preserve stability and enable cooperation where cooperation is indispensable. Building a networked future begins with a recognition, especially by superpowers: That their power isn’t so super. That their power has limits. The events of recent years have made that unmistakably clear. Military power alone cannot secure peace. Economic power alone cannot command stability. And technological power alone cannot guarantee security. A networked multipolar world can create the conditions for more balanced and representative global problem-solving. But it requires a multilateral system centred in the UN that is balanced and representative. Strong, effective institutions that reflect the realities and the progressively changing relative weight of countries and economies in today’s world – not the power arrangements of 80 years ago. Fortunately, we are not starting from scratch. We already have a binding foundation: The Charter of the United Nations. And the principles that give it life. The primacy of international law. Upholding human dignity. And the pursuit of justice in all its dimensions. These are the backbone for the effective, legitimate and responsible exercise of power in the 21st century. Excellencies, It comes down to this: Will we act to ensure that power is governed by law or by force? By cooperation or coercion? By responsibility to young people and future generations or indifference to their fate? Because the defining challenges of our age are not separate from the question of power. They are expressions of it. And they will determine whether we drift deeper into division and instability – or move toward cooperation, justice and collective security. Looking ahead, our future will be shaped by how we address four great tests of power: The power over war and peace. The power that concentrates wealth and drives inequality.
Uzbekistan, under the leadership of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, has made its choice: that is openness, good relations with neighbors, the dialogue with the world. Openness doesn't translate into weakness; on the contrary, striving for peace means taking responsibility for the future. Ladies and gentlemen, we see countries are posed with the question: which side do you choose? Uzbekistan's response is clear: our choice is human dignity.
Let respect for international law, peace, solidarity, sustainable development and justice be the path that we follow together. Ladies and gentlemen, we in Bosnia and Herzegovina call upon all UN Member states to focus on reaffirming relations between states on the basis of international law, ensuring respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, promoting peace and social progress, combating hate speech and all forms of discrimination, strengthening policies for the prevention of genocide, crimes against humanity and other war crimes, advancing the rights of women and children, and strengthening gender equality, better healthcare and education. The world must return to the fundamental principles upon which the UN is founded. Respect for human dignity, the sovereign equality of states, the peaceful settlement of disputes, respect for international law.
Mr. president, colleagues, on October 25th, 1971, right here in this August hall, the General Assembly adopted resolution 2758 at its 26th session with an overwhelming majority by which Unga decided to restore all the rights of the People's Republic of China in the UN and recognize the representatives of the government of the People's Republic of China as the only legitimate representatives of China to the UN. This is of profound and far reaching significance for both China and the world. Over the past 55 years, China has been a stabilizing force in times of volatility. China is firmly committed to pursuing peaceful development and has the best track record on peace and security among major countries. It is the largest contributor to peacekeepers among the permanent members of the UN Security Council. It also took the initiative that led to the issuance of the first joint statement of the leaders of the five nuclear weapon states on preventing nuclear war. China has been a main engine driving common development. China has created two miracles at home, namely fast economic growth and long term social stability. And over many years, it has contributed around 30% to global growth. China has joined hands with more than three fourths of the countries in the world in pursuing high quality Belt and Road cooperation. It has mobilized over 23 billion USD and carried out more than 2000 projects under the Global Development Initiative. And it has granted zero tariff status to all the African countries and LDCs, having diplomatic relations with it to empower the Global South in pursuing modernization. China has been a progressive force in an era of change. China has always spoken up for the global South, stood up for the legitimate rights and interests of developing countries, and continued to work toward a more just and equitable global governance system. In October, China will host the Global Governance Forum in the Xiong'an New area. You're welcome to attend the forum and join in the discussion about the way forward in global governance. Mr. president, colleagues. No matter how the international dynamics evolve, China remains unchanged in its pursuit of peace and development and its dedication to safeguarding, fairness and justice, and in its commitment to multilateralism. China will join hands with all other countries to build a community with a shared future for humanity and make the world a better place for all of us. Thank you.
As the 2030 Agenda enters its final years, partnership must remain central to accelerating SDG progress. Kiribati recently presented its Second Voluntary National Review (VNR), reaffirming our commitment to the 2030 Agenda. We value our longstanding diplomatic relations with traditional partners and welcome countries seeking new partnerships based on mutual respect, shared interests, transparency, sovereign equality and respect for our national priorities. This year, following the submission of our second VNR, my Government convened its first Development Partners Forum on Kiritimati Island, or Christmas Island, which we highly value as the world’s largest coral atoll and the first island to see each new day’s sunrise. The Forum strengthened partnerships between Kiribati and its Development Partners and showcased two flagship projects critical to accelerating economic growth and sustainable development. Participants included Australia, the People’s Republic of China, the European Union, New Zealand, Japan, the United States of America, the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank, and UN agencies.
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary— Pleasure to do so here in the United States, a country with which Romania shares a long history of friendship, a nation toward which Romanians look with respect and gratitude, including for its essential contribution to the fall of the Iron Curtain and the opening of my country's path toward democracy and freedom. We are at the United Nations, and I will speak about relations between nations.
193 states that have signed up to the UN charter that have signed up to one essential principle that relations between states are not governed by sheer power, but by rules. Today, this commitment is being tested by conflicts, by shifts in power, by new technologies. And our global institutions are struggling to keep pace. So let me ask you a simple question that I believe sits underneath everything we are discussing this week. Who decides? Who decides whether a border is aligned to be respected or a target to be crossed? Who decides whether a human being or a machine pulls a trigger? Who decides who gets hurt and who is left waiting outside the room?
That is the tradition I bring to this podium, representing a nation staking its existence on the promise that shared rules faithfully observed remain humanity's best instrument for peace and prosperity. That tradition tests whether trust between nations, large and small, can be restored. Mr. President, restoring trust must begin with restoring respect: respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity, and equal dignity of every nation, regardless of its size, wealth, or military power. For smaller states such as Botswana, a rule-based international order is an essential safeguard. It assures us that international relations will be governed by the strength of agreed principles. Botswana believes that rules that bind only the weak are not rules, and principles applied selectively soon cease to command respect. That is why Botswana calls on this General Assembly, the Security Council, and every organ of the United Nations to recommit to dialogue as the first instrument of diplomacy. Botswana has sought to live by this principle as a host to the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Secretariat through our contributions to regional mediation and election observation, and through our consistent commitment to the peaceful settlement of disputes.
Mr. President, we cannot restore trust without tackling climate change with the same resolve. There cannot be lasting security without climate security. There cannot be climate security without climate justice. My country will bring three demands to the 31st Conference of the Parties in Antalya, Turkey: that the Loss and Damage Fund become fully operational and accessible; that adaptation financing should no longer be the forgotten stepchild of climate finance; and that the countries of the Congo Basin, the second-largest lung of the planet, should finally be justly compensated for the services they provide to humanity by protecting their ecosystems. This demand for justice also applies to global health. We call for equitable access to vaccines and health care technologies, and for strengthening health systems in the most vulnerable countries. Restoring trust, Mr. President, is not limited to interstate relations. First and foremost, it is built within our own borders between the state and its citizens.
If we smile together, it is not because we have no problems, but because we are stronger than our problems. Ladies and gentlemen, for half a century , the Comorian state still striving for full sovereignty within its internationally recognised borders, remains under what it considers an illegal French occupation. Despite the many relevant resolutions of this assembly. The Comorian side has always favored a peaceful settlement of this dispute, and has always believed that dialogue is the only alternative, and we have engaged in such a dialogue with France for two decades in an effort to reach a peaceful solution of this dispute, once described by former French President Francois Mitterrand as unpleasant. And we regret that this dialogue has not succeeded. On the contrary, France's unilateral actions, particularly in Africa, run counter to our expectations. We deeply regret attempts by some neighbouring brotherly and friendly countries, which have long defended the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Comoros, to establish relations with what we regard as an occupied part of our territory. We appeal to the solidarity that African countries have always demonstrated in defending sovereignty, and, in particular the territorial integrity of the Comoros. We strongly condemn initiatives of cooperation with the local authorities of Mayotte, as well as the recent statement by the French Prime Minister linking development assistance to the pursuit of migrants under General Assembly resolution 3385 of 12th November 1975 and 31, four of the 21st November 1976 and. Security Council Resolution 376 Comorians are at home in Mayotte for the Comorian nation Sovereignty of the entire archipelago is not for sale. We therefore urge the French authorities. To rethink their political narrative, to reconsider recently announced measures and productive cooperation and mutually beneficial partnership for both France and the Comoros.
Mr. president, excellencies, I am appearing addressing this assembly representing the first female president of my country, doctor Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo whose government places people at the heart of the actions of the state and works on a daily basis to achieve freedom, democracy, social justice and substantive equality. Mexico conducts its public life according to a conviction that I'm bringing to you today, from this rostrum, to make shared prosperity a reality for all people. This conviction coincides with the commitments that we all made in the United Nations Charter, whose first article establishes as goals to maintain international peace and security, to engage in friendly relations between nations, and to cooperate to resolve economic, social and cultural problems and humanitarian problems. Promoting respect for human rights without any type of distinction. Mexico, a culture with more than 3000 years of history, is experiencing a profound transformation that is a continuation of the journey that, uh, was started with the independence movement, the reform, and then the revolution the three defining moments when my country expanded the rights of its people. My country today aspires to achieve a prosperous society with rights and a decent life for all. This is a transformation with clear goals to bring about shared well-being, to strengthen our competitivity, to develop our own capacities, and to determine our own destiny. It's for this reason that my country has come to share the experience of a nation that decided to show, through concrete actions, that it is possible to improve the quality of life of our people by expanding their rights and their capacity to exercise these rights. Please allow me to underscore some of the progress made. The first is the reduction of poverty. Between 2018 and 2024, more than 13 million people were lifted out of poverty in Mexico, the most significant reduction in the history of our country. It's also important to underscore that in 2025, we had the lowest in white poverty rate in our history. This effort continues with a national social policy. In 2026, the well-being programs of our countries reached 42.8 million people. In addition to this, we have sustained investment in infrastructure, healthcare, trains, highways, schools and water infrastructure. Looking towards 2030, the investment in infrastructure for development with Well-Being plan plans to make investments in energy, transport, water, health, education and emerging technology. The second concrete action is security that the government of President Sheinbaum understands from a comprehensive perspective, addressing the causes that push youth towards crime and also zero impunity. And the results speak for themselves. In just 22 months, the 22 months to July 2026, intentional homicides declined by around 51%. This is the result of a national security strategy that is being strengthened thanks to international cooperation on shared challenges. And that, respectfully, um, I'd like to respectfully recall, is grounded in four principles one respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity. Two, shared but differentiated responsibility, three mutual respect and trust, and four, cooperation without subordination. This milestone was not achieved through war, nor by renouncing human rights or through reliance on force as the sole response. Mexico combines education and employment for youth with intelligence investigation, strengthening institutions and boosting the presence of the state where before it was absent. Today we can say proudly that our progress in security really make Mexico stand out on the international stage. That's why we wish to, um, put forward a truth to this assembly, um, a truth that is valid for all peoples, that peace cannot be decreed or imposed. It's built with social justice. The third action is focused on employment. Since 2018, the minimum wage has increased in real terms by 154% And today we have the highest purchasing power in more than four decades. And we achieved this with dialogue between the government workers and employers. With inflation under control and one of the lowest unemployment rates of any OECD economy. We've demonstrated in practice something that was denied for decades in theory, and that is that, um, paying workers better does not make economies poorer. It actually strengthens them. The fourth, fourth action that we've engaged in has transformed the history of our country. For the first time in two centuries of independent life, Mexico is being governed by a woman. And this did not happen alone. Um, and she's not governing alone either. She, uh, has a cabinet with gender parity, a Congress with gender parity, and a reform that made substantive equality a constitutional mandate.
Supply chains built up over decades of interdependence are being reorganized or fragmented as a result of geopolitical tensions. The multilateral trading system has been weakened, and the WTO can no longer fully carry out some of its essential functions. Yet what is at stake here is not merely a technical issue of trade policy. The question is whether relations between states will continue to be governed by common rules, or if they will increasingly depend on the weight and power of each individual state. For Switzerland, this is a fundamental issue. That is because my country is an open economy with few natural resources. A large part of its prosperity, therefore depends on trade, but also on the stability and predictability of the rules that make such trade possible. Economic resilience requires us to diversify relationships, forge new partnerships, and keep trade between different regions of the world as open as possible. This is particularly important for economies with fewer resources or limited market access. Access to markets knowledge and technology can create opportunities that would not otherwise exist. These abstract concepts encompass quite concrete realities a business that can take on an apprentice, a family that can secure a more stable income, a producer who can trade beyond their local market. Young people for whom the range of possibilities suddenly widens. That is also what we mean when we talk about a global economy. Trust is built when the rules offer everyone a genuine opportunity to participate.
It is indeed a great honor and privilege to address this Assembly on behalf of H.E. Dr. Samia Suluhu Hassan, President of the United Republic of Tanzania. H.E. the President asked me to convey her fraternal greetings and best wishes for the success of this Session. Mr. President; Allow me to congratulate you, on your election to preside over the 81st Session of the UN General Assembly. Your immense experience and diplomatic skills give us confidence in your ability to guide the proceedings of this Session successfully. Your election is also a fitting tribute to your great country, Bangladesh, with which Tanzania enjoys excellent relations.
Mr. President, Secretary-General, Excellencies. There is an idea that has accompanied Andorra for more than 270 years, and that continues to shape the way that we understand politics. The Manuel Digest, one of the great works of our institutional heritage through which António Guterres condensed and recounted the essence of Andorran identity, reminds us that the legitimate exercise of power only makes sense when it places the common good above any other interest. This idea, written in 1748, long before modern international organizations came into existence, remains remarkably relevant today because multilateralism is nothing more than the application of this same principle to relations among nations: the understanding that the common good of the international community is inseparable from the well-being of each of our countries. In Andorra, this approach toward politics has enabled us to preserve more than seven centuries of peace, dialogue, and coexistence in harmony, not because history has been easier for us, but because we have learned the best way to protect freedom is to build trust, seek balance, and make compromise a form of governance. Perhaps it is precisely this experience that a small country such as ours can share with this great Assembly today.
It is exactly these principles that are guiding our efforts for peace and stability in the South Caucasus. Even though the decades long conflict with Armenia brought immense tragedy to our people and left deep scars across our land, Azerbaijan has chosen to look ahead and turn the page of enmity. We offered Armenia peace fully in line with norms and principles of international law, based on mutual recognition of and respect for each other's sovereignty and territorial integrity. Our normalization efforts produced historic results at the Washington Peace Summit last August, where the leaders of Azerbaijan and Armenia signed a joint declaration witnessed by President Trump of the United States of America. Through this declaration, both sides confirmed the end of the conflict and their will to jointly chart a peaceful and prosperous future. The sides also initialled the agreement on Establishment of peace and inter-state relations. Today, we have achieved de facto peace Moreover, by unilaterally lifting transit restrictions, Azerbaijan facilitates transportation of goods to and from Armenia. We have also established bilateral trade. Azerbaijan provides strategically important oil products to Armenia on a regular basis. Despite increased volatility in markets and growing international demand for these commodities. As we proceed with the peace agenda initiated by Azerbaijan, our entire region is now turning into a promising anchor of stability, connectivity and tangible economic dividends. To make this process irreversible, it is of crucial importance to eliminate the remaining obstacle, which will allow finalization of the normalization process through the signing of the already initialed bilateral agreement.
Italy stands for rules, dialogue, and policy. That is why we have condemned and continue to condemn Russia's aggression against Ukraine. We will continue to support Ukraine for as long as necessary, while working towards a just peace and towards a future in which Russia can once again be a partner in dialogue rather than a threat to Europe. Russia, as a permanent member of the Security Council, cannot evade its responsibilities. A ceasefire is not a concession to the other side. It is the first step towards a European security that protects everyone, including Russia. This is why we view with grave concern the growing hybrid threats posed by Russia against Europe, and why we have expressed our full solidarity with Germany following the attack on Lipsig Airport. Peace requires openness, but it also requires resolve. Dialogue without truth is weakness. Resolve without dialogue leads to a dead end. The same principle guides our approach to the Middle East. Peace can come only through a two-state solution, two peoples, two states. In Gaza, the truce has slowed the fighting, but it has not yet ended the suffering. There is not a minute to lose. The truce must be consolidated. Humanitarian aid must be allowed to enter without obstruction, and the disarmament of Hamas must become a reality. From the very beginning, Italy has mobilized the very best of its humanitarian capabilities. Through Food for Gaza, we have delivered food and essential supplies provided by our farmers. We have welcomed and cared for wounded and vulnerable children. We have opened our universities and research centers to young Palestinians, because a future state also needs a future generation of leaders. In Lebanon, the stakes affect the entire region. The Washington Agreement of 26 June opened a door. Italy is proud to continue hosting negotiating sessions in Rome that have helped keep that door open. For decades, Italian troops have served the cause of peace in southern Lebanon through UNIFIL and have helped train the Lebanese armed forces. We have also recently approved new development projects for the area, and we will continue to play our part even after the mission's mandate has come to an end. Dear colleagues, 61 active conflicts mean that war is advancing even far from the television cameras. And as war advances, the principles on which we have built 80 years of international relations retreat: the prohibition of the use of force, international humanitarian law, and freedom and security of navigation. Defending freedom of navigation means defending trade, jobs, growth, and dialogue. Because where goods can move freely, weapons are less likely to do so. The Strait of Hormuz must reopen. Gulf must relaunch dialogue and ask Iran to abandon any form of nuclear threat and any aggressive policy towards other countries in the region. Attacks on shipping in the Red Sea must cease, as must Russia's reckless attacks in the Black Sea on shipments of Ukrainian grain destined for Africa.
Faced with the challenges of a constantly changing world, the Refoundation government that I lead places food sovereignty, health and education at the heart of its action. This priority commitment serves the entire population, particularly women and children, while providing our youth with a means to build their future with confidence and contribute to national development. With more than 55% of its population under the age of 25, Madagascar enjoys a tremendous demographic dividend, driven by a firm political determination to build a brighter future for this dynamic youth. We recognize the importance of an education system which is fully aligned with labour market realities, an essential condition for sustainable development, and we hope that cooperation in this area will move beyond a strictly quantitative approach, measured only by the volume of infrastructure built or the number of students enrolled, and instead adapt fully to economic realities on the ground. Our aim is to focus on future oriented sectors. While redefining our indicators of success. To prioritize the practical acquisition of skills and medium term employment outcomes. Mr. president, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Madagascar's foreign policy is guided above all by the imperatives of economic and social development for the well-being of its people. Madagascar has chosen a policy of engagement in all directions We are open to all international partnerships, capable of meeting the aspirations of our people and supporting the general policy of the state of the refoundation. Madagascar's position of neutrality with regard to global conflicts is consistent with its diplomatic tradition and its desire to preserve constructive relations with all its partners. This idea is not ideological, but is based on international partnership that can meet the aspirations of our people in an open spirit, without exclusivity, in full respect for national sovereignty, the achievement of our ambitions cannot be separated from the international context in which they are pursued.
Why does a state such as mine believe so strongly in international law? The answer goes for all. When might makes right. It is the smallest states who are the first to be threatened when force is regulated by the law. All of humanity is protected. Sovereign equality between states, honoring commitments, peacefully settling disputes are therefore not abstract concepts. They are our front line of protection. And yours too. With the balance as is set out by the charter between the three pillars peace and security, development and human rights. Nevertheless, this protection is today under assault. Rearmament is accelerating throughout the world. We are seeing the use of force once again as being another political tool for some Trade is breaking down and we are seeing a race to capture critical resources. The private sector is also part of this. Of these power relations. We are now in the era of the geo economy, and this is fertile ground for disinformation, which undermines people's trust in their institutions and leads them to question verifiable facts. Our belief has never been tried to such an extent since 1945 in Ukraine, the Middle East, Sudan, the Sahel in many other places out of the media spotlight. Civilians are paying the price for conflicts which have discarded the most basic rules of humanity. And never, since 1945 has the very legitimacy of states and multilateral bodies such as the UN, been called into question to such an extent. Given this danger, let us recall our mission. In the words of Dag Hammarskjöld, the second Secretary general of the UN.
Because noting the limits of multilateralism should no longer mean that we renounce multilateralism. We need even more multilateralism and even more UN, a stronger UN in defending its principles, more effective in preventing and peacefully settling disputes, more representative in its decision making structures, and closer to the realities of the people. The world needs a UN that strengthens and re-establishes trust. A UN that listens without turning away from the concerns of those people that it serves, who decide without losing sight of those for whom it works and which promises, without forgetting that it needs to keep its promises. International trust cannot be restored just through speeches. It is established through the respect of shared rules. And here we're talking about international law. Unfortunately, we are seeing a worsening of geopolitical tensions and a worrisome return to war at the heart of international relations. Violations of international law and of the United Nations Charter are increasing in number. And the weakness of our responses are akin to a type of tolerance that we seem to be willing to accept. Given this situation, Togo would like to reaffirm its firm belief in international law is not an obstacle to power. It guarantees its legitimacy, its predictability, and its stability. It protects the most vulnerable states and also serves the lasting interests of the most powerful. By preventing uncontrolled clashes by shoring up exchanges, and by establishing trust. Togo thus defends a pragmatic type of multilateralism that transforms commitments into results that scaffolds power dynamics with shared rules and organizes the peaceful coexistence of interests. Mr. president, Togo supports efforts as part of the UN initiative to improve the effectiveness, the coherence and the accountability of our organization.
And addressing climate change, which threatens their very existence through rising sea levels and increasing salinity. Accepting the science of climate change and acting upon it is rightfully the entry point for engaging with these vital nations of the Pacific. Or as we call it, the Blue Continent. It's why we are partnering with the Cop 31, President Takaya and Pacific Nations to sponsor a Pacific Pre-cop meeting in Fiji and Tuvalu. Pacific countries have long been leaders on climate action. Their voices are central to shaping the global response. And we proudly work with them. Mr. president, Australia's purpose in its relations with the United Nations is clear and our approach is principle.
Human made conflicts have created situations of unrest in many countries. Vast numbers of people are being displaced, giving rise to humanitarian crisis. Wars and conflicts are placing immense pressure on the global economy. Energy security concerns, disruptions to global energy supply systems and rising inflation are worsening the economic situation. We believe that every conflict should be resolved through dialogue, diplomatic processes and mutual cooperation. Equality, fairness, protection of mutual interests and respect and dignity among disputing states should form the basis of bilateral and multilateral relations. We aspire to a peaceful world, a humane, global community where, rather than weapons of destruction, reason and debate, diplomacy, education and humanity become the instruments of change. Bangladesh sees the United Nations as the centerpiece for establishing an accommodative global community based on mutual respect for one another's independence and sovereignty. The tendency to divert development budgets towards military expenditure in different parts of the world verses the direction of our journey towards global peace. As a peace loving nation, Bangladesh remains committed to the goals of complete and general disarmament, preventing the proliferation of nuclear weapons and arms control. I reiterate Bangladesh's support for any initiative at the United Nations dedicated to establishing world peace and serving humanity. The people of Bangladesh who believe in democracy remain deeply concerned about the plight of the freedom seeking Palestinian people. Bangladesh once again reaffirms its unwavering support for their legitimate demands, including their right to self-determination and their right to establish an independent state of Palestine. Mr. president, in the prevailing global circumstances the theme of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all, is highly relevant and timely. Bangladesh remains steadfast in its commitment to multilateralism in maintaining international peace and security. As vice chair of the Peacebuilding Commission, Bangladesh continues to serve as a strong voice for sustainable peace, conflict prevention and inclusive peace. As a consistent contributor to United Nations peacekeeping missions. Bangladeshi peace keepers are serving humanity in different parts of the world. The courageous participation of Bangladeshi women in peacekeeping missions, even under adverse circumstances, reflects our strong commitment to advancing the agenda of women, peace and security. This year, Bangladesh is observing the 40th anniversary of the declaration on the Right to Development and the 25th anniversary of the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action.
Ladies and gentlemen, there are other challenges which I believe to be inseparable from the future of our nations, the fight against organized crime, as I have already said. Organized crime has various different sources of financing. Uh, to finance myself, I had to ask multilaterals. I have to ask for resources that come late or sometimes never arrive, because the slow procedures that those multilateral organizations have mean that organized crime has an advantage when it comes to getting resources from drug trafficking, drug terrorism, or the smuggling of gold to then destabilize our democracies. That is why multilateralism has to act much more immediately. It cannot be the case that one, 2 or $3 billion is the value of a democracy in crisis. Democracy is the priority in order to establish relations between our nations. The United Nations is built upon and based upon democracy, based upon respect for laws and having clear laws, having constitutions. But we have suffered from the attack of these narco terrorists for 53 days. Again, now, we have used dialogue and the technique and technology of peace. They wanted confrontation. They wanted blood on the streets. We instead offered dialogue and the technique of peace. And that same technique of peace, which I ask countries at war to use to end confrontations. Because when there is war in the world, those that suffer the most are the poor. When there is war in the world, it is the poor that suffer the most with fuel prices, energy, the cost of living.
And it is precisely because I recognize the value of that cooperation that today I want to speak frankly about the UN. I've been critical about this, of this organization. I was critical of it before I became president, and it would be inconsistent to address this Assembly today and conceal my attempt to seal my convictions. This criticism isn't born out of whim or hostility towards the United Nations. It's based in political, institutional, doctrinal considerations. I believe in the UN as an organization, and it is precisely for that reason that I believe it's legitimate to ask whether the institutions that we've been building are effectively responding to the problems that that it was created to address. The charter itself is very clear here. This organization was born to maintain international peace and security, to foster friendly relations among nations, and to promote cooperation in resolving the major common problems. Eight decades on, the question cannot be whether those purposes remain valid. Of course they do The questions have completely changed, though. Is the UN fulfilling those purposes with the effectiveness demanded by today's world? Are there bureaucratic structures that have become excessively cumbersome? Are we dedicating too many resources, too much energy to administering procedures and or too little to resolving problems? Are we measuring our results rigorously enough? Another matter that I wish to address is human rights. Colombia defends human rights and will continue to do so.
Patent disregard for international law and the principles of a charter, reinforced by the sense of impunity, too often dominates over adherence to the rule of law and cooperation between countries for a better future. Mutual dependence has come to be treated as a critical vulnerability. Aggression, wars, and conflicts are becoming the new normal. Millions of people are suffering in Ukraine, Gaza, Sudan, Haiti, Myanmar. Sometimes we tend to forget that behind the numbers, there are always human beings: families separated, children affected, homes destroyed, and lives disrupted by conflict. Over the past three years, more than 1,000 humanitarian workers have lost their lives. And beyond ongoing wars and conflicts, there is a looming crisis brought on by climate change, one in which time is running out for us to act. Indeed, the time to act is now. Estonia, for example, is contributing its share. We have reduced our emissions by 66 percent over the past 35 years while transforming our energy system. Yes, the world is on fire, troubles and problems mounting before our eyes. The cooperative spirit in international relations that emerged after San Francisco and was clearly present after the end of the Cold War is fading away.
The possibility before us are immense. We have the possibility of silencing the guns through dialogue and diplomacy. The world does not need more sophisticated instruments of destruction. It needs a more sophisticated capacity for peace. In this regard, I reiterate Guyana's call for a just and lasting solution to the crisis in the Middle East, one that brings an end to the suffering of innocent civilians and recognises the Palestinian people's legitimate right to self-determination and to secure a homeland of their own. Reiterate our support for a two state solution. We call as well for an end to the Russia-Ukraine war and the war in Sudan, and for peaceful resolution of all conflicts that continue to consume lives, uproot families and extinguish the hopes of millions in other parts of our world. We reiterate our call for a viable solution for Cuba, one that is peaceful, people centred, development focused and allows for a full aspiration of the Cuban people to be realized. Guyana reiterates Caricom's offer to play a meaningful role in achieving this objective in Haiti. Resolving the multidimensional challenges remains central to achieving democracy, stability, peace and prosperity for the Haitian people. The sustained support of the international community through the provision of key financial and material resources, is critical to realising these objectives. Ultimately, the future of Haiti must be Haitian led and Haitian owned. Mr. president, turning to my own country, Guyana has always advanced the peaceful settlement of the controversy in relation to our border with Venezuela. Despite the historical truth clearly outlined in the arbitral award of 1899 that determined the full, perfect and final settlement of our border with Venezuela, we endured long and repeated provocations and aggression. The matter was referred to the International Court of Justice by the Secretary General, acting pursuant to the Geneva Agreement, and the court twice pronounced on its jurisdiction to hear the matter. Recourse to the ICJ came after decades of efforts to resolve the controversy bilaterally, including through a mixed commission and the good offices of the UN Secretary General. In full respect for international law. Guyana participated and encouraged Venezuela to participate in the proceedings of the ICJ. Now that we have both participated in the hearings, which were completed in May 2026, we urge Venezuela to abide by the forthcoming ruling in accordance with their obligations under the UN charter. As Guyana will do, we look forward to a new era of neighborly relations in the interests of our peoples.
Today, Central Asia is becoming an example of constructive inter-state cooperation as well as economic, infrastructural and technological development. In this regard, we are ready to share the experience we have accumulated along this path. Distinguished heads of delegations. For the first time in its history, Kyrgyzstan has been elected as a member of the United Nations Security Council for the 2027 2028 term. Taking this opportunity, I would like to express my profound gratitude to all countries that supported our candidacy. The support of 142 member states not only confirms Kyrgyzstan's readiness to contribute to international affairs, but also demonstrates the growing role of the Central Asian region in international relations. This achievement is clear evidence that even small states can make a meaningful contribution to addressing global challenges. We fully understand that membership in the Security Council is not a privilege or reward. It is a great responsibility. One year ago, standing at this stage, I stated with confidence that Kyrgyzstan is among those states whose experience enables them to put forward substantive issues for consideration by the Security Council. We do not forget the promises we have made and will make every effort to implement them fully. Therefore, I would like to reiterate Kyrgyzstan firmly adheres to international law, justice and the protection of human rights and supports the multilateral system based on mutual respect, balance of interest and responsibility towards future generations. We intend to work closely with every country and remain committed to productive cooperation. Distinguished colleagues as you all may know, since the establishment of the United Nations in 1945, its member states and leaders have attempted to undertake systematic reforms. Reforms have ranged from expanding the membership of the Security Council to modernizing mechanisms of governance, peacekeeping and the protection of human rights. These initiatives continue to be actively discussed at the international level. However, despite numerous efforts and years of discussion, the institutional structure of our organization continues to face various challenges. Therefore, I believe that expanding the membership of the Security Council is one of the reforms that the international community expects. I consider it fair to grant two permanent seats to the African continent, with a population of more than 1 billion people and one permanent seat to Latin America. Today, the world has changed. At the same time, a number of developed countries have also expressed their aspiration to become members of the Security Council. I believe that the request of this country should be also considered. Another issue, in my view, the weakness of effective mechanisms for ensuring the implementation of the decisions of the organization. The systematic failure to implement the organization's decisions undermines the legitimacy of multilateralism concept, creates the impression that international law is not binding and encourages disregard for international obligations. Therefore, we must expand and strengthen the authority of the United Nations. In this regard, we propose to develop the United Nations mechanism for the implementation of decisions and accountability. First, it is necessary to establish, within the framework of the General Assembly, the permanent Public registry of the implementation of resolutions and obligations by Member States. This registry could include the following information and ensure the implementation of such mechanisms as. First, systematically record and verify the level of implementation of adopted decisions. Second, establish the obligation for Member States to regularly submit report in accordance with the agreed standards. Third, provide analytical reviews on sectors and regions. Fourth, ensure transparency and equal access to information for all states. The registry could be administered by the United Nations Secretariat with the support of independent experts. If decisions of the organization are systematically not implemented, I propose the gradual response mechanisms. The first stage an official notification to the concerned state, followed by consultations with the relevant bodies of the organization. The second stage deployment of a monitoring mission to the country concerned to assess the objective obstacles, preventing the implementation of the decision and to prepare recommendations. The third stage consideration of the case right here at a plenary meeting of the General Assembly to determine the status of the concerned state in terms of its systematic implementation or non implementation of United Nations decisions. The fourth stage, the initiation of appropriate procedures under the charter of the United Nations with regard to states that fail to comply with the requirements. In particular, the matter could be referred to the United Nations Security Council for consideration of restrictive measures provided for under international law, including the first temporary restriction on participation in United Nations programs. The second, recommendations to review existing formats of cooperation and other diplomatic measures, where appropriate. Distinguished colleagues, I believe that when cases of systematic non-implementation of United Nations decisions are considered, the permanent members of the Security Council should voluntarily refrain from using the veto. If a mechanism designed to ensure the implementation of the organization's decisions is systematically blocked by permanent members through the use of the veto, such practice would no longer be consistent with the spirit of the UN charter and the principle of equal responsibility of Member States. Therefore, we should once again consider the possibility of voluntarily restraining to use the veto in matters related to the implementation of the organization's decisions. This approach could promote universality, the equality of all states, regardless of their size, the primacy of diplomacy, and avoid the double standards. In order to implement this initiative, I propose establishing to open a working group within the General Assembly with the participation of the interested Member States. The working group could conduct inter-governmental consultations and prepare a report on possible models for the proposed mechanism. Following these consultations, the General Assembly and the Security Council should consider adopting the relevant resolutions and decisions. The strategic objective of this initiative is to ensure that the decisions of the organization are treated not merely as political recommendations, but as genuine international obligations. Improvement of their implementation would strengthen the rule of international law and reinforce confidence in the United Nations. Kyrgyzstan is ready to initiate interstate discussions on the development of such a mechanism. Starting from the 1st January 2027, as a member of the United Nations Security Council, we intend to formally submit all these proposals to the relevant committee. Distinguished colleagues, I would like to address separately the issues of sanctions. As we have all observed today, sanctions are in some cases, used by individual countries as an instrument to interference to the internal affairs of sovereign states.
Just as managing transformation is not an option up for debate. Together they constitute the very essence of the mission. We pledged before our people, before our Arab brothers, and before the entire world. On the day I was entrusted with leading the government of Lebanon, we assumed this responsibility at a time when our country faced three existential challenges. The first was to regain the trust of its people. After the financial collapse and the Beirut port explosion and the tragedies and wounds they left behind. The second was to reclaim its national decision making so that no authority stands above that of the state. No weapons exist outside its armed forces, and no decision on war and peace is taken outside its constitutional institutions. The third was to recover all of its territory from Israeli occupation, and to extend its sovereignty over the entirety of its national soil through its own forces. In implementation of the Taif Agreement and in sincere respect for the relevant international resolutions on Lebanon. Foremost among these is resolution 1701, which remains to this day a fundamental point of reference governing relations between Lebanon and Israel. Trust rebuilt decision making. Reclaimed. Land liberated. That is the equation for Lebanon's recovery. These are not three separate challenges. They are three facets of a single cause. Restoring a state that its citizens trust that is master of its own decisions, and that exercises sovereignty over the whole of its territory. Mr. president, first, the trust we seek to restore is not trust in words. It is trust in institutions that protect rights in a judiciary that guarantees justice, in an economy that restores prosperity to the people and gives young people the opportunity of a better future. We cannot speak of restoring trust without recalling the Beirut port explosion. The wound of the 4th of August remains open. It cannot heal without truth, justice and accountability, and these will inevitably come. Some may feel that our government has not yet fulfilled all of its commitments. We do not claim that the task is complete, but fairness demands that we not overlook the scale of legacy we inherited paralysed institutions, a public administration of diminished effectiveness, an economy stripped of the foundations of growth, and a state weakened by compounding crises and by decades of external interference. Even though we have not used the difficulty of our circumstances as a pretext to retreat from our commitments and we will not retreat. Lebanon has launched reforms on several fronts, namely revitalizing the public administration, strengthening the independence of the judiciary, modernizing the media law and abolishing the death penalty. It is also advancing towards the completion of financial reforms aimed at restoring order to the financial system and recovering depositors funds. These reforms should pave the way for an agreement with the IMF. Such an agreement is an indispensable tool for restoring international confidence in Lebanon, and a gateway to securing the financing needed from all our regional and international partners for economic recovery and reconstruction. Our aim in pursuing reform is not to ask our people to renew their trust in the state. Rather, through reform, we seek to rebuild a state worthy of its people's trust.
Excellencies, 20 years ago, shortly after peacefully restoring our independence, Montenegro took its seat in this very Assembly as a full member of the United Nations. And this year therefore holds a very special significance for us. We celebrate 20 years of our UN membership as a sovereign nation. A child born in Montenegro that year is now 20 years old. A generation has come of age, witnessing Montenegro's transformation from a newly independent state into a country helping shape the Balkans, defined not by the conflicts of the past, but by the opportunities of the future. On the geostrategic front, Montenegro has paved the path toward our future in the European Union, which is now within our reach. Our goal is very clear: by 2028, to see Montenegro's flag stand among the member states of the European Union. In 2017, Montenegro joined NATO, strengthening not only our own security but also contributing to the stability of our entire region. We have kept good relations with our neighbors and demonstrated that a multi-ethnic, multi-religious, and multi-cultural society can turn diversity into confidence, belonging, and a common purpose. At home, we have transformed our economy and strengthened the democratic institutions on which lasting prosperity depends. Much work remains ahead of us, but the foundations have been laid for a society in which talent and effort open doors, and a country where young people can imagine their future at home.
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General and distinguished delegates when it comes to peace on the Korean Peninsula, the Republic of Korea knows firsthand the change that the United Nations has brought about. 35 years ago, the two Koreas were admitted to the UN as members on this very stage. It was a crucial turning point that laid the foundation for peaceful co-existence, freeing us from the relentless rivalry and confrontation that followed our division. One year ago, I stated from this stage that the Republic of Korea would begin a new journey toward peaceful coexistence and shared growth on the Korean Peninsula. Today, as we set out on this new journey, I would like to present to the international community the three blueprints for the road to peaceful coexistence on the Korean Peninsula. First is inclusive peaceful coexistence built on mutual respect. Based on the respect for each other's systems and acknowledgment of our differences, we will explore ways for shared growth through cooperation. We will continue to respect the North on the international stage and seek cooperation wherever possible. We hope that opportunities will emerge for us to work together in the international community in areas such as public health, disaster response and the climate crisis. Second is stable, peaceful coexistence that renders conflict unnecessary. We will work to institute mechanisms for preventing crisis and managing conflicts. Reestablishing basic channels of communication, and building trust will be the first step toward a stable, peaceful coexistence. Third is responsible peaceful coexistence contributing to world peace. We will go beyond building a Korean Peninsula free from war and nuclear weapons to promoting stability and cooperation in Northeast Asia, while actively contributing to global efforts to build a world free from war and conflict. The most critical task is to bring an end to this decades old war on the Korean Peninsula and establish a lasting peace regime. For decades, the two Koreas, along with key countries such as the US and China, have recognized the need for a peace regime on the Korean Peninsula and discussed ways to achieve it. Fortunately, President Trump's resolve has recently created a hard won opportunity for change. I hope the long suspended dialogue between North Korea and the US can resume without delay. We will lay the groundwork for this to develop into a dialogue among the parties aimed at ending the war on the Korean Peninsula and transitioning to a peace regime. I am confident that the dialogue for establishing a peace regime on the Korean Peninsula can provide a valuable framework, not only for normalizing relations among the parties concerned, but also for fostering shared growth through multilateral cooperation and promoting stability and cooperation in Northeast Asia.
We have understood that and that is why we stand closely together. We believe in international relations rooted in cooperation, dignity, sovereignty, and mutual respect. We are convinced that no country, however powerful it may be, can claim to be the world's policeman. That time is over. To conclude. Niger respects others' choices. And is not asking anyone to share our choices. We ask everyone to respect those choices. Niger intends to fully exercise its sovereignty over its natural resources and will never again accept any restriction imposed from outside on its sovereign right to freely choose its partners. That right is inalienable, and it is non-negotiable. We declare that trust will be reborn when every nation, big or small, is treated with the same consideration. When the right to sovereign equality, to territorial integrity, to freely choose one's partners, and to non-interference when those rights are respected. This is the condition for restoring trust, for making transformation just, and for the United Nations to truly provide results for all and for the United Nations to be respected by all. And for the United Nations to ensure that it is respected, and to ensure that everyone believes it is an organization for all. Long live international cooperation! Long live the Confederation of Sahel states. Long live the Republic of Niger!
