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As you are all aware, last year the international community marked the 80th anniversary of the United Nations. For 80 years, this unique global organization has been standing at the forefront of safeguarding peace, security and development. Although our organization brings together all countries of the world and serves as the principal platform for international cooperation, Wars and tensions still persist in various regions.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. This session is taking place against a deeply troubling international backdrop. Conflicts and hotspots of tension are multiplying, and geopolitical divisions are deepening, while the rise of terrorism and violent extremism threatens an ever growing number of regions. At the same time, climate upheavals are hitting our countries hard, not to mention the humanitarian crises and deep inequalities that are weakening our societies. Added to this are the very real risks to the survival of humanity posed by the uncontrolled development of artificial intelligence. The world is thus at a difficult turning point. It is looking on at the gradual fragmentation of its peace architecture and an alarming reconfiguration of the international landscape before our very eyes. Multilateralism is being sorely tested, weakened by an erosion of trust between nations and trust in the institutions that underpin the world order. In these times of multilateral fracture, it is imperative to find appropriate solutions to put an end to these dangerous escalations, prioritize dialogue and rebuild trust. With regard to international institutions, this trust is measured by their ability to translate the universality of their principles into concrete actions, and to treat every state, large or small, with the same standard of fairness. The trust of peoples, for its part, is nourished by tangible results and by the certainty that the decisions taken on their behalf genuinely serve their security, their dignity, and protect their future. This year's theme, therefore, aptly captures the expectations of our time. It calls on us specifically to restore trust in our collective capacity to respond effectively to global challenges, and to support the current changes and reforms of the United Nations architecture so that our organization is once again able to deliver concrete solutions to the concerns of all peoples. For Cote d'Ivoire, this means reinvigorating multilateralism and consequently, restoring diplomacy's rightful place and credibility so that it can act effectively. In light of these challenges, a monumental task awaits the next Secretary General of the United Nations, whose selection process is now well underway.
We have increased our contribution to the Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children in Armed Conflict, we have strengthened our support for UNICEF programs, and we are taking active part in the negotiations of the future Convention on Crimes Against Humanity, with particular attention to the protection of children. Excellencies, the 2030 Agenda remains the most ambitious collective commitment ever undertaken by the international community. It is not merely a set of technical objectives, nor is it simply an international planning framework; it is a promise, the promise that the place where a person is born should not determine their opportunities, life expectancy, or future. The effects of global warming are being felt across many of the world's regions, from coastal areas and river deltas to the most vulnerable territories, which are increasingly exposed to extreme weather events.
At the same time, we must be aware that sustainable economic development and international stability are not possible without addressing the structural challenges that affect many regions of the world today. One of these is the demographic crisis. This is not merely a matter of statistics, but a challenge to civilization itself. Aging societies, falling birth rates, and the erosion of social bonds are undermining the foundations of our nations. The response cannot consist solely of economic measures. We also need to rebuild our institutions and culture. We need to protect and value the family and strengthen the social significance of parenthood. Yes, the family, mother and father, and an appreciation for their roles are the first steps toward overcoming the demographic crisis.
But the answer is not withdrawal. The answer is to reform, renew and reinvest. The UN80 initiative offers an opportunity to make the United Nations more efficient and more effective. The European Union also continues to call for a comprehensive reform of the United Nations Security Council to make it more effective, inclusive, democratic and accountable. The European Union will continue to contribute to strengthen the United Nations politically, financially and through concrete actions. Because the best argument for multilateralism is what it delivers: on peace and security, with the treaty of Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. On climate action, with the Paris Agreement. On poverty and health, with the global response to Covid-19. The truth is, when we act together, multilateralism delivers for people. And that is why this week, the European Union has launched together with Australia, Barbados, Brazil, Canada, India and Kenya, the P4M: Partners for Multilateralism, international law, peace and prosperity. Our initiative aims to be an open platform for partners from all parts of the world who are ready to defend common principles and work towards practical solutions. It is a network for dialogue, coalition building and practical cooperation. It will support the work of United Nations and other multilateral formats. It will help to build bridges across regions, and it will contribute to advancing the reform and modernization of the United Nations and the multilateral system, helping to turn shared commitments into concrete action. And I invite all the nations in the chamber to join this initiative and endorse the P4M declarations. Excellencies. There can be no double standards in terms of international law. The facts are clear. We are bearing witness to deliberate violations of international law. Upholding international law is not optional. It is our responsibility. That means protecting the institutions that give their very meaning to these principles, including the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court. We support these courts firmly and we will defend their independence, integrity and their ability to fully carry out their mandate. Threats and attacks on the International Criminal Court and its staff and authorities are unacceptable. Accountability cannot depend on political considerations.
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Turkmenistan09/28 · first at about 8 min2 mentions
We regard the confidence placed in us as both a great responsibility and an opportunity to work together with the states of the group to give fresh impetus to the practical implementation of the programme of action in such priority areas as transport and energy connectivity. We proceed from the need to translate the agreements reached into concrete infrastructure, trade and investment projects. We propose considering the establishment in Turkmenistan, under the auspices of the United Nations of International Centre for Sustainable Trade, Logistics and Custom Cooperation. Such a centre could serve as a practical platform for harmonizing procedures, exchanging best practices, digitalizing transit and expanding developing countries access to global markets. Our country also proposes the establishment, under the auspices of the United Nations of Transregional Transport Corridor, linking South and Central Asia with Europe through the Caspian Sea Middle corridor. We are confident that its development would help diversify routes, strengthen connectivity, expand trade and promote global economic ties among the regions. Excellencies, distinguished delegates. Environmental security, climate change and the sustainable use of energy resources are integral components of common security.
But that confidence must also extend to how decisions are made. Countries need to know that their voices count. Mr. President, the UN's membership has become nearly universal, but representation has not evolved at the same pace, and international system cannot command trust if large parts of its membership feel they have too little to say in shaping it. Rebuilding trust requires shared ownership. The United Nations must reflect today's world, not the distribution of power 80 years ago. And that is why Thailand supports Security Council reform that gives developing countries and underrepresented regions, particularly in the global South, a greater role in decision making. Asia, too, must be better represented. For all its economic weight, Asia must be able to help shape global decisions and carry more responsibility for the outcomes. And representation must also mean that women have a meaningful voice in the decisions that shape our common future. They are already at the forefront of this organisation's work, from development to peacekeeping. As the UN considers its next Secretary-General, maybe it is time that this representation be reflected at the highest level. Representation and effectiveness must advance together. We commend Mr. Secretary-General António Guterres for his commitment to reform, including through the UN80 Initiative. We stand ready to work with his successor to carry this work forward. Mr. President, having a stronger voice in global institutions means countries working together on the problems closest to them.
Because even the most complex historical differences can and must be resolved by peaceful means. We are deeply concerned by the persistence of armed conflicts in different regions of the world, and their devastating consequences for civilians. In every case, our position rests on the same principles respect for the charter and international law, the protection of civilians, safe humanitarian access and dialogue and diplomacy as indispensable paths towards a just, sustainable and lasting peace. We must not grow accustomed to war. We must not accept violence as a permanent condition of our time, or allow entire generations to grow up believing that force is the only way to resolve our differences. Guatemala stands for peace. This December, we will mark 30 years since the signing of the agreement on a firm and lasting peace, which brought an end to 36 years of internal armed conflict. After years of negotiation, we chose to replace armed violence with the pursuit of dialogue. That is why we understand the value of international support and the role of the United Nations. Our experience allows us to share one conviction. Negotiation is not a sign of weakness. Dialogue does not mean abandoning our principles. Seeking peace must never mean accepting injustice. We have also contributed to United Nations peacekeeping operations More than 6300 Guatemalan women and men have served under the United Nations flag in peacekeeping operations in different parts of the world. A country that knows the cost of war must also take responsibility for helping others preserve peace. Mr. president, we must strengthen the timely exchange of information, operational and judicial coordination, border security with respect for human rights, the protection of ports and transit routes, financial and asset investigations, and the recovery of assets derived from illicit activities.
We have been among the top tier contributors to UN peacekeeping missions, deploying personnel to missions around the world since 1957. For nearly two decades, Indonesian peacekeepers have served under the UN flag in Lebanon. UNIFIL may be entering its final chapter, but Indonesia's commitment does not end with the mission. The experience, sacrifice and dedication of our peacekeepers will continue to shape Indonesia's contribution to international peace and security. We will carry our diplomacy forward through humanitarian assistance, through peace building and through engagement across regions and institutions.
Our experience in southern Africa has taught us that dialogue is a shared fortitude and not a weakness. In the African tradition, the meeting place is not where courage is abandoned. It is where wisdom is summoned. Lessons can be drawn from the heritage based approaches to peace building and conflict resolution from communities across the world, including within Africa. Military action may alter the battlefield, but durable peace is built through inclusive political processes that restore confidence, address grievances and allow affected communities to shape their socioeconomic and political destinies. Mr. President, Zimbabwe's grateful for the confidence placed in us through our election to the Security Council for the 2027 to 2028 term. My country will assume this responsibility in January 2027 with humility, independency and a readiness to serve, guided by our foreign policy of being a friend to all and an enemy to none. Accordingly, my country will prioritize four priorities in the Council. Firstly, the promotion of preventive diplomacy, mediation, and peaceful dispute resolution while tackling the underlying causes of insecurity. Secondly, we shall advocate for the strengthening of cooperation between the United Nations and the regional organizations such as the African Union and its Peace and Security Council. In this respect, we call for the full implementation of resolution 2719 to ensure predictable, adequate and sustainable financing for authorized African Union led peace support operations. Thirdly, our nation believes that our rich heritage and natural resource endowments must advance industrialization, modernization and the green agenda for the prosperity of all and not to finance conflict. As such, Zimbabwe shall support Africa's Silencing the Guns agenda and strong action against terrorism, organized crime, illicit arms flows, and illegal resource trafficking. Finally, women and young people must shape peace. From the outset, the support of Zimbabwe will also be extended to the women and youth peace and security agendas. The current times demand peace keeping that is grounded in clear political strategies, realistic mandates and adequate resources. Those most affected by the decisions of the Security Council should not be the least heard. There is need not only give a voice, but consider the views of the countries and regions on the Security Council agenda towards our shared aspirations for enduring peace and sustainable development.
Crisis causing insecurity and instability increased further with the wars and bloody conflicts. The effects of a disaster prone, abnormal climate gave rise to a succession of extreme high temperature droughts, heavy rains and floods in many countries and regions, seriously threatening the survival of mankind. This, coupled with the spread of communicable diseases and hike in oil prices, worsened the socio economic crisis. Humanity desires that the United Nations should fulfill its mission and responsibility as an organization established to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, in this regard, the realities on the ground in my country speak for themselves. In southern Madagascar, mothers walk dozens of kilometers under scorching heat in search of water from the bed of a dried up river. In the east, every year, increasingly violent and destructive tropical cyclones devastate crops, infrastructure and human lives. In other regions, floods engulf rice granaries, affecting entire communities. These images illustrate the daily vulnerability of our people, our Malagasy population. Faced with these recurring humanitarian emergencies amplified by climate change, considerable investments are made, reflecting the unwavering commitment of our development partners working every year towards the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals, the SDGs, whether that be fighting hunger, providing education or providing access to basic services for vulnerable populations.
Mr. president, excellencies, nowadays we are witnessing a downgrading and violation of the rules governing international relations with the logic of force, intimidation and imposition of values stemming from unilateral vision by certain countries in defense of their exclusive interests. Instability being experienced in various regions of our continent is a direct consequence of that stance, as it can be seen in the conflicts currently unfolding in Europe, in the Middle East, in the Persian Gulf and in Africa, while tensions is mounting in the Asia-Pacific region. From what we have observed, we do not discern encouraging signs regarding the likelihood of reaching any peace agreement in the near future in the wars between Russia and Ukraine, in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the Middle East, and in the Persian Gulf. We condemned the genocide against defenseless population, the elderly, women, children, bedridden patients, health professionals, journalists and workers of international humanitarian organizations who are often deprived of access to most basic human rights and to essential goods for life, such as water, food and medicines. The expulsion of Palestinians from their homes and lands through expansion of Jewish settlements in the West Bank must elicit the strongest international outrage and condemnation. Attempts to dominate entire countries and regions of the globe by force of arms, are leading the world towards a catastrophe. The food security and energy and humanitarian situation of countries and the world in general, has deteriorated considerably following the outbreak of wars against Ukraine and more recently against Iran. The toll of these wars is disastrous, judging by the consequences arising from the strangulation of freedom of maritime navigation through the Strait of Hormuz and Bab al-Mandab, a situation that has created serious risk of disruption to logistic supply chains in general, and to food and energy supply chains in particular, with devastating effects on the most vulnerable countries.
What has changed is the world around it. What has changed, first and foremost is Chile. For the vast swathes of the 90s and until the beginning of the 2000, Chile was a success story and a model for many regions and nations. Our country implemented economic policies that prioritized economic stability, openness to trade, and private investment in the Latin American context in which many nations were facing inflation crises and external debt. Chile distinguished itself because it continued to show fiscal responsibility, display high rates of growth and poverty reduction. What happened then? Chile ground to a halt. Things stagnated. It took bad decisions. Public policies were implemented that increased taxation, regulation and obstacles to entrepreneurship. We also weathered a very difficult juncture. In October 2019, Chile then fell to its knees in our streets. For months, there was an outbreak of violence. Chaos reigned and disorder prevailed. All of that brought consequences. With it, investment plummeted, employment ground to a standstill and homicide levels rose to an extent that Chile had never seen in modern history as a result of the rising tide of organized crime. And that all happened until very recently. Until now. Distinguished. I've come to this forum to tell you that Chile is back, and that is no slogan. It is the very reality of a country that today begins to stride towards development. Our government took office with one conviction. Order does not run counter to freedom. Order is one of the preconditions of freedom. The freedom to walk home worry free and to not be a victim of crime. The freedom to run a business and not be stymied by the action of the state. The freedom to invest and not find ourselves in a situation where the rules of the game are continually changing. We have been in government for six years and we're getting our house in order. Today, Chile is a safer, more competitive country and a nation with far less red tape.
We are paying particular attention to the situation in the Great Lakes region, in Sudan, in the Sahel, in Somalia, and in all regions facing violence and instability. We reaffirm our commitment to seeking African solutions to African problems in accordance with international law and the United Nations Charter. We, therefore, call for a strengthened partnership between the African Union and the United Nations in the prevention, mediation, and peaceful settlement of conflicts. Burundi, drawing on its experience, will continue to contribute to peace efforts on the continent. But we must go even further. As decided in Luanda at the 21st extraordinary session of the African Union Assembly of Heads of State and Government, Africa must not only learn to manage conflicts; it must strengthen its capacity to prevent them. We also call on the international community to lend greater support to African peace and security mechanisms, in particular through predictable and sustainable financing for African-led peace operations. Mr. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, I would be remiss if I were to address this august Assembly without raising the issue of water.
Our experience demonstrates an important principle influence is not determined solely by population, territory or military power. Influence can come from ideas. It can come from moral authority. It can come from coalition building. It can come from persistence. It can come from international law. And it can come from the ability to bring different regions and groups together around a common cause. This is the strength of the General Assembly. Every member state has a voice. Every member state has a vote. And every member state, large or small, has a responsibility to contribute. The General Assembly is the most representative body of the United Nations, bringing together all 193 members on the basis of sovereign equality. For countries such as Vanuatu, this principle is fundamental. Mr. president, the imposition of coercive economic measures, including unilateral sanctions against developing countries, is unfair and unjust. Such measures are in violation with the principles enshrined in the charter of the United Nations and adversely affect sustainable development outcomes of countries such as Cuba. In this respect, we consistently call for the uplift of the economic embargo on the Republic of Cuba.
We live in an interdependent world marked by growing uncertainty and by challenges that transcend borders climate change, transnational organized crime, terrorism, structural inequalities, the burden of debt, and insufficient financing for development continue to undermine our efforts towards sustainable development. Devastating conflicts also persist in several regions of the world, as do security challenges, particularly in the Sahel. In this context, Guinea-Bissau considers it essential to strengthen the international community's support to the most affected countries in the region. Ladies and gentlemen, the United Nations remains an essential pillar of multilateralism and a privileged forum for dialogue, cooperation and the search for collective solutions to the challenges facing humanity.
It must reach the people living in our occupied historic regions as well, who remain and will always remain part of our shared future. The challenges facing our country also remind us that national stability and success cannot be separated from the wider regional context. We believe that the South Caucasus should not be defined by the divisions of the past. We have consistently sought to act as an honest broker in regional initiatives, fostering cooperation and contributing to peaceful solutions. Today, we see a genuine opportunity to turn a new page and build a more peaceful and interconnected region based on shared commitment to a better future. This spirit of cooperation must also translate into tangible economic opportunities for the region. As an integral part of the South Caucasus and the Middle Corridor, Georgia is well positioned to strengthen connectivity between Central Asia and Europe. Our strategic location and direct access to the Black Sea facilitate trade and investment linking landlocked countries in our wider region to global supply chains.
But today I am once again speaking before you with a different mindset. I do not seek to denounce, but rather to share with you factual elements about the progress and the headway that has been made by the Republic of Guinea as we have achieved results that have emanated from the choices that we have made. On the basis of our constitution, the Republic of Guinea organized an entire direct presidential and legislative communal elections, and we have established all institutions which are entirely financed by our Treasury. And I state this with a rightful sense of pride that none of these elections that were held throughout our territory, none of these elections were marred by any significant incidents on the part of any of the participants in this electoral process, and this reflects the fact, ladies and gentlemen, that a country can organize independently using its own resources, credible, peaceful, and transparent elections. This constitution that we have adopted introduces profound innovations in terms of peaceful coexistence, as well as greater representation of our localities and our communities, as well as novel guarantees for peaceful transfer of power, and includes recognition of our cultural, linguistic, religious, and cultural plurality as the bedrock of our nation, and not as a divisive factor. And this I state with a sense of legitimate pride. All of these elections were organized on our soil, once again, without any assistance from any party whatsoever. Ladies and gentlemen, I did not come here to exercise emphatic, but I do believe it is worthwhile to share with you, to share a simple overview and useful information about what our Republic of Guinea has achieved in less than three years. We have paved more than 1,000 kilometers of roads which have connected our regions. We have the Simandou Mega Project, which is Africa's largest mining and infrastructure project, which is currently complete. We have schools and hospitals that have been built throughout all of the Republic of Guinea. Three aluminum refineries which are under construction as we seek to transform our bauxite on our own soil. We have Africa's largest gold refinery, which is currently operational, and this has already been completed. And we have a sustainable and responsible socioeconomic development program for my country for the next 15 years that I refer to the Simandou 2040 project. The Simandou 2040 program embodies a structural transformation initiative for our economy. This is not merely a mining project. This represents a meaningful strategic lever in order to accelerate the development of infrastructure as well as agriculture, energy, education, health, not to mention— these are just a few. And these are results that we have achieved in less than three months, and I'm not mentioning them merely out of a sense of hope. They reflect a conviction which I wish to share with this General Assembly. Our most valuable asset remains our youth, and we must provide them with high-quality education, with training opportunities reflected to meet the needs of the labor market through the Simandou Economy Academy initiative, as well as meaningful opportunities for employment and entrepreneurship.
And in this regard, I would like to welcome the stellar cooperation that Cameroon has with the United Nations in this area, and I thus reaffirm the determination with which Cameroon will work, along with other member States of the Lake Chad Basin Commission. We will continue to fight tirelessly against terrorism, and we will engage in stabilization efforts in areas affected around the Lake Chad region. On a domestic level, the government of my country is working to ensure a return to normality in our northwest and southwest regions. Our government's efforts when it comes to fighting insecurity and social reintegration of those people that are willing to set aside violence, are already delivering tangible and observable results on the ground.
Mr. President, 81 years ago, in the aftermath of the devastation of the Second World War, the nation that founded our organization made a solemn pledge to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. That commitment remains as vital today as it was in 1945. While the world has thus far been spared another global war, armed conflicts continue to inflict immense human suffering across many regions. Concurrently, geopolitical rivalries, climate change, widening inequalities, rapid technological transformation, and transnational threat are placing growing strain on international peace, stability and cooperation. At a time when international cooperation is more necessary than ever, trust among nations is being tested, while confidence in multilateral institutions and their capacity to respond effectively to common challenges is under increasing pressure. Our response cannot be retreat. The world needs the United Nations, not less, but more. But it is only a United Nations that commands trust, because it is principled, representative, effective, and capable of delivering the purpose and principle of its charter. Trust is not restored by declaration alone. It is earned through consistency: when commitments are honoured, international law is respected, disputes are settled by peaceful means. Sovereign equality must remain a fundamental principle of international relations. The charter does not prescribe one standard for the powerful and another for the less powerful. All member states, large or small, are equal before the charter and are bound by the obligations it establishes. Mr. president, Cambodia understands the value of trust from its own history. Our country endured decades of conflict, genocide, division, and immense human suffering.
It is between innovation governed by rules and innovation governed by the logic of the race. Ladies and gentlemen, artificial intelligence is not the only challenge that no country can manage alone. The same is true of climate change. This year has once again reminded us of the growing impacts of extreme weather affecting people and communities across the globe. In many regions, climate-related challenges are threatening homes and livelihoods. They are putting pressure on public health, food and water security, increasing living costs, and, in some cases, contributing to instability and conflicts. The most vulnerable are often hit hardest. The Czech Republic has offered its support and stands with those working to rebuild their communities. But support after disaster is not enough. We need concerted global action, both to limit further damage and to adapt to changes that are already affecting our lives and will shape the lives of future generations. Mr. President, let me finish with a message that has not changed over the past year. Most of the challenges we face are global. No nation can meet them alone. That is why we need more dialogue, more cooperation, and more collective action. And that is why we must make multilateralism work. It is our common goal.
Reform is how we keep this organization fit for the world we live in. Denmark continues to call for a fundamental Security Council reform. We wish to expand the council with more members in both categories, including permanent seat for underrepresented regions, and we wish to commence text based negotiations. Only then can we begin to redress historical injustices. Denmark also strongly supports the UN80 reform process. We applaud the results so far and call for ambitions to be raised. We must strive to build a more efficient and inclusive UN, a UN that delivers better on its core mandates and on the ground where it matters most. To enable this we call on all UN member states to meet their financial obligations to the UN in full and on time.
We must have the confidence to speak for our regions, not be spoken for. Mr. president, I began by speaking about trust. Let me close where I began. The question before us may appear simple, but in truth it is profound. When people are suffering and when the world looks towards this hall, will this organisation still answer the call for which it was created? Actions speak louder than words. My esteemed colleagues, we must restore trust, manage transformation, reform institutions that no longer serve current realities, and we must ensure that the rules of the global system apply equally to all. Malaysia will not turn away from the UN in its hour of difficulty. We will not abandon multilateralism just because it is imperfect. We will do the hard work to make it worthy of the trust placed in it. Because we believe in multilateralism most of all when the alternative is a world ruled by power alone. Excellencies. 80 years ago, the founders of this organization resolved to save succeeding generations from war. We are succeeding generation, and that promise now rests in our hands. The world needs a UN that delivers, one that ensures that international law is truly international, and guarantees that every region has a voice. And above all, one that ordinary people can look to in their darkest hour and still believe that it will act. That the world has not forgotten them.
Lasting peace requires addressing the root causes of conflict, empowering local communities, and ensuring that women are at the center of peace building. Mr. president, excellencies, our world is evolving. So must the United Nations to remain effective. We must reform the Security Council to make it more representative, transparent and accountable, expanding the voices of developing regions across Asia, Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean. As we look to the future, we are reminded that everything we strive for ultimately depends on how we choose to navigate these trials together. We need to reflect deeply on the promises of our charter and on the state of our fractured world. We must actively seek collective pathways that transcend borders and bridge divides. And above all, we must always put a face to what we do, remembering that every policy, every treaty, and every institutional reform is ultimately about real human lives. It is in this spirit that we voice a historic aspiration the hope for a woman Secretary-General, a leader who can rally nations back to true multilateralism and deliver for all. Thank you very much.
We are a credible and reliable partner, ready to contribute to shared prosperity. Ladies and gentlemen, we have entered the fifth year of the illegal, unprovoked, and unjustified full-scale war of aggression against Ukraine, waged by a permanent member of the Security Council. This member, entrusted by the entire UN community with the responsibility of maintaining international peace and security, has deliberately disavowed its fundamental obligation and is pursuing a revisionist agenda. As the EU member state sharing the longest border with Ukraine, Romania has felt the effects of this war directly, through repeated violations of our airspace. A few months back, a drone crashed onto a residential building on our territory, injuring people and causing material damage. It was one episode in an ongoing series of such incidents. We have said it before, and we will say it again: Romania will stand with Ukraine and its people, as they exercise their legitimate right to self-defense for as long as necessary. Moreover, Romania is acting responsibly to stabilize the region. We provided assistance to refugees from Ukraine. In response to Russia's attacks on ports and grain infrastructure, which disrupted global food supply chains and deepened food insecurity for millions of people, Romania has coordinated with Ukraine on the transit of grain through Romania, by rail and by waterway. In response to the disruption of freedom of navigation in the Black Sea, together with Bulgaria and Türkiye, Romania is part of the Mine Countermeasures Task Group in the Black Sea. Through mine detection and mine neutralization missions and the protection of critical undersea infrastructure, this initiative safeguards freedom of navigation and the region's energy security. And in order to enhance security in the Black Sea area, Romania places particular emphasis on the EU's strategic approach. Accordingly, together with Bulgaria, we are establishing a maritime security hub aimed at strengthening situational awareness. Finally, in response to disruptions to energy supplies in the region, Romania has expanded its energy interconnections with Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova. Romania will continue to support the resilience of our neighbor, the Republic of Moldova, the second most affected country by this war. It is facing the economic shock caused by Russia's aggression and a sustained hybrid campaign, consisting of disseminating disinformation, energy pressure, and attempts to destabilize its democratic institutions. Romania is a staunch supporter of the Republic of Moldova in the face of these challenges. Romania also remains the Republic of Moldova's strongest advocate within the European Union, sharing our own experience of accession and providing political, technical, and diplomatic support for its European path. The threat posed by the Russian Federation is not only limited to Ukraine. Europe is the target of a hybrid war involving cyberattacks, disinformation campaigns, sabotage, and disruptions to critical infrastructure, with the aim of undermining citizens' trust in democratic institutions and discouraging support for Ukraine. We must deter the Russian threat, and unfortunately, we can only do that by increasing military spending. Romania supports balancing military expenditure and a target of 5% of GDP, reaching this year 3.7%. Distinguished audience, we are equally concerned about the proliferation of conflicts worldwide. It is essential to advance the implementation of the Peace Plan for Gaza in accordance with Security Council Resolution 2803, and to address, with no delay, the humanitarian situation on the ground. Within the Board of Peace Initiative, Romania has offered its support and has so far contributed to the medical evacuation of numerous patients, especially children. Disarming Hamas remains a prerequisite condition for lasting stability in Gaza. President Trump's Peace Plan represents the most credible path toward peace and prosperity in the region, and Romania supports its full implementation. At the same time, recent developments in the West Bank are a genuine reason for concern and risk undermining the peace that this plan seeks to promote. Regarding Iran, our position is clear: Iran must not possess a nuclear weapon. Iran must comply with the nuclear non-proliferation treaty, the safeguards of the International Atomic Energy Agency, and restore full transparency regarding its nuclear program. Diplomacy must be the first option toward a comprehensive, verifiable, and lasting agreement that would pave the way toward a more stable Middle East. Romania will continue to promote maritime security and unrestricted freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz, as well as in the Black Sea area and elsewhere. It is a shared responsibility and a priority to my country. Specialized bodies such as the International Maritime Organization can make a contribution to this effort. The suspension of the Black Sea Grain Initiative, following Russia's unilateral withdrawal in 2023, reminds us that agreements only matter when the parties honor their commitments. Lasting peace in Sudan, South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Somalia, Libya, in the Sahel, and in all regions of Africa affected by conflict. Romania is contributing to conflict prevention, mediation, peacebuilding, and economic recovery, while stressing the importance of African solutions, in full respect of the charter. Prevention and mediation must play a greater role. Peacekeeping operations must have a clear mandate, produce measurable results, ensure responsible financing, and equitably distribute responsibilities. Since 1991, Romania has contributed to United Nations peacekeeping missions through political support, troop and equipment contributions, as well as through training of blue helmets and close protection officers.
For some, security means protecting borders; for others, it means food, water, energy, or the future of their children. And many countries face all of these challenges at once. That is why a world ruled mainly by power rather than by rules would be dangerous for everyone. For small countries such as Slovakia, this is especially clear. But no country, large or small, is truly safe in a world where international law is ignored and institutions are weakened. Sadly, we no longer need to imagine such a world. We can already see parts of it around us: trade is becoming less predictable, security cooperation is more fragmented, the idea that every country should have a voice is under pressure. And when rules are weakened, when cooperation is replaced by confrontation, all of us become more vulnerable. But we still have a choice. The international system we have built is not perfect. It can be slow. It can be frustrating. At times, it does not deliver as quickly as people need. But the solution is not to destroy it. The solution is to make it work better. Slovakia is firmly anchored in the United Nations, NATO, and the European Union. We believe in cooperation. But we also believe that institutions must produce real results. Over the past year, Slovakia has hosted several international meetings and offered space for dialogue. Where we can be useful, we are ready to help bring parties together and to support diplomacy within the UN framework. Because when diplomacy stops, confrontation fills the space. That is why, when we speak about the United Nations, I believe in evolution rather than revolution. The world has changed, and the United Nations must change with it. The Security Council should better reflect today's realities and give a stronger voice to countries and regions that are still underrepresented. Countries from the region often understand a crisis best. Giving them a stronger voice can help us act earlier and prevent escalation. Slovakia sees its engagement in UN reform as a part of its responsibility to this Organization, including through UN80 and the implementation of the Pact for the Future. Our responsibility to the wider international order is also reflected in our candidacy for the Security Council for 2028 and 2029. We would be, of course, grateful for your trust and support. If elected, Slovakia will focus on four priorities: international law and the UN Charter, accountable security institutions, the protection of strategic resources and critical infrastructure, and the security challenges linked to digitalization and artificial intelligence. I fully share the concern of the United Nations about the inequalities that can be created by unequal access to artificial intelligence. It is in our common interest that innovation benefits all of humanity, not only the strongest economies or the biggest companies.
But nowhere is the need more pressing than in the area of artificial intelligence. It is our collective responsibility to ensure that this technology serves human dignity. This is particularly urgent because technologies are already changing the foundations of our societies. AI is not waiting for our institutions to catch up. Our institutions have to catch up with AI. At the beginning of my remarks, I asked three questions who controls new technologies? Who sets the rules and who's accountable? We cannot answer them by simply trusting that those with the greatest capabilities will always act in the interest of everyone else. We need to ensure that technological progress is guided by a framework that we all have a say in shaping. That means building the capacity to understand and assess increasingly capable AI systems. It means making sure that all regions can participate in shaping the rules. And it means moving from voluntary commitments towards increasing transparency, as well as developing common standards. That is why Germany calls on UN member states to work towards common safety requirements for the most capable AI models. Providers should be required to test these models before release and report serious safety failures. These requirements should be supported by effective national and regional oversight. The industry will have to play its role in this and continue to bear a responsibility in shaping the trajectory of this technology. At the same time, we need to ensure accountability, in particular when global peace and security are potentially affected. In the course of this week, we have intensified our conversation about these questions. How we address AI together is one of the clearest tests whether we have the strength and the will to build a United Nations for today's world.
At the same time, we recognize the continuing and growing challenges of climate change, ocean degradation, pollution, and growing inequality. Mr. president and excellencies, today's security landscape is not only by conflict, but by climate driven fragility. Extreme weather events, sea level rise and resource degradation are eroding stability across vulnerable regions, especially the Pacific. These pressures intensify humanitarian needs, disrupt food and water systems, and strain governance capacities.
Mr. president, as mentioned before, the international community is experiencing profound uncertainty, including energy and food security crises, leading to intensified displacement of many people globally. Armed conflict continued to claim innocent lives while geopolitical tensions escalate. Children are living through unimaginable horrors. The United Nations has not been able to prevent this or to end the continuation, and we have to ponder on that. Other developments, for example in the Strait of Hormuz, demonstrate how quickly wars can affect energy markets suddenly and steeply, increasing the cost of energy, adversely impacting economic and social development in our countries. Common people suffer when food and energy prices rise, so the quality of life of our people is directly threatened, even by wars in regions far from their homes. And we as government, we have to make sure that we try to protect them. Suriname, therefore, calls for a renewed commitment to the purposes and principles of the UN charter, namely, the peaceful resolution of disputes. Dialogue is paramount for safeguarding a solid and proven UN system. The people of Cuba, a Caribbean country, are adversely affected by the current situation in their country. Suriname calls on the parties involved to remain committed to dialogue and negotiation to end the economic commercial and financial embargo. We plea for continuing negotiations in order to prevent further escalation and to reach a resolution that will benefit the people of Cuba.
Supply chains built up over decades of interdependence are being reorganized or fragmented as a result of geopolitical tensions. The multilateral trading system has been weakened, and the WTO can no longer fully carry out some of its essential functions. Yet what is at stake here is not merely a technical issue of trade policy. The question is whether relations between states will continue to be governed by common rules, or if they will increasingly depend on the weight and power of each individual state. For Switzerland, this is a fundamental issue. That is because my country is an open economy with few natural resources. A large part of its prosperity, therefore depends on trade, but also on the stability and predictability of the rules that make such trade possible. Economic resilience requires us to diversify relationships, forge new partnerships, and keep trade between different regions of the world as open as possible. This is particularly important for economies with fewer resources or limited market access. Access to markets knowledge and technology can create opportunities that would not otherwise exist. These abstract concepts encompass quite concrete realities a business that can take on an apprentice, a family that can secure a more stable income, a producer who can trade beyond their local market. Young people for whom the range of possibilities suddenly widens. That is also what we mean when we talk about a global economy. Trust is built when the rules offer everyone a genuine opportunity to participate.
End of quote. The implementation of the TRIPP project is thus becoming reality with tangible steps. The Framework Agreement on Strategic Cooperation on the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity Project signed between Armenia and the United States of America, will soon be ratified by the National Assembly of the Republic of Armenia. We are currently working with the United States Government to establish the TRIPP Development Company and to sign a shareholders agreement. Accordingly, Armenia will initially have a 26% stake in the TRIPP Development Company, and the United States will have a 74% stake. The agreement provides that in the event of its extension, in the 50th year, the Republic of Armenia's share will become 49% without additional investment. One of the practical expressions of the TRIPP project will be the implementation of paragraph three of the Peace Declaration adopted by me and the President of Azerbaijan on August 8th, 2025, and signed by the United States President as a witness. Paragraph three of that declaration reads, quote, we reaffirmed the importance of the opening of communications between the two countries, meaning Armenia and Azerbaijan for intra-state, bilateral and international transportation for the promotion of peace, stability and prosperity in the region and its neighborhood on the basis of respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and the jurisdiction of states. These efforts are to include unimpeded connectivity between the main part of the Republic of Azerbaijan and its Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic, through the territory of the Republic of Armenia, with reciprocal benefits for international and intrastate connectivity for the Republic of Armenia. End of quote. The implementation of the TRIPP project will be of historic importance for the Republic of Armenia. For the first time since the early 90s, Armenia will get railway connection with Azerbaijan and thus also with Russia, Central Asia and China. However, it should be emphasized that after the peace summit on August 8th, 2025, Azerbaijan opened its railway to Armenia and now we have a railway connection with Azerbaijan via the territory of Georgia. The implementation of the TRIPP project will create a direct railway connection between Armenia and Azerbaijan, as well as a railway connection from Azerbaijan to Azerbaijan via the territory of Armenia and from Armenia to Armenia via the territory of Azerbaijan. Because Armenia does not have a railway connection between its northern and southern regions, and in practice this is possible only via the territory of the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic of the Republic of Azerbaijan. While Azerbaijan does not have a railway connection with its Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic, and this is in practice possible only via the territory of Armenia. In the near future, we will restore the railway sections of Meghri and Yeraskh in the Republic of Armenia, which existed during the Soviet Union and were later destroyed, and the railway connections I mentioned will be opened. But this will also have huge international significance because, in parallel with the construction of the aforementioned railways, we are waiting for the opening of the Armenia-Turkey railway. Together with the TRIPP project, this could become one of the most important events in the field of international logistics in recent decades because thus, a new railway connection will be opened between China, Central Asia, Turkey and the European Union. All this opens up another crucial opportunity for international logistics, because the restoration of the railway connection between Armenia and the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic of the Republic of Azerbaijan restores the railway connection also between the Persian Gulf and the Black Sea. This is an important nuance because it shows why and how the implementation of the TRIPP project promises great benefits to all countries in our region. And these potential benefits can thus become a cornerstone of long-term stability and peace, especially between Armenia and Azerbaijan. After almost 35 years of conflict, we are now discussing issues of building pipelines, power lines and roads in addition to the east-west railway within the framework of the TRIPP project. And this will enable not only the Republic of Armenia, but also the entire South Caucasus to become a Crossroads of Peace.
Excellencies. While remaining firmly committed to our climate goals, we must also recognise that in the immediate term, development cannot realistically proceed without traditional energy sources. Energy security, moreover, is closely intertwined with peace, regional connectivity and sustainable economic development. As a reliable natural gas supplier to 16 countries, Azerbaijan ranks among the leading pipeline gas suppliers globally and plays a strategic role in strengthening energy security and diversifying supply routes across Europe and beyond. Azerbaijan's contribution to global energy security is increasingly complemented by its growing role in the clean energy transition. We are investing in renewable energy, commissioning major solar and wind projects, expanding hydro power capacity and developing new clean energy initiatives together with leading international partners. Agreements already signed envisage around six gigawatts of additional solar and wind capacity by 2030. By 2030, renewables are expected to generate almost 40% of Azerbaijan's electricity. Expansion of renewable power generation will create new opportunities for Azerbaijan to export green electricity to European markets. This way, our role as a reliable energy partner is evolving alongside the global energy transition. Energy connectivity is part of Azerbaijan's broader vision of connecting regions, markets and economies.
Indeed, the problem of the Black Sea has gone from regional to global in scale, with negative regional consequences that come from the war in Iran and the drying up of the Danube River. This is leading to a food crisis in the world, especially in the Middle East and Africa. The inability to export grain and fertilizer poses a real risk of famine this winter in a number of countries in these regions and may compromise the harvest of 2027. Bulgaria cannot and will not remain indifferent.
Mr. President, Excellencies, as the UN Secretary-General reminded us a few years ago, the United Nations is a product of hope. Eighty-one years after its birth, that hope is being tested. Technology, including artificial intelligence, is advancing at rapid speed; climate change is reshaping our societies; the international landscape is becoming more complex, more contested, and more unpredictable. The international order is not simply changing; it is being tested in an unprecedented manner. But it is in such times of uncertainty that the foundational values of multilateralism must be protected: international law, the UN Charter, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, the peaceful settlement of disputes, respect for human rights, the equality of states. All these are not principles of the past; they are principles that transcend time, the essential ingredient for the present and for the future. The challenge before us is therefore clear: as the world changes, our institutions must be able to respond to new realities and threats while guided by the painful lessons of history and the vision of the founding fathers of this organization. And this is the essence of the theme of the 81st General Assembly: restoring trust, managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all. Ladies and gentlemen, transformation is inevitable. What must remain constant is the UN Charter as our compass. It directs all of us, irrespective of power, size, and leverage. For small-sized countries, the principle of equality of states is fundamental, and it has formed the binding trust between us. We rely on an international system in which sovereignty and territorial integrity are respected. We expect international law, including the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, to be applied consistently. We believe in the peaceful resolution of disputes, and we demand that the rights of every state be protected. These are the integral elements of our collective trust, and this is the code of conduct of Cyprus's diplomatic engagement. And in a rapidly changing world, small-sized states must seek synergies while continuing to pursue strategic autonomy. Preserving trust also requires institutions capable of responding to the world as it is today. The United Nations must therefore continue to evolve. The UN80 initiative is an important part of this effort. The Pact for the Future and the 2030 Agenda and its Sustainable Development Goals are also part of the effort to ensure that multilateral cooperation can respond to the needs of our time. This moment of reform also comes as the UN Secretary-General approaches the completion of a decade leading this organization. Cyprus wishes to acknowledge his leadership during a period of extraordinary global developments, his steadfast commitment to multilateralism, and his effort to strengthen and reform the UN. But reforming our structural setup is only part of the answer. What is also needed is a genuine willingness of member states to contribute and protect the multilateral system. After all, states bring different capabilities, experiences, and perspectives. Great powers have scale; smaller states must have persuasion. We cannot compel, but we can coalesce. We cannot dictate outcomes, but together we can help shape them. There is no doubt that the challenges of today require cooperation and partnerships based on the knowledge of regions and of the realities.
The United Nations was born in 1945 from humanity's determination that the tragedies of war should never again define our common destiny. Eight decades later, the world continues to look to this organization as a sanctuary where nations can assemble, where differences can be resolved through dialogue, and where hope can be transformed into tangible action. Yet, at a time when conflicts persist, inequalities deepen, climate-related disasters intensify, and countless communities continue to struggle against poverty and insecurity, the international community must renew its commitment to global cooperation. To ordinary people across the globe, this Assembly must not be perceived merely as a forum where the world discusses its problems, but as an organization that actively solves them. The true test of international cooperation is whether a child in a conflict-affected community can live without fear, a young person can find decent employment, a family can afford food, and a developing nation can access the finance required to build its future. Trust among nations has eroded on multiple fronts. Multilateral commitments have too often gone unmet, financing pledges have not yet been fulfilled, and developing countries face trillions of dollars in annual investment gaps to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. Furthermore, billions of people reside in countries where governments are forced to spend more on debt servicing than on healthcare or education. Restoring trust cannot be achieved through declarations alone. It requires that promises already made be honored, and that our institutions demonstrate the capacity and will to respond to changing global realities. Since the Ezulwini Consensus was adopted in 2005, sadly, Africa still has no permanent seat on the UN Security Council and yet the continent remains a global strategic partner in the world stage. The question is: how many more years should African leaders travel to New York and stand before this Assembly to call for a fair representation in the UN Security Council? Mr. President, we are being deprived of the opportunity to contribute to global security issues. We meet at a time when multiple wars and armed conflicts continue to claim lives, destroy infrastructure, and displace communities across various regions of the world.
Water security is fundamental to the well-being and the resilience of our societies. Water underpins public health, food and energy security, climate resilience and peace. Yet despite its fundamental importance, global water governance remains fragmented. The recent devastating floods in the mountainous regions of Nepal and China remind us of the growing risk associated with water and climate related disasters. In this context, President Tokayev has proposed the establishment of International Water Organization under the auspices of the United Nations. The purpose is to make international water governance more coherent, accountable and capable of effective implementation. Kazakhstan calls for inclusive, member state led process to explore options for strengthening the institutional architecture for water within the United Nations. We will continue to advance this discussion in the lead up for the 2026 United Nations Water Conference in Abu Dhabi. Kazakhstan stands ready to work with all member states and partners to advance this common agenda. Distinguished delegates Artificial intelligence and rapid technological change present another area where urgent international cooperation is needed.
The Marshall Islands affirms the recent Pacific Islands Forum communique position regarding West Papua, including the 2018 invitation by Indonesia to the UN Human Rights Commissioner. Further, the Marshall Islands strongly welcomes recent calls for a ministerial summit between ASEAN and the Pacific Islands Forum to take forward our 2023 agreement. Our two regions can stand united as neighbours and close friends.
This fairness and justice should extend to the participation of women in decision-making, including in the prevention and resolution of conflict, post-conflict reconstruction, and peacebuilding, in line with the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security. The Women, Peace and Security Agenda has contributed positively to the rehabilitation, reconciliation, and reintegration efforts in conflict-affected regions, serving as a core framework for stabilizing post-conflict situations. This is a positive undertaking which should be emulated by other international and regional organizations and non-governmental organizations that are involved in peace support operations and peacebuilding efforts. Mr. President, any system needs constant transformation to be effective.
Mr. President, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, over the last few days, over the last week, from this rostrum and in the corridors of the General Assembly, the following idea was heard many times. There are tectonic shifts underway in global politics. A fairer, multipolar world order is emerging before our very eyes. The countries of the global South and East are asserting themselves as sovereign centers of development. They're taking responsibility for ensuring security in their own regions. They are demonstrating a commitment to international law. They are refuting external pressure. They're showing interest in the prosperity of all states, not just a select few. Such a constructive philosophy is also the basis for Russia's foreign policy, and it is supported by our countless friends. It is the bedrock of cooperation at the CIS, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the BRICS, and in other global majority fora. Yet this is not to everyone's liking. The Western minority, which dominated for 500 years, thanks to others resources, continues to try to maintain its privileges and to impose its own rules on everyone else. The West continues to use brute force to act unpredictably, to engage in all sorts of ventures putting at risk the life and prosperity of millions, if not billions, of people, on our planet.
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That is why South Africa endorsed the declaration for the Protection of Humanitarian Personnel, supported by nearly 120 states from all regions of the world. Mr. president, eighty years ago, the first resolution of the General Assembly called for the elimination of nuclear weapons. Later this year, South Africa will preside over the First Review Conference of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. As the only country in the world to have voluntarily dismantled its nuclear weapons program, South Africa stands ready to share this experience as a demonstration, with political will, credible and verifiable nuclear disarmament is achievable.
Mr. president. Economic and climate vulnerabilities are having an impact on stability and security in Africa. These are coupled with ongoing security challenges and can fuel tensions and conflict. This is why development questions, questions of peace and security must be tackled in a complementary and interlinked fashion. Lasting security cannot be boiled down just to its military dimension. It requires us to act on factors causing vulnerability, and it requires us to promote dialogue prevention and mediation. Along these lines, the president of the Council, His Excellency Faure Essozimna Gnassingbé, has striven to promote dialogue, to bring people's positions closer and to contribute to find political solutions to crises that affect regions in West Africa and in the Sahel, for example. Our country is working hard to encourage exchanges and to contribute to the emergence of lasting political responses in the Great Lakes region. Togo as part of African mediation, is also making its contribution to de-escalation, to restoring trust, and to the quest for lasting responses to disputes. These initiatives reflect a conviction: in the face of crises, we need to maintain spaces for dialogue. We need to foster political and diplomatic means. Mediation is not a weakness. It is an expression of responsibility. Togo has made dialogue and preventive diplomacy the pillars of its foreign policy. In our West African subregion and the African level, Togo is working unfailingly to promote mediation, stability and the peaceful settlement of disputes. We are convinced that no lasting solution can be imposed from the outside without actively listening to local and sovereign realities and what's going on on the ground. Africa is not asking for others to act in its place. It is asking for its efforts to be recognized, assisted and supported.
We listen with respect. We partner as equals and we protect what matters most. We engage across regions, listen to different perspectives, and we build trust. We champion the rights, sovereignty, and agency of all, particularly smaller and mid-sized nations. We are a reliable, practical and transparent partner, and we play our part to protect the people of the world by taking on the difficult challenges shaping their lives and the health of their planet, with innovative ideas and approaches. Australia helped create the United Nations to bring an end to an era of destructive conflict, and to build something better for all of us. A world where prosperity is driven by shared opportunity and peace is secured by collective responsibility. Australia is stepping up to play our part.
Your excellencies 1 in 60 of adults is now estimated to be living with the virus. Fewer than 4 in 10 know that. I say this plainly, because stigma and silence are how this epidemic grew and because of the late Ratu Epeli Nailatikau, a former head of state and UNAIDS goodwill ambassador for the Pacific, spent his last years telling us so. This is also a security question. Methamphetamine trafficked into our region by transnational criminal networks is now driving transmission through injecting drug use. Our borders are ocean. Our populations are small, and the profits at stake exceed our national budgets. A country such as Fiji of under a million people cannot interdict a global supply chain alone. So Fiji asked three things that treatment and diagnostics reach small states at prices we can pay, that the Global Fund and UNAIDS be resourced at a level that does not force a triage between regions, and that our partners treat Pacific narcotics interdiction as the shared security interest it is. These are the same loss. A nurse who emigrates is a nurse Fiji trained and will not have because they left. A Fijian who died 35 of a treatable virus is the same subtraction made permanent with the cost of care left behind. Small states are not losing workers at the margin. We are losing the capacity to staff our own future.
My second observation is that everywhere I travel around the world, I hear the word realignment. Realignment, whether it is in Europe, Africa, the Middle East Asia or the Americas, nations are seeking new alliances and partnerships. This is a logical consequence in times of uncertainty and transformation. You seek security where you can get it. We're seeing an intensification of regional integration, akin to what we saw in the immediate aftermath of World War Two. Regional organizations like the African Union, Gulf Cooperation Council Mercosur, ASEAN or the EU build trust. When integration is not feasible, other forms of cooperation can prove essential. We Finns are happy to point out that the historic signing of the Helsinki Final Act in 1975. It brought together 35 nations in the midst of the Cold War, and laid the foundations for what would later become the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. Why do I give this example? Because at the time there was no trust. There were deep disagreements and outright hostility, yet there was room for a process that reduced tensions and built common ground. I believe regions such as the Middle East where conflicts are raging today, may consider something similar. Even in the face of conflict and grievance, a region may be able to agree on principles that foster cooperation and prevent further conflict.
We have done so through our official development assistance and have deepened our solidarity with the Global South. To date, Japan has provided ODA totaling over 670 billion USD to developing countries and regions, and has dispatched almost 60,000 Japan Overseas Cooperation volunteers to 99 countries. Additionally, Japan has been promoting initiatives towards achieving universal health coverage UHC across the globe. Since 1993, Japan has co-organized the TICAD together with the United Nations. TICAD has served as a platform for reflecting Africa's voice in the Sustainable Development Goals, SDGs and for Japan to first put forward the concept of FOIP. Africa is endowed with a dynamic young population and possesses enormous economic potential. Japan will continue to promote its diplomacy towards Africa, so that Japan and Africa can become more resilient and prosperous together. For example, we will promote industrial development, job creation and enhanced connectivity in Africa.
Your Excellencies, today, the three pillars amongst which the UN works—peace and security, development, and human rights—are under unprecedented pressure. In the realm of peace and security, we witness the proliferation of conflicts, the worsening of civilian suffering, and the spread of terrorism and the expansion of transnational organized crime. These challenges, amongst others, must lead us to strengthen compliance with the promotion of the mechanisms for prevention and peaceful resolution of conflict, as well as what we are going to do under international law in the light of the United Nations Charter, including respect for those sovereignty and territorial integrity of our states, the human rights, and international cooperation—factors that are, in fact, inseparable to being truthful. In this way, we will be able to address conflicts that persist around the world, including in some countries and regions of our continent, Africa. It is also this that underlies the support of our defense for solutions for two states for Palestine. Living side by side with peace and security with Israel as a legitimate and lasting path forward. The principle of self-determination of the people enshrined in the United Nations Charter as far back as 1945 remains so valid as ever. It is in this context that we reaffirm our principled position in support of the cause for the Sahrawi people.
It is precisely at such times that we must honestly confront our setbacks, however profound, not with blame, cynicism or blind hope, but with action, sober reflection, clear-eyed realism and pragmatism. That is how we chart these turbulent waters. And that is how we rebuild trust in this institution, the central focus of this 81st session. (BRIEF PAUSE) So how do we build back trust? Trust is not given. It is earned. And we earn trust, I believe, in three ways. First, by being unapologetically realistic about where we are falling behind; Second, by taking a foundational look at the reforms of the Organization to deliver better; and Third, by making our work more inclusive and engaging all relevant stakeholders for effective delivery. Let me elaborate. (BRIEF PAUSE) On my first point, we must be frank about where the challenges lie and what needs to be fixed, even when the necessary changes may prove painful. Consider peace and security. Under the UN Charter, the Security Council bears primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. Yet when the Council is unable to act, Member States turn to the General Assembly. We saw this as early as 1950 with the “Uniting for Peace” resolution, and we have seen it more recently through the Assembly’s Veto Initiative. These two principal organs of our Organization are complementary, not competing. The Charter provides for an appropriate balance between them. Both chambers must do their respective part. To be fair, the Security Council, when it acts, proves its strength and effectiveness. It helped liberate Kuwait, ended civil war in El Salvador, supported Namibia’s independence, led rebuilding of Cambodia, and stabilized conflict-affected countries through peacekeeping. Yet when the Council is unable to act on important matters, the effectiveness of our Organization as a whole is called into question. In 1945, humanity placed its trust in the Council in good faith, giving it the extraordinary responsibility of maintaining international peace. The Council accepted that responsibility and entered into a compact. It must now hold up its end of the bargain. This is what the people of the world expect. And in their eyes, when the Security Council works, the United Nations works. The promise of 1945 still binds us today. I call on the Security Council to step up, to lead as we need it to lead and to act when we need it to act. Linked to this is the question of Security Council reform. I will support the General Assembly-led Intergovernmental Negotiations in its work to make the Council more representative, transparent and reflective of the geopolitical realities of our time. Ensuring fair representation for underrepresented regions must remain a priority. Nowhere is this more important, right now, than in Africa. After eight decades, the largest region by number of Member States and a key focus of UN Peacekeeping, is underrepresented on the Security Council. Africa needs to be at the table, not on the menu. Africa cannot be asked to wait indefinitely for its rightful place on the Council. Ending Africa’s underrepresentation, now, is a question of fairness, justice and, ultimately, the credibility of this Organization. (BRIEF PAUSE) Turning to development, and particularly the Sustainable Development Goals, we are right to focus on the challenges.
Today, however, these ideas are not only being called into question; they are being attacked by political actors and governments that want to take us back to a dark past. And I don't need to point them out; we all know who they are and what their modus operandi is. They start by questioning the rules, then they break them, knowing full well that nobody will dare to hold them accountable. They cut their contributions to multilateral bodies like this one. They point to their leaders and officials. They obstruct these organizations' ability to act, to then write them off as useless entities that we can do without. What they're doing, nevertheless, is a planned and coordinated demolition attempt that is presented as something that we can't stop and that's necessary. However, the reality is that it runs counter to the structural currents of history and is based on three misguided pillars. The first of these pillars is selfishness, the absurd belief that the world is a zero-sum game, where some winning must imply that others losing. The second pillar is ignorance, disregarding scientific evidence and assuming that there are countries that are so powerful that they can abuse all of the others and they don't need anyone else to prosper. And the third pillar, the worst in my opinion, is cruelty. Cruelty that isn't even moved when it sees the ribs of a starving child or a hospital reduced to rubble. Over these 8 years, I've seen these selfish, ignorant, and cruel forces grow. I've seen how they took off their masks and seized power in many places. And then I saw them start illegal wars, massacre innocent civilians. I've seen them treat millions of human beings like livestock and take away aid from those suffering the most, from poverty and disease. I've seen them pollute the atmosphere and also the ocean as if it's their own property, and conspire to destroy this organization and everything it represents. I'm saying this because bearing witness to these things has changed the way that I understand the world. However, it hasn't led me to lose hope. Because also, over these 8 years, I've seen wonderful things that allow me to still have confidence in humanity. For example, I've seen millions of people mobilized to defend nature, peace, and civil rights. I've seen thousands of activists and public servants confront these reactionary powers, knowing full well that they're putting their professional careers and even their own lives at risk. I've seen scientists make progress that we thought was impossible. And I've seen many governments do things right, opting for cooperation, social justice, and environmental sustainability. All of this has taught me something that I want to share with all of you, and that is that humanity is not intrinsically good or bad. Humanity can actually be both. And every day, every year, and in each and every crisis, we must decide how to act. The United Nations is one of these spaces where these decisions are made at the highest level. And the UN doesn't always do it well. Of course, I myself, on several occasions, have called out the contradictions and lackings of this body. However, with the same belief, I must call out the fact that the majority of the voices that today insist on criticizing the United Nations are not describing its failure; what they're doing is trying to cause its failure. And I must also say that multilateralism is the best tool that humanity has to manage its diversity and its interdependence, especially in a globalized and multipolar world like the world we're living in today. And this is why what we need to do is ramp up our trust in this organization. We must renew it and strengthen it so that this century it can play the same key role that it played last century. And doing this will not be easy. However, the good news is that all of the guidance we need is right here, in the United Nations Charter. In this charter, they wrote the best chapters. Our forefathers wrote it, the men and women who saw the world burn, and even then, they dared to imagine a better future. These men and women laid down their wisdom and their hope in this charter. And they didn't ask us to keep it in a glass case. They asked us to fulfill it. They asked us to defend it, and for us to turn back to it in times of uncertainty and extraordinary difficulty. And today is one of those times. And therefore, it's our duty to rise to the courage and the ambition present in this text, in the United Nations Charter. And this is why, ladies and gentlemen, we need to reform the Security Council so that all of the regions in the world have fair representation, and so that we can do away with the right of veto of the permanent members. Because as the UN Charter sets out, no country should be judged in its own case, no matter how powerful they are. We therefore need to strengthen all of the other main bodies and reorganize the agencies, funds and programs, and provide them with more resources and more executive capacity so that they can have a more decisive impact on the great challenges that beset humanity. We must strengthen bodies like the International Criminal Court so that they can investigate, prosecute, and punish those that break the rules. It took humanity centuries to replace might is right with the rule of law. And we must not be the generation that backtracks on this. It's for this very reason that we must rebuild the nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament architecture to avoid a poorly designed security policy that brings us back to another global conflict. And we must impose strict regulations on the tech oligarchs who control the functioning of social networks and the development of artificial intelligence. Because at the end of the day, the future of our children is more important than the pockets of these tech oligarchs. And of course, doing all of these things will require compromise, time, strong leadership, being able to build agreements, to listen, to look beyond our known reality, and imagine a better alternative. And what I'm advocating for, for this leadership, is very clear. Nine men have served as Secretary-General of this organization in its 80 years of existence.
We wish them well as they complete their tenure at the end of this year. Mr. president, few institutions embody the principle of sovereign equality as visibly as this assembly. Within these walls, differences in power, wealth and influence may shape the realities our nations confront, but they do not confer a greater claim to membership or participation. And perhaps more than anywhere else, this assembly reminds us of a simple truth: Our differences are real but so is our interdependence. This is why this organization was created with the understanding that disputes must be resolved through dialogue, human dignity must be protected, and that nations must work together if development, peace and human rights are to be sustained. In other words, that our common future requires common institutions. Eight decades later, we must ask ourselves whether we have remained faithful to that insight. And perhaps more importantly, do we still trust one another enough to act on it? Because today, Mr. President, trust is being tested. Geopolitical divisions are widening. Wars have become more protracted, with devastating humanitarian consequences. Respect for the United Nations Charter and international law is under visible strain, with developing countries facing intensifying debt burden, climate vulnerabilities, huge gaps between commitments made and implementation, and feeling of marginalization and inadequate representation in the global system. Therefore, the task before us is building stronger, better equipped, representative responsive and effective multilateral system and global financial architecture that delivers for all nations and regions. Mr. president, The Gambia's own experience within this organization gives us grounds for optimism. We have seen within this very institution that multilateralism can still deliver. During the 80th session of the General Assembly The Gambia had the honor of chairing the second Committee at a time of profound disagreement over some of the most consequential economic and development issues before us. That experience reminded us that multilateralism does not require unanimity on every issue. It requires the willingness to remain at the table to listen, negotiate, and courage to make compromises. Our experience demonstrates that in this period of deep disagreement, progress remains possible when member states approach negotiations with political will, mutual respect, and a sense of responsibility.
Mr. President, those who have declared climate change a hoax perpetrated by geopolitical opponents, the warnings of recent times cannot have been clearer. Melting glaciers, flash flooding, droughts, record breaking heat waves, brush fires, hurricanes and other extreme weather phenomena are unmistakable signs of an overburdened planet. Climate change is the ultimate test of global equity. We in Africa contribute less than 4% of global greenhouse gases, and yet we bear some of the heaviest burden of climate devastation. We face erratic rainfall, our coastal towns suffer relentless erosion, and our Sahelian region faces accelerating desertification. On 29th June this year, Ghana and coastal West Africa faced an unprecedented deluge. Torrential rain exceeding 160mm was dumped on coastal regions of Ghana within 24 hours, resulting in 39 deaths and one still unaccounted for. And so climate justice demands that developed nations must fulfill their long overdue financial commitments. Mitigation support must be operationalized with predictable non-debt-creating grants, not loans that further indebt fragile economies. Similarly, global health security demands true solidarity because pathogens do not respect national borders, they just walk across without visas. We must build an equitable global health architecture that guarantees regional manufacturing of vaccines and therapeutics, strengthen epidemic surveillance, and funds resilient public health infrastructure across the global South in accordance with the demands of the Accra Reset.
Whether in the Security Council or in the international financial system, institutions built for another age are being asked to govern a completely different world that we live in today. Restoring trust requires more than defending those institutions. It requires having the courage to reform them. This is not a conversation we are beginning today. For decades, member states have debated how to make the Security Council more representative, legitimate, and effective. In 2008, after years of discussion, this General Assembly moved Security Council reform into intergovernmental negotiations. Those negotiations began the following year. Seventeen years later, we are still negotiating. The central question remains before us: membership, the veto, regional representation, the size and working methods of the Security Council, and its relationship with this General Assembly. The world has not stood still while we have been debating these issues. In the Pact for the Future, member states agreed that redressing the historical injustice against Africa must be a priority in the Security Council reform. We should not accept that reform is impossible because it is difficult. This organization has changed its architecture before. In 1963, this General Assembly adopted amendments to enlarge the Security Council. The council grew from 11 members to 15 because member states recognized that the institution had to respond to a changing membership. What was possible then, ladies and gentlemen, is possible today. Reform must deliver equitable and permanent representation with all the prerogatives and privileges of permanent membership to Africa and other deserving regions. Political reform and financial reform are not separate projects. They ask the same fundamental question: whether the institutions that govern our common future will reflect the sovereign equality they proclaim or preserve inequalities inherited from another age. More than half a century ago, this General Assembly called for a new international economic order founded on sovereign equality, interdependence, and cooperation among states. We need not recreate the debates of another era. But we must ask the question they left unfinished: what does equality among nations require in the world of today? It requires a world in which no continent is permanently excluded from the highest decisions on peace and security. A world in which international law does not change with the identity of the state to which it is applied. A world in which a nation's prospects are not determined by how expensive the world has decided its capital to be. It requires that no child lose a classroom because debt service came first; that no mother finds an empty clinic because essential investment became unaffordable; and that the resources of developing countries became foundations for their prosperity rather than pathways for extraction.
The UN reform process must strengthen the organisation's effectiveness and relevance without diminishing its presence, services or support in the most vulnerable regions, where assistance is needed most. Reform must enhance delivery, not reduce it. The UN is not perfect, but it remains the cornerstone of multilateral diplomacy and the indispensable platform through which nations preserve peace, advance sustainable development, uphold international law and protect human rights. Solomon Islands looks to the next secretary general to lead with vision and to ensure that the Secretariat is accountable to all member states, serving the interests of small and large states on an equal footing. Mr. president, Solomon Islands reiterates its support for comprehensive reform of the Security Council to make it more representative, transparent, accountable and reflective of today's realities. A council with a dedicated seat for small island developing states would strengthen the legitimacy and effectiveness of the entire multilateral system. The veto is a relic of 1945. Too often it has been used to shield violations of international law and to entrench the double standards that fuel conflict. At a minimum, the veto must never again be used in situations of genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes. Ultimately, it should be abolished. Mr. president, it is with great pride that Solomon Islands is again contributing personnel to UN peacekeeping in South Sudan. Despite our small size, our participation reaffirms our enduring commitment to the charter, to international peace and security, and to the noble work of peacekeepers serving communities affected by conflict.
They are what we allowed, what we still allow, and what we will answer for. There is a painful cry for a better world order as we witness the weakening into irrelevance of multilateral institutions. No country, regardless of size or power, can address today's interconnected challenges alone. Excellencies, leadership is not merely discovering the angriest instinct of the electorate and amplifying it. Leadership is sometimes telling our own supporters that they are wrong. It is explaining complexity when a slogan would be easier. It is asking people to consider tomorrow when they are angry about today. It is persuading citizens that humanity of others who may worship differently, speak another language, or vote for another party does not diminish their own freedoms. Statesmanship requires patience, persuasion, courage to compromise. And above all, it requires an understanding that power brings responsibility, not exemption. The Charter of the United Nations was not written to make the strong weak. It was written to prevent the strong from making the world unlivable. Soon we will elect a new Secretary-General. The regional rotation precedent must be preserved. Africa had an unprecedented continuous three terms: Boutros Boutros-Ghali, 1992-1996, Kofi Annan, 1997-2006. Now the Security Council will elect a Latin American as our Secretary-General for 2027-2032. And after more than 80 years of men at the helm of our organization, needless to say, we ought to have enough wisdom and elect a woman with unquestionable integrity, unblemished record, and in defense of human rights, a strong advocacy of gender equality and inclusion, rule of law, democracy, solid experience in senior management in national and multilateral institutions. Mr. President, Excellencies, for developing countries, particularly small island developing states and least developed countries, efficiency must translate into stronger delivery on the ground, not reduced essential support. Timor-Leste urges comprehensive reform, expansion in both the permanent and non-permanent categories, so that developing countries and historically underrepresented regions have a stronger voice in decisions concerning international peace and security. The veto is inconsistent with the sovereign equality of member states. President, Timor-Leste reaffirms the principles of climate justice, common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities in the light of different national circumstances. Greater climate ambition must be accompanied by accessible, predictable finance: adaptation support, technology transfer, and capacity building. Artificial intelligence and other emerging technologies reshape our societies. Developing countries must actively participate in their governance and development.
At this critical historical juncture for the United Nations, we look forward with great hope to the selection through the process of electing the new Secretary-General of the most capable and deserving individual to lead the organization with a bold, strategic vision, building upon the efforts of his predecessor and capable of providing practical solutions for the various regions whose peoples continue to suffer the consequences of crises, wars, instability and inequality. A vision that restores hope to future generations for a better future in which the conditions for a dignified life are available to all. Mr. president we meet during this 81st session under the theme Restoring Trust and Managing Transformation a United Nations that delivers for all. This prompts us to ask, how can we restore this trust? And before managing the desired transformation, how can we create the conditions and lay the foundations necessary for it? Our questions stem neither from doubt nor from pessimism, but from a firm conviction that restoring trust requires serious and responsible reflection on the reasons behind its decline. Tunisia's belief in multilateral action is not a product of current circumstances. Rather, it is the continuation of a journey that began before independence, when the national movement brought the cause of the Tunisian people before the United Nations and made the right to self-determination and the recovery of sovereignty, an integral part of the struggle for freedom. Following independence, Tunisia engaged fully within the United Nations to complete the foundations of its sovereignty and to build the modern state, and it succeeded in doing so. Restoring confidence in the organization and in multilateral action requires, in our view, two essential conditions a genuine commitment and a meaningful reform process. First, there must be a sincere determination and responsible commitment by all states to respect international law founded on agreement and the principle of sovereign equality among states, and to uphold the purposes and principles of the UN charter, particularly refraining from the use of force, the settlement of disputes by peaceful means and fulfilling international obligations in good faith. Second, the United Nations must embark on a comprehensive and profound reform process that responds to the transformations that have taken place in the world. This requires, in particular, reconsidering the mechanisms of decision making within the organization to ensure a more balanced and equitable geographical representation, and establishing more effective mechanisms for transparency and accountability, thus reinforcing the confidence of states and peoples in the organisation's ability to respond to the aspirations of all. Unless genuine progress is achieved on these two tracks, collective action will remain hostage to narrow geopolitical calculations, and the gap will continue to widen between the principles we agree upon and the realities we witness on the ground. We may choose either to continue meeting under the idealism of slogans, or to commit ourselves to what can truly achieve development, prosperity and peace for all. If we have the will, we have the capacity. Tunisia welcomes the efforts undertaken within the framework of the UN80 Initiative. We regard these efforts as a true opportunity on which we should build, rather than a final destination in the reform process. We support the three reform tracks proposed by the initiative, provided that they are pursued through an inclusive, consultative process that preserves the intergovernmental nature of the organization and does not undermine the negotiating mandates of member states. Tunisia also believes that addressing the liquidity crisis in the organization requires all states to meet their financial obligations in full. We stress that reform should not result in a reduction of support allocated to developing countries, or to humanitarian missions and development programmes supervised by the organization and specialized agencies. Tunisia, therefore, calls for a fair and balanced approach that safeguards both the effectiveness and credibility of the United Nations. Mr. president.
Um. Turkey does not confine itself to just articulating these principles. With every step we take, we seek a more equitable and more humane international system. Through the Defense Alliance we have established recently with Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, based on the principle of regional ownership, we are now both strengthening solidarity among us and aiming to generate solutions to the problems in our region from within the region itself. We are maintaining our efforts with the relevant actors to bring an end to the climate of conflict and to the climate of war that has been ignited in the Gulf. I strongly underline that any dangerous attempt to spread these conflicts, these clashes to neighboring regions, serves no one's interests. As for Gaza, we remain committed to following through on the agreement we signed in Sharm el-Sheikh one year ago. Now we must begin the reconstruction of Gaza as soon as possible. In this regard, I call upon you to exert greater pressure, more pressure on Israel. Let everyone understand and accept the following. Attempts to strangle the state of Palestine will fail. God willing, we shall see those good days when an independent state of Palestine, based on the 1967 borders with territorial integrity and with East Jerusalem as its capital, will be established. Dear friends, after 14 years of oppression, Syria initiated a new path with the December 8th Revolution. Under the leadership of President Sharaa, we are witnessing Syria now moving toward its goal of becoming a safe and peaceful country in spite of all forms of internal and external provocations. We will continue to stand by the brotherly Syrian people on this journey. In another neighboring country, we fully support efforts to strengthen state authority and consolidate stability. We are working with Iraq on strategic transportation and energy projects that will enhance the welfare of our region, particularly among these projects, important is the Development Road Project. As for the Russia-Ukraine war, it is our sincere hope that it comes to an end with Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity being upheld. We continue our contacts with the parties with a view to restoring safety of navigation in the Black Sea, ensuring food security and preventing the war from spreading to a wider region. I would like to particularly emphasize that recent attacks against commercial ships in the Black Sea, regardless of who carries them out, are unacceptable. We believe that freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz must be maintained. In the Aegean Sea and the eastern Mediterranean region, we wish to see existing issues resolved on the basis of good neighbourly relations and in accordance with international law. Our proposal for an Eastern Mediterranean Conference will contribute to establishing common ground. On this occasion, I once again will repeat the call I had made numerous times in previous UNGA sessions. The sovereign equality and equal international status of the Turkish Cypriot people must be recognized and inhumane isolation to which they have been subjected must finally come to an end. I call upon the international community to recognize the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and to establish political, diplomatic and economic relations with them. Esteemed delegates. Turkey, thanks to its growing defense industry and thanks to its resilient economy, continues to be an island of stability in the middle of conflicts in its vicinity.
Sanctions, support packages, our joint weapon production, all of these matters. Of course matters. All of this makes us stronger. When someone gives Russia more money through trade, they give this war more time. That is exactly why we insist on limiting trade with the aggressor and why we are burning Russia's revenues ourselves. Many of you here seen more than once how the abuse of the veto at the UN weakens the world and pushes peace further away. When Russia has money, it always says no. No to diplomacy. And this is also a kind of veto on peace. Not an official right, but real. And when someone in the world weakens sanctions, weakens sanctions against Russian oligarchs, it may make life more comfortable for rich Russians, but it also gives the war more time. More time for Putin to send poor people into the kill zone. So Russia's revenues must remain a target. Russia's budget deficit is now bigger than in any other year, and most Russian regions are already bankrupt. Russia planned major operations on the front this summer. All of them failed.
But on its own, that's not enough, is it? In this dangerous, turbulent age, it is more important than ever that we give people the power to build their own resilience and do more for themselves, and give them the platform to stand up for what they believe in. I am working to rebalance power across all regions of the UK, and as part of that, I have set up a second Downing Street office in Manchester. We call it number ten North. Outside that office stands a statue of Abraham Lincoln. It marks the personal connection he made with Manchester and the bond between our two nations, a bond which he described in a letter to the working people of the city as perpetual. This was not due to some military or material support. There was no quid pro quo. It was because Manchester's humble mill workers took a principled stand during the American Civil War in 1862, despite the hardships it brought them. They refused to touch raw cotton that had been picked by slaves. In 1862, people with little power used it to help those with none on the other side of the world. The best change is change like that, bottom up change led by people. And whatever distorted view social media offers today, the world is still full of good and decent people all over the world who are ready to stand up for what is right. I see that shining through all the time. Nothing brings the British people together across age, race, and class more than their hatred of injustice, the misuse of power against the powerless. We will always stand for the underdog against the bully.
We cannot simply accept this new order of impunity which some are trying to erect. This is why at the Security Council, France supports reforms aimed at bolstering its effectiveness. We must open up to new members, new regions, first and foremost Africa. But in terms of the substance, the Security Council must be able to take action in the face of mass violations of international law. Who can accept a procedural deadlock when we see barbaric acts being committed? The Franco-Mexican initiative on regulating the veto in the case of mass atrocities being committed is needed more than ever, and I'm delighted that it now has the support of 128 member states. The campaign will continue and we are seeking to secure the commitment of each and every permanent member of the Security Council for this initiative. But it's not enough invoking the law, invoking our values in order to uphold the obligations we all signed up to when we joined the United Nations.