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We also express sincere appreciation to your predecessor for her stewardship over the past year. I rise before this Assembly at a time when the world is not short of promises, declarations, or commitments. What we need is proof that our institutions can respond to the realities people face. For small island developing states like ours, the question is immediate: Saint Kitts and Nevis therefore comes with a clear proposition: trust will be restored not by what we promise, but by what we deliver.
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Sierra Leone09/22 · first at about 2 min3 mentions
I also commend Her Excellency Amina Mohammed, the Deputy Secretary General, for her exemplary service and distinguished representation of Africa on the global stage. Mr. president, nearly 25 years ago, Sierra Leone completed disarmament and formally declared its civil war over. The formal declaration matters, of course, but peace became real in more practical ways. In the families that returned home in the communities that learned to live together again, in the citizens who chose the ballot, and in institutions that slowly earned back confidence. The United Nations stood with us through disarmament, election and the long work of peace building. So we know what international cooperation can make possible because we have lived it. The experience taught us that trust cannot be commanded by declaration. Trust grows when promises are honored, when the law protects everyone, when institutions serve their people and when citizens can see a future for themselves.
Managing transformation requires institutions capable of adapting to a rapidly changing world, and delivering for all requires us to move beyond declarations toward tangible improvements in the lives and livelihoods of our peoples. Ultimately, our declarations, communices, and resolutions must travel the difficult road from this assembly hall to the daily lives of the peoples we represent. Persistent conflicts, geopolitical tensions, and growing divisions have tested trust between nations. Concurrently, our world is undergoing transformation driven by technology, climate change, demographic shifts, and changing patterns of economic power. The pertinent question is how we strengthen multilateralism so that the United Nations can deliver meaningful results for all member states. Humanity has traveled far enough to know that, on the great challenges of our age, none of us can go it alone. Whether a nation of a billion people or, like Botswana with just over 2.5 million people, we share one fragile planet and one imperfect but irreplaceable United Nations. The choices we make will determine whether multilateralism restores trust, manages transformation, and delivers for all, or becomes a cautionary tale of promises made and forgotten.
Because noting the limits of multilateralism should no longer mean that we renounce multilateralism. We need even more multilateralism and even more UN, a stronger UN in defending its principles, more effective in preventing and peacefully settling disputes, more representative in its decision making structures, and closer to the realities of the people. The world needs a UN that strengthens and re-establishes trust. A UN that listens without turning away from the concerns of those people that it serves, who decide without losing sight of those for whom it works and which promises, without forgetting that it needs to keep its promises. International trust cannot be restored just through speeches. It is established through the respect of shared rules. And here we're talking about international law. Unfortunately, we are seeing a worsening of geopolitical tensions and a worrisome return to war at the heart of international relations. Violations of international law and of the United Nations Charter are increasing in number. And the weakness of our responses are akin to a type of tolerance that we seem to be willing to accept. Given this situation, Togo would like to reaffirm its firm belief in international law is not an obstacle to power. It guarantees its legitimacy, its predictability, and its stability. It protects the most vulnerable states and also serves the lasting interests of the most powerful. By preventing uncontrolled clashes by shoring up exchanges, and by establishing trust. Togo thus defends a pragmatic type of multilateralism that transforms commitments into results that scaffolds power dynamics with shared rules and organizes the peaceful coexistence of interests. Mr. president, Togo supports efforts as part of the UN initiative to improve the effectiveness, the coherence and the accountability of our organization.
The principality calls on all countries to show more ambition in their national contributions, and not to abandon island and coastal states, which are the most vulnerable, because the climate crisis is no longer a distant threat. Heatwaves, fires and floods are multiplying, and the Mediterranean, which my country borders experienced last year, its second highest surface temperature ever recorded. And because science is being questioned, let us recall, as the prince did in Cop 30 in Belém, that science has never been as certain, as accessible and as clear. Four years before the 2030 deadline, the Sustainable Development agenda must not become the symbol of our broken promises. Let us be candid as we take stock. States alone cannot make progress. We need to have a renewed framework for cooperation with those who create wealth and shape innovation. Businesses, first and foremost, and civil society.
Small states must never become collateral damage in the competition among larger powers. The security of a small nation is no less important than the security of a large one. The credibility of multilateralism depends on fairness, but it also depends on delivery. The true test of multilateralism is not whether we can agree in this room. It is whether our agreements can transform lives outside of this room. That is why I welcome the central challenge of this 81st General Assembly, restoring trust. Excellencies. The world does not need another generation of promises that remain unfulfilled. It needs delivery. It needs institutions that respond faster. It needs financing that reaches vulnerable countries more efficiently. It needs partnerships that produce measurable results. And it needs a multilateral system that people can believe in again. For Dominica, restoring trust means closing the gap between international commitments and the lived experience of our people. It means ensuring that when the world says it supports climate resilience, resources actually reach the communities that need them. It means ensuring that when we call for sustainable development, financing mechanisms do not make sustainability harder to achieve. And it means recognizing that the challenges confronting small island states are not marginal issues. They are an early warning of the challenges that the wider world will increasingly face. The United Nations must remain a place where every country, large or small, can believe that its voice matters.
But above all, I hope they will be able to say something much simpler: that we gave them more opportunities than we had ourselves. Because that is ultimately the responsibility of leadership. Not simply to manage the present, but to expand the possibilities of the future. At the beginning of my address, I spoke about the meaning we attach to keeping one's word. And perhaps this is also what the United Nations needs most today. Not new promises for every new challenge, but a renewed confidence that the promises we have already made still carry weight. To uphold the UN Charter, to protect human dignity, to preserve peace, and to leave those who come after us with more possibilities than we inherited ourselves. Excellencies, Montenegro will continue to do its part at home, in our region, and here at this great organization of the United Nations. I thank you very much.
Humanitarian needs are rising, while the resources available to meet them are rapidly declining. Nationalism, intolerance and political polarization are weakening the spirit of international cooperation. At the same time, the climate crisis continues to destroy lives, livelihoods, and public infrastructure, particularly across the developing world. According to the United Nations over 40% of the global population are vulnerable to the destructive effects of climate change, and governments in developing countries spend over 10% of their GDP to respond to this. This painful fiscal trade offs come at the expense of investment in the education and health, which should never be the case for millions of vulnerable people. Global development can sometimes appear to be moving from one framework to another framework. One set from one framework to another. One set promises to the next.
After the unimaginable World War II, started by Christian civilized Europe, we could not have hoped for anything less. But it seems that human beings can never really have enough wars, and never really learn lessons of history, never really care. After the Holocaust came the glorious birth of the State of Israel, but then came the Palestinian Nakba, 1948. Over the following years, we read about the wars of partition, famines in South Asia, the Korean War, the onslaught in Cambodia, Laos-Vietnam, the infamous Khmer Rouge genocide, later the Bosnian genocide, Rwanda genocide, and so many other wars. Then came the end of Cold War, bringing us euphoria, celebration, new promises of peace. The Berlin Wall collapsed, apartheid ended, but the seeds of future wars were sown, just as NATO and Gorbachev inked the post-Cold War arrangements. The ink had not even dried, and NATO began its fast eastbound expansion. As expected, for more than 4 years we have had this devastating war in Ukraine, a war that now has backfired into Russia.
We call upon development partners and multilateral institutions to bridge financing gaps, enhance pandemic preparedness, and ensure equitable access to diagnostic tools, medicines, and vaccines worldwide. As the Chair of NAM, Uganda continues to uphold the principles of unity, peace, and solidarity among developing nations. We remain dedicated to advancing the international covenant on the right to development, aiming to transform the 1986 Declaration into a binding operational instrument that tackles structural global inequalities. We look forward to hosting the ministers of NAM member states and observers at the Ministerial Meeting of the NAM Coordinating Bureau in Kampala from December 2 to 4, 2026. Mr. President, as the selection process for the next UN Secretary-General progresses, Uganda has presented a candidate in the name of Ambassador Olara Othunu. Ambassador Olara Othunu brings over four decades of distinguished service across the UN system, international diplomacy, and public administration. As the inaugural Special Representative for Children and Armed Conflict 1998-2005, he placed the protection of war-affected children firmly on the Security Council agenda and established the monitoring and reporting mechanism under Resolution 1612 in 2005. His extensive experience, statements shipped, and proven capacity for consensus building make him exceptionally qualified to lead the Secretariat at this critical time. As I conclude, Mr. President, for eight decades the United Nations has stood as a central pillar of international peace, human rights, and development. While acknowledging its vital achievements and convening power, we must continue to reform the organization to ensure it becomes more transparent, cost-effective, efficient, and representative. Through renewed international cooperation, the UN can truly deliver on its founding promises for all humanity.
Excessive consumption of the few drives the emission that is currently choking our planet. Yet, delayed promises add a brutal toll on the loss of lives and the devastation of infrastructure. If we are to survive this crisis, we must act now, and act fast. Speaking of actions, my country, Ethiopia, will proudly host COP32 in November 2027. Ethiopia will help organize a vibrant and inclusive platform for the private sector and international stakeholders to pioneer tangible solutions to climate action. In this connection, I sincerely invite all world leaders to come to Ethiopia and leave their footprints at this important global climate summit. With regard to the digital revolution and artificial intelligence, Africa is compelled to ask a very defining question: will the age of the AI become another instrument of global inequality, or will it be a catalyst for our collective growth? We must ensure that the Global South leads this technological revolution, rather than remain a helpless spectator.
Honduras exercises sovereignty over the full extent of its national territory. Moreover, it administers its natural resources in accordance with its constitution. The law applies to each and every individual, in all four corners of the country, because without legal security and certainty, and without respect for private property, there can be no peace, development, employment, or investment. The right to development is something that it is the duty of the country's government to ensure for the millions of Honduran people. Honduras makes good on its promises. It honors its agreements and its treaties. These principles are neither selective nor biased. I visited Ukraine three months ago. There I saw a people defending its freedom and fighting for it, in full respect of its territorial integrity and its political independence. I saw a country protecting civilians and working to achieve a lasting peace. Security cannot be imposed by decree. It is something that is built with resources, with training, and with political resolve.
Mr. President, digital transformation and the rise of artificial intelligence are rightly considered to be one of the great promises of our time. The Global Digital Compact must become a reality: affordable connectivity, skills transfer, data protection, and a governance of AI in which developing countries decide instead of simply being users. The transformation also requires facing history with lucidity. The wounds left behind by colonization are still being felt on our continent. Reparations are not simply reopening a feud of the past. They are a demand for justice for the future, recognition of the wrongs committed, restitution of cultural goods and archives, equitable cooperation, debt relief. There are many possible paths. The African Union has prioritized this, and the CAR fully supports these efforts.
As the United Nations enters its ninth decade of existence, we have a collective duty to demonstrate that multilateralism remains the best response to the challenges of our time. We must choose dialogue over confrontation, cooperation over isolation, and solidarity over indifference. We must restore trust among nations, ensure that the rule of law prevails over the use of force. Place human beings at the heart of our decisions and make our diversity a source of strength, rather than a cause for division. Only then will the United Nations continue to embody the hopes of peoples and fulfill the promises that led to its creation. Cote d'Ivoire, true to its values and firmly committed to peace, dialogue and multilateralism, will continue with humility but with determination to contribute to this collective endeavour, because we believe that the destiny of humanity remains profoundly shared. Finally, it is incumbent upon us to ensure that the United Nations remains for present and future generations, a true crucible of human dignity and the guarantor of a better world I thank you. On behalf of the General Assembly.
But the international system can widen or narrow our choices. Technology transfer, resilient supply chains and accessible finance expand choice. Technological dependence, external shocks and unsustainable debt limits it. This is why reform of the international financial architecture matters. We must implement the Sevilla Commitment and deliver on its promises on finance, debt and reform. Earlier this year, the Maldives joined other developing countries in launching the Borrowers’ Platform. It must become a lasting mechanism that gives developing countries not just a place in the financial system, but a voice in shaping it. But for SIDS, greater agency also depends on progress at home. We must build our institutions, improve stability, and attract responsible investment and meaningful partnerships. And these partnerships must build national capacity and support national ambitions. Partnerships must serve national needs, strengthen what we have and leave us more capable than before. Our shared challenges can become shared opportunities. This is the spirit of President Dr Muizzu’s Maldives First policy.
Our world shaped by uncertainty, disruption and rapid change, but also by hope, innovation and opportunity. For Samoa, the theme is a promise the world must keep. Can trust be restored? Can transformation protect the vulnerable? The answer lies in the first words of our UN charter we the peoples. We must always put people at the centre of our decisions. For us, this is underpinned by the core values of our Samoan culture. The first Samoa and our faith such as respect, dignity, love, protection and service. Excellencies, every decision in this hall shapes the world that every child inherits. We meet at a pivotal moment in history. Profound and transformative changes are not only necessary, but inevitable. Across many societies, people are increasingly asking whether global institutions are delivering on the promises made to them. We must prepare ourselves to face the challenges ahead with resolve, and use the opportunity to herald in much needed reforms for the benefit of all, and leaving no one behind. For Samoa, multilateralism remains the cornerstone of our international engagement. Only through genuine cooperation and mutual trust can we craft solutions that no single nation could achieve alone. The UN initiative has merits, but also its risk, if not fully assessed and understood. Any reform must strengthen delivery on the ground by eliminating duplication, improving coherence and accelerating impact. Critically, such reforms must not weaken the operation of the UN Multi Country Offices or the Resident Coordinator system. We also are more reaffirms its unwavering commitment to the United Nations as the premier forum to address global crisis. We also caution against premature decision taken without the full consideration and endorsement by Member States.
And as we mark 80 years of membership to the United Nations. When Thailand joined this organization, the postwar international order was still taking shape. Today, it is being reshaped once again. Many of its old certainties are giving way. But what comes next is not yet settled. We are seeing many transformations taking place. Power is becoming more fragmented. Strategic competition is becoming sharper and international rules are under strain. At the same time, technology is transforming our societies. While climate change is testing our resilience, our institutions, however, are struggling to keep pace. Confidence in our ability to work together is weakening, and that is why this year's theme speaks directly to the task before us. Managing the transformation requires trust. Trust between countries, trust in the rules we share, and trust that our institutions can deliver. But trust cannot be taken for granted. It must be earned. Trust weakens when principles are applied selectively. When. When countries have little say in decisions that shape the future and when promises made in this assembly fail to improve lives beyond it. Rebuilding trust means addressing each of these concerns. We must uphold common principles and consistently, we must give countries a genuine stake in the international system, including a stronger voice for the global South. And we must take shared responsibility for turning commitments into results. Mr. president, the UN's purposes remain as relevant as ever to promote peace and security, human rights and dignity, sustainable development and cooperation among sovereign equals. But we cannot build lasting peace if security is assured for some and denied to others. Universal human rights lose their meaning when applied selectively. Development loses its purpose when prosperity remains in the hands of a few. For Thailand, peace means more than the absence of war. It requires dialogue to settle differences and respect for international law, so that all countries can live with security and dignity. The situation in Palestine continues to demand our attention. It reminds us that the principles we uphold must protect people when they need them the most. That is why humans must be. Human rights must be universal in practice. As a member of Human Rights Council, Thailand believes that our work must reach beyond resolutions and make a real difference in people's lives. Development must be people centred and sustainable. Growth must improve people's lives. Today, without closing off the opportunities of tomorrow. Consistent application of principles gives countries the confidence that they will be treated fairly. But that confidence must also extend to how decisions are made. Countries need to know that their voices count. Mr. president, the UN's membership has become nearly universal, but representation has not evolved at the same pace, and international system cannot command trust. If large parts of its membership feel they have too little to say in shaping it. Rebuilding trust requires shared ownership. The United Nations must reflect today's world, not the distribution of power. 80 years ago. And that is why Thailand supports Security Council reform that gives developing countries and underrepresented regions, particularly in the global south, a greater role in decision making. Asia, too, must be better represented. For all its economic weight, Asia must be able to help shape global decisions and carry more responsibility for the outcomes And representation must also mean that women have a meaningful voice in the decisions that shape our common future. They are already at the forefront of this organisation's work, from development to peacekeeping. As the UN considers its next secretary general, maybe it is time that this representation be reflected at the highest level. Representation and effectiveness must advance together. We commend Mr. Secretary General Antonio Guterres for his commitment to reform, including through the UN aid initiative. We stand ready to work with his successor to carry this work forward. Mr. president, having a stronger voice in global institutions means countries working together on the problems closest to them.
Our experience on this demonstrates that when we invest in feasible projects, and remain people-centred, development can move from promises to measurable results. It is in this spirit that H.E. President Samia Suluhu Hassan, accepted the responsibility of championing Maternal and Child Health for the African Union. Under her leadership, Tanzania reduced maternal deaths by 80 per cent in just seven years. We now aim to advance the Three Zeros, i.e., Zero Preventable Maternal and Child Deaths; Zero home deliveries; and Zero Unvaccinated Children. Our experience shows that this is an agenda that Africa can successfully achieve, but it will require sustained political leadership, adequate financing, and stronger partnerships.
International commitments must be translated into action and bring people lives of peace, security, dignity and happiness. It is for this reason that the Pact for the Future and the 2030 agenda, our promises to present and future generations must be implemented earnestly and in full. Commitments on financing for development, including. The severe commitment must be translated into concrete measures, expanding access to long term financing at affordable cost, supporting countries burdened by debt, and amplifying the voice of developing countries in international financial and monetary institutions. The multilateral trading system must be strengthened in an open equitable and transparent manner, ensuring development opportunities for all countries. Climate action must be accorded its rightful place in development cooperation, particularly via the adaptation finance, technology transfer and a just energy transition. Development must be people centred and leave no one behind. Growth must go hand in hand with social progress and equity environmental protection and the safeguarding of people's livelihoods, especially for vulnerable countries and communities.
At this juncture of global development, the success of reforms should be reflected by the conflicts prevented development advanced, assistance delivered, and communities strengthened. The selection of the next Secretary-General, therefore, comes at a defining moment. The next holder of the office should be an impartial custodian of the charter. An independent voice for peace, a bridge builder among member states, and an advocate for those whose voices seldom reach these halls. The process should be transparent, inclusive and guided by merit. Equitable geographical representation and gender equality. Above all, the next Secretary-General must bring the United Nations closer to the people. The charter begins with we, the peoples of the United Nations. Those words should guide how the organization listens, how it communicates, and how it measures the success. In conclusion, Zimbabwe will assume its role in the Security Council. Mindful that membership is not a badge of honor, but a commitment to serve the comity of nations. We will serve with balance and integrity, defend the sovereign equality of states, advance Africa's priorities and work constructively with all regions Let this 81st decision be recorded as the session that closed the gap between the promises of the charter and the realities of the daily life, Zimbabwe is ready to play its part in building the future we all want.
End of quote. The implementation of the TRIPP project is thus becoming reality with tangible steps. The Framework Agreement on Strategic Cooperation on the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity Project signed between Armenia and the United States of America, will soon be ratified by the National Assembly of the Republic of Armenia. We are currently working with the United States Government to establish the TRIPP Development Company and to sign a shareholders agreement. Accordingly, Armenia will initially have a 26% stake in the TRIPP Development Company, and the United States will have a 74% stake. The agreement provides that in the event of its extension, in the 50th year, the Republic of Armenia's share will become 49% without additional investment. One of the practical expressions of the TRIPP project will be the implementation of paragraph three of the Peace Declaration adopted by me and the President of Azerbaijan on August 8th, 2025, and signed by the United States President as a witness. Paragraph three of that declaration reads, quote, we reaffirmed the importance of the opening of communications between the two countries, meaning Armenia and Azerbaijan for intra-state, bilateral and international transportation for the promotion of peace, stability and prosperity in the region and its neighborhood on the basis of respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and the jurisdiction of states. These efforts are to include unimpeded connectivity between the main part of the Republic of Azerbaijan and its Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic, through the territory of the Republic of Armenia, with reciprocal benefits for international and intrastate connectivity for the Republic of Armenia. End of quote. The implementation of the TRIPP project will be of historic importance for the Republic of Armenia. For the first time since the early 90s, Armenia will get railway connection with Azerbaijan and thus also with Russia, Central Asia and China. However, it should be emphasized that after the peace summit on August 8th, 2025, Azerbaijan opened its railway to Armenia and now we have a railway connection with Azerbaijan via the territory of Georgia. The implementation of the TRIPP project will create a direct railway connection between Armenia and Azerbaijan, as well as a railway connection from Azerbaijan to Azerbaijan via the territory of Armenia and from Armenia to Armenia via the territory of Azerbaijan. Because Armenia does not have a railway connection between its northern and southern regions, and in practice this is possible only via the territory of the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic of the Republic of Azerbaijan. While Azerbaijan does not have a railway connection with its Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic, and this is in practice possible only via the territory of Armenia. In the near future, we will restore the railway sections of Meghri and Yeraskh in the Republic of Armenia, which existed during the Soviet Union and were later destroyed, and the railway connections I mentioned will be opened. But this will also have huge international significance because, in parallel with the construction of the aforementioned railways, we are waiting for the opening of the Armenia-Turkey railway. Together with the TRIPP project, this could become one of the most important events in the field of international logistics in recent decades because thus, a new railway connection will be opened between China, Central Asia, Turkey and the European Union. All this opens up another crucial opportunity for international logistics, because the restoration of the railway connection between Armenia and the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic of the Republic of Azerbaijan restores the railway connection also between the Persian Gulf and the Black Sea. This is an important nuance because it shows why and how the implementation of the TRIPP project promises great benefits to all countries in our region. And these potential benefits can thus become a cornerstone of long-term stability and peace, especially between Armenia and Azerbaijan. After almost 35 years of conflict, we are now discussing issues of building pipelines, power lines and roads in addition to the east-west railway within the framework of the TRIPP project. And this will enable not only the Republic of Armenia, but also the entire South Caucasus to become a Crossroads of Peace.
The true test of international cooperation is whether a child in a conflict-affected community can live without fear. A young person can find decent employment, a family can afford food, and a developing nation can access the finance required to build its future. Trust among nations has eroded on multiple fronts. Multilateral commitments have too often gone unmet, financing pledges have not yet been fulfilled, and developing countries face trillions of dollars in annual investment gaps to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. Furthermore, billions of people reside in countries where governments are forced to spend more on debt servicing than on healthcare or education. Restoring trust cannot be achieved through declarations alone. It requires that promises already made be honored, and that our institutions demonstrate the capacity and will have to respond to changing global realities. Since the Eswilwini Consensus was adopted in 2005, sadly, Africa still has no permanent seat on the UN Security Council.
President, Liechtenstein joined the United Nations 36 years ago as its 160th member. We did so driven by the conviction that we, as one of the smallest members of the international community, should be part of the most important conversation on global governance, with the participation of all states, big or small, in developing international norms and standards, and also in upholding respect for them. Sovereignty was a key theme of our domestic discussions, resulting in our UN membership. We joined out of enlightened self-interest the belief that we need the UN to secure respect for our sovereignty through upholding international law as the basis for our security and prosperity. To this end, we also decided to make our own contribution to make best use of the opportunity offered to us as a small state, to be an active part of the biggest peace project in the history of humankind. President, our belief in the United Nations remains steadfast. This is the place where we can make our voice heard, where we can put ideas forward, and where we can gather to try to solve the issues that affect us all. We have greatly benefited from our membership, and the UN has consistently been a key platform for our foreign policy. Our membership has consistently enjoyed high levels of support in our population, but today we also find ourselves in a moment where instability and uncertainty dominate the conversation. Our organization no longer seems able to deliver on the key promises of the UN charter to save future generations from the scourge of war. It can no longer count on the unconditional support of its most powerful members for the guiding rules of international law. It is increasingly ignored or sidelined in efforts to address both the traditional and new challenges, such as the regulation of artificial intelligence. It is permanently squeezed financially. Legal obligations to pay are turned into tools to exercise political leverage. As a result the United Nations has moved down the foreign policy agenda, even of states who have a strong history of supporting it. We can no longer take it for granted that our people will continue their strongly positive views of our organization. President. This is the difficult moment in which we find ourselves. But rather than engaging in doomsday scenarios, we have to find the opportunities hidden in the challenge. The overwhelming majority of the states present in this room believe in the United Nations. They want to see positive change for the UN to emerge stronger, more effective, more relevant. But we all have to be prepared to be part of the change that we want to see. Resisting the temptation of collective inertia and of waiting for positive change to happen on its own, will require our active political investment. We are grateful to Secretary-General Guterres for his service to the organization, and for his proposals to adapt the organization to the needs of today. On the basis of his ideas, our delegations here have done good work that will show positive results over time. This is important. It shows that we can come together also during times of deep political division. It is also not enough. The steps we have taken are just the beginning of what we need, a political agreement that combines significant structural change with a reliable financial commitment and firm support for the UN charter from all. This is also the vision we are looking for in the person that will be appointed as the next Secretary-General. We hope that this decision will come very soon, in order to give the new Secretary-General the time she needs to prepare for this most unique of jobs. And we remain convinced that having a woman at the helm of the United Nations is long overdue for an organization that prides itself on its role in gender equality. President. At its core, the United Nations is a peace organization.
The theme of this session, Restoring Trust, Managing transformation. A United Nations that delivers for all, reflects the core of our responsibilities towards the common goal of this organization that was established after the horrors of the 20th century. They decided to rely on the strength of law and not that of the might. They decided to choose dialogue instead of confrontation. Our responsibility today is to maintain the scores, and we have to counter the selectivity in applying international law, especially when there is a systematic avoidance of collective commitments. Some countries do not want to uphold the same rules that they call on others to uphold. This leads to weakened collective cooperation mechanisms. We no longer can prevent conflicts or settle them. This danger extends to institutions that might falter and fail. Multilateralism is not limited to the interests and sovereignty of states. It is not a a an example of weakness. It. Instead, it is a necessity to ensure human dignity, bring peace, and confront challenges. Defending the United Nations is a defense of the right of all peoples to determine their future and participate in decision making. Those decisions that define their destiny. We want a more just United Nations. A United Nations capable of confronting the current challenges. Challenges. After more than eight decades since the establishment of the UN, the Security Council reform has become a necessity to ensure. A fair representation of Africa, including permanent and non-permanent. Membership. While reviewing the financial architecture, this will ensure a participant cooperation on equal footing and open greater opportunities for development. The reform of this organization cannot be complete without promoting its ability to meet the promises of development. As 2030 approaches, we call for accelerating the implementation of the SDGs, and we support the UN 80 initiative as well as the pact of the future.
We are a country that protects 33% of our territory and 54% of our seas. Last year we announced here our pact for nature and the Natural Panama Fund, which are initiatives that we're already progressing on. Today I am announcing that Panama will lead internationally an effort to recognize the universal rights of nature. And I ask all of you to support us in this initiative. As head of state. Thank you very much. As heads of state, we know all too well that trust is not something that can be decreed through resolutions. Confidence and trust is won on the ground when institutions fulfill their promises, when international law is applied without selectivity, and when peoples see that the multilateral system delivers concrete actions and results.
of this United Nations, my country, Saint Lucia, though small in geography, but large in courage, dignity and conviction, took its seat among the community of nations brimming with hope, optimism and trust in the promise and goals of this body. Today we meet at a moment of profound international uncertainty. Conflict is spreading, trust is eroding, developmental gains are being reversed, and the rules intended to protect humanity are too often applied selectively. For small island developing states, these crises are not abstract. They are lived realities. Climate change threatens our homes, livelihoods and very existence. Debt limits our ability to invest in people. Digital technologies are transforming our societies. Without safeguards, they can reproduce old patterns of domination in a new form. And in our own Caribbean neighborhood, people of Haiti continue to endure a humanitarian and security crisis that demands more than statements of concern. The theme before us, Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: a United Nations that delivers for all, must not remain a slogan. Trust will be restored only when promises are matched by action, when commitments are honored, and when the United Nations delivers meaningful results for every nation. And when there is due regard for multilateral principles, not only for the most powerful, but for the weakest of us as well. This assembly should not be a place where the world expresses sympathy without accepting responsibility. We need action. We need justice. And we need a renewed international compact based not on power, but on principle. We need multilateralism, not unilateralism. And in the words of the former UN secretary general, the United Nations was not created in order to bring us to heaven, but in order to save us from hell. For Saint Lucia, climate change is not a distant environmental issue. It is a direct threat to national security, economic stability, food and water security, and human survival.
Mr. president, the injustice of this century has a history, and history presents its bill. This month, Caricom advanced its ten point plan for Reparatory justice, building on this Assembly's recognition in March of the trafficking and racialized enslavement of Africans as crimes against humanity. The wealth of empires was built on the stolen lives of our ancestors, including enslaved children. It is important that the former colonizers have recognized this atrocity as recognition was, and still has been a vital step. But recognition without repair is only a sentence on a page. We call on the nations that profited to engage seriously with reparatory justice. We call on them to engage in truth, apology, restoration and development. Mr. president, the founders of this organization made their promise in the ruins of war. We should not need ruins to find our own courage. The United Nations was not created to manage the decline of its own promise. It was created to build on those promises. These are not uncertain times. The only uncertain thing is how we respond to these times.
Our world is changing at a pace far exceeding the ability of international governance institutions to respond. Our crisis does not lie in the absence of charters and principles, but rather in the widening gap between what we proclaim and what we implement, and between those who make decisions and those who are affected by them. Our world does not need a merely symbolic multilateralism that brings together states in open discussions. Rather, it needs effective multilateralism in which every state has a voice and every people receive a fair share of decisions, opportunities, and resources. It is no exaggeration to say that confidence in the effectiveness of collective action and the multilateral system has declined. There is an urgent need to restore adherence to international law to avoid policies based on power, polarization and double standards. It is no coincidence that the countries of the Global South, which comprise the overwhelming majority of the world's population, are among those most harmed by the decline of the rule of international law, the weakening role of international organizations, and the fragility of global governance and international cooperation frameworks. From this perspective, Egypt, as a founding member of the United Nations, believes that restoring trust requires three interconnected pillars justice and representation and decision making, justice and the application of the law and justice in the distribution of development and transformation opportunities. This is not a call to rebuild the international system from scratch. It is a call to fulfill its original promises and purposes. Notably, sovereign equality among states respect for law, peaceful settlement of disputes, international cooperation for the benefit of peoples, and enabling them to reap the benefits of accelerating scientific progress. The multilateral international system remains an indispensable choice. However, its survival depends on strengthening justice and ensuring the effectiveness and sustainability of its institutions. Instead of merely repeating the principles for which it was established without making meaningful action. Mr. president, if justice in the application of rules is the litmus test of the credibility of the international system, then the Palestinian issue remains the clearest example of the existing dysfunction.
It must make our societies better. We must not allow further slippage in our pursuit of the Sustainable Development Goals. We must renew our commitment to them, not as an inventory of promises but as a covenant with our peoples and practical blueprint for ensuring the development reaches every citizen. Protects generations yet unborn and creates lasting, inclusive prosperity. One way to arrest the slippage is, as Guyana is doing, to mainstream the goals into our national development strategies, public policies and budgets so that they become embedded in the priorities we set and the resources we commit rather than remaining aspirations. The SDGs must not only guide our ambitions, they must shape our choices and our national priorities in Guyana. We have made significant advances, including universal health care, free education, modern infrastructure, accelerated access to affordable housing, opportunities for full employment, acceleration of financing for small and medium sized enterprises, and digitising service delivery. Mr. president, two years ago, at this very podium, I committed Guyana to provide global leadership on biodiversity. In July 2025, under Guyana's leadership, the Global Biodiversity Alliance was established as an inclusive platform. In just one year, the alliance expanded from 17 to 138 members, bringing together governments. Institutional organisations including the UN development banks, indigenous peoples, local communities, scientists, universities and the private sector. The second conference of the of the Alliance, to be held in October 2026, will begin to mobilise the resources and partnerships to deliver its ambitions. At the same time, we continue to advance our low carbon development strategy, focus on turning forest stewardship and climate action into a new model for sustainable development. Mr. president, as we commence this 81st session, we have the opportunity to build a United Nations that is truly fit for purpose. The crisis confronting multilateralism can become the catalyst for its renewal. The United Nations must not be a monument to the past.
Today, Central Asia is becoming an example of constructive inter-state cooperation as well as economic, infrastructural and technological development. In this regard, we are ready to share the experience we have accumulated along this path. Distinguished heads of delegations. For the first time in its history, Kyrgyzstan has been elected as a member of the United Nations Security Council for the 2027 2028 term. Taking this opportunity, I would like to express my profound gratitude to all countries that supported our candidacy. The support of 142 member states not only confirms Kyrgyzstan's readiness to contribute to international affairs, but also demonstrates the growing role of the Central Asian region in international relations. This achievement is clear evidence that even small states can make a meaningful contribution to addressing global challenges. We fully understand that membership in the Security Council is not a privilege or reward. It is a great responsibility. One year ago, standing at this stage, I stated with confidence that Kyrgyzstan is among those states whose experience enables them to put forward substantive issues for consideration by the Security Council. We do not forget the promises we have made and will make every effort to implement them fully. Therefore, I would like to reiterate Kyrgyzstan firmly adheres to international law, justice and the protection of human rights and supports the multilateral system based on mutual respect, balance of interest and responsibility towards future generations. We intend to work closely with every country and remain committed to productive cooperation. Distinguished colleagues as you all may know, since the establishment of the United Nations in 1945, its member states and leaders have attempted to undertake systematic reforms. Reforms have ranged from expanding the membership of the Security Council to modernizing mechanisms of governance, peacekeeping and the protection of human rights. These initiatives continue to be actively discussed at the international level. However, despite numerous efforts and years of discussion, the institutional structure of our organization continues to face various challenges. Therefore, I believe that expanding the membership of the Security Council is one of the reforms that the international community expects. I consider it fair to grant two permanent seats to the African continent, with a population of more than 1 billion people and one permanent seat to Latin America. Today, the world has changed. At the same time, a number of developed countries have also expressed their aspiration to become members of the Security Council. I believe that the request of this country should be also considered. Another issue, in my view, the weakness of effective mechanisms for ensuring the implementation of the decisions of the organization. The systematic failure to implement the organization's decisions undermines the legitimacy of multilateralism concept, creates the impression that international law is not binding and encourages disregard for international obligations. Therefore, we must expand and strengthen the authority of the United Nations. In this regard, we propose to develop the United Nations mechanism for the implementation of decisions and accountability. First, it is necessary to establish, within the framework of the General Assembly, the permanent Public registry of the implementation of resolutions and obligations by Member States. This registry could include the following information and ensure the implementation of such mechanisms as. First, systematically record and verify the level of implementation of adopted decisions. Second, establish the obligation for Member States to regularly submit report in accordance with the agreed standards. Third, provide analytical reviews on sectors and regions. Fourth, ensure transparency and equal access to information for all states. The registry could be administered by the United Nations Secretariat with the support of independent experts. If decisions of the organization are systematically not implemented, I propose the gradual response mechanisms. The first stage an official notification to the concerned state, followed by consultations with the relevant bodies of the organization. The second stage deployment of a monitoring mission to the country concerned to assess the objective obstacles, preventing the implementation of the decision and to prepare recommendations. The third stage consideration of the case right here at a plenary meeting of the General Assembly to determine the status of the concerned state in terms of its systematic implementation or non implementation of United Nations decisions. The fourth stage, the initiation of appropriate procedures under the charter of the United Nations with regard to states that fail to comply with the requirements. In particular, the matter could be referred to the United Nations Security Council for consideration of restrictive measures provided for under international law, including the first temporary restriction on participation in United Nations programs. The second, recommendations to review existing formats of cooperation and other diplomatic measures, where appropriate. Distinguished colleagues, I believe that when cases of systematic non-implementation of United Nations decisions are considered, the permanent members of the Security Council should voluntarily refrain from using the veto. If a mechanism designed to ensure the implementation of the organization's decisions is systematically blocked by permanent members through the use of the veto, such practice would no longer be consistent with the spirit of the UN charter and the principle of equal responsibility of Member States. Therefore, we should once again consider the possibility of voluntarily restraining to use the veto in matters related to the implementation of the organization's decisions. This approach could promote universality, the equality of all states, regardless of their size, the primacy of diplomacy, and avoid the double standards. In order to implement this initiative, I propose establishing to open a working group within the General Assembly with the participation of the interested Member States. The working group could conduct inter-governmental consultations and prepare a report on possible models for the proposed mechanism. Following these consultations, the General Assembly and the Security Council should consider adopting the relevant resolutions and decisions. The strategic objective of this initiative is to ensure that the decisions of the organization are treated not merely as political recommendations, but as genuine international obligations. Improvement of their implementation would strengthen the rule of international law and reinforce confidence in the United Nations. Kyrgyzstan is ready to initiate interstate discussions on the development of such a mechanism. Starting from the 1st January 2027, as a member of the United Nations Security Council, we intend to formally submit all these proposals to the relevant committee. Distinguished colleagues, I would like to address separately the issues of sanctions. As we have all observed today, sanctions are in some cases, used by individual countries as an instrument to interference to the internal affairs of sovereign states.
And how can we make cooperation a genuine partnership among nations, rather than a carving-up of spheres of influence? We, in the Arab and Islamic world, and on our African continent, do not approach this question as observers, for we live its consequences every day. That reality unfolds before us at every moment in Palestine, whose delegation, we regret, has not been able to participate with us in this session. There, the plight of the Palestinian people continues to worsen after decades of occupation, repression, and alteration of their identity, yet they remain steadfast in their adherence to their right to life and to self-determination. These are rights guaranteed without discrimination by international law and international humanitarian law. All of humanity yearns for international instruments and resolutions to move from texts and promises to a reality, and for the right of the Palestinian people to their state to be realized in accordance with international law. The continued undermining of these prospects for its establishment not only squanders opportunities for peace; it also drives the region toward a widening cycle of conflict, the spread of extremism, and a search for alternatives amid major expansionist projects that extend beyond occupied Palestine to Syria and Lebanon. Neither the Islamic and Christian holy sites, nor civilians, nor civilian infrastructure in Palestine have been spared the ravages of this conflict. Its repercussions have extended to the Arabian Gulf, most recently in the attack against the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. We affirm our full solidarity with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in safeguarding its security, its territorial integrity, its citizens, and its holy sites. We reject any targeting that threatens it or endangers Islamic holy sites. The security of the Kingdom and the Gulf, given their Arab and Islamic weight, is not a national matter, but it is a pillar of the security and stability of our region. The ongoing armed conflict in the Sudan, our brotherly neighbor, has made its people the victims of a devastating war for which they are paying a hefty price. In that war, interests and interventions collide, and its effects extend beyond the borders of Sudan, endangering the security and stability of the region and the unity of its states. The instability in the Sahel region represents an existential threat to the integrity of its states. That threat stems from the nexus of terrorism, organized crime, poverty, climate change, displacement, and migration, and from the widening of the cycle of armed conflict in the region.
Mr. president, I have raised today concerns this organization and what it has promised. So does this. The Security Council does not reflect the world as it is. It reflects the world as it was in 1945, when most of the countries in this hall did not yet exist as sovereign states. Naoero therefore calls for reform that expands both the permanent and non-permanent categories. A body that speaks for all of us should look like all of us. Mr. president, as I draw my statement to a close, the matters I have raised may appear separate. They are not. Our name is about sovereignty. How we are measured is about justice. The deep sea bed is about opportunity and responsibility. Our partnerships are about standing as equals. One principle binds them the rights of every people to be treated as an equal and to speak for itself. You have convened this assembly to restore trust, to manage transformation, and to deliver for all. Trust is restored when promises are kept. Transformation is managed when decisions lead to action. And we deliver for all only when we deliver for the small. Everything Naoero has asked for today was agreed in this hall long before I took this floor. I am not asking this assembly to be braver than it has ever been. I am challenging you to be as good as your word. Say our name. Let the waiting end.
In Yemen, we're not confronting a purely local terrorist militia. Rather, we face an extension of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps with which uses. Which is also using terrorist groups to threaten international peace and security. The Houthi militias use of the safety of navigation as a tool for blackmail threaten not only Yemen. It is taking hostage the entire global economy. Recent years have clearly demonstrated a truth that the international community must not dismiss, namely, that ensuring security at sea begins with eliminating the source of the threat on land. Protecting ships is important, but it only addresses the consequences and does not remove the threat. Therefore, we warn the world do not be reassured by false promises from a terrorist militia that has repeatedly made endless commitments, just as it failed to honor them. Its abstention from targeting ships today does not mean at all. It will not do so tomorrow. It is a strategic mistake. It is a strategic mistake to assume that maritime security can be sustained through assurances that can be walked back. A lasting maritime security in the Red sea, Bab el Mandeb and the Gulf of Aden cannot be built, while a non-state armed militia remains on the shores. Nor is the threat confined to Yemen and the Red sea. International reports have exposed growing cooperation between the terrorist Houthi militias and terrorist organizations, including in the Horn of Africa, through networks linking militias, terrorist groups, smugglers and organized crime networks, thereby undermining states and threatening security and stability. Ladies and gentlemen We say with full confidence, and we firmly believe that restoring the Yemeni state and restoring the security of Bab el Mandeb are inseparable. They are not two separate issues, but one and the same. Supporting the Yemeni government and strengthening its economic, security and military capacities is an investment in international peace and security. Protecting this strategic waterway is a shared regional and international responsibility which Yemen cannot shoulder alone. It is the responsibility of every economy that depends on secure supply chains, energy security, and freedom of navigation. In this regard, we commend the initiative of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to establish a multinational maritime defense coalition. This initiative reflects a deep appreciation and understanding of collective responsibility to protect navigation, deter threats and combat smuggling. The path to a secure at sea requires a stable Yemen. There is no stability in Yemen without restoring the state, sustainable peace cannot be achieved while an armed militia remains above the law and outside state authority, restoring the Yemeni state is restoring. The Yemeni state is not just a national interest, it is a direct contribution to regional security and stability and to the protection of one of the world's most vital maritime corridors. Ladies and gentlemen our Yemeni people aspires to peace, but our people will not abandon their state. Our government is committed to peace, but it cannot accept that the armed coup becomes a fait accompli. There is no peace with arms outside state authority.
Our experience has taught us, however, that no national transformation can fully bear fruit in an international order in which principles remain unequally applied and in which institutions are not sufficiently adapted to the realities of our time. That is why our ambition for the United Nations is inseparable from what we hold dear for our own country. We want a transformation that inspires confidence and trust because it keeps its promises, and trust that makes transformation possible in the long term. At a time when humanity hesitates between fragmentation and cooperation, it is up to us to make this ambition our collective responsibility. Restoring trust means applying the law, even when it is costly, not only when it is convenient. Supporting transformation means sharing its benefits equitably. Putting the UN at the service of all means ensuring that no people is too far away to be protected, or too deprived to be heard, or too rich in resources to remain sovereign. The DRC intends to play its full role in this effort. At the heart of Africa, it will pursue its own transformation while contributing to that of our organization. We are convinced that justice rendered to the UN will strengthen the security of all, because it is by restoring to institutions the strength of their principles to peoples, the proof of our word, and to future generations the right to hope that we will restore the full meaning of the promise of the UN together. Thank you.
Mr. president, the theme of this session, Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: a United Nations that delivers for all, perfectly chimes with the concerns of those peoples aspiring to peace and progress, even while bombs and other devices of mass destruction are endlessly causing death and devastation in every corner of our planet. How can we restore trust and manage transformation in the world, so that the United Nations can effectively bring peace and good fortune to all peoples? How then, can we achieve this goal? I would recall that our previous session called upon us to act better together. That message remains just and it remains relevant, but it requires us to take stock to look at what has been accomplished and to acknowledge what has not been accomplished. Because trust is not built through more and more promises, but rather through their effective implementation for the benefit of the peoples. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, trust cannot be decreed. It is built, it is earned, and it requires truth and justice. How to restore trust when for decades, propaganda has been used to maintain the idea of a poor Africa condemned to do everything it is told to do to survive, thanks to the assistance of supposed international generosity, even while its resources, its riches are stolen and locked away for the benefit of other agendas. How to restore this trust when the international institutions that are supposed to protect us have become the tools of a world order in which some peoples count and others merely survive, and in which international law does not apply equally to all. What can we say of the crimes committed in Libya, in Iraq, in Palestine in Lebanon, in Cuba, in Venezuela, and in our Sahel, the Sahel, in the name of supposedly universal values, which nevertheless remain unpunished. Those crimes, even while sovereign nations are threatened with sanctions for simply having wanted to decide on their own fate. Niger, my country is following with deep concern the tragic situation in Palestine, particularly in Gaza where civilians are paying an unbearable human cost. We call for the effective protection of civilian populations, for unhindered humanitarian access, and for the pursuit of just and lasting peace. Niger reaffirms its support for a two state solution, allowing the State of Palestine and the State of Israel to live side by side in peace, security and dignity. How to restore trust when 81 years after San Francisco, Africa, with its more than around 1.5 billion inhabitants and its 54 states, still does not have a single permanent seat on the Security Council. Through me, Niger reaffirms its commitment to the Ezulwini Consensus and calls for this historic anomaly to no longer be the subject of sterile debates, repeated day after day to at long last, become subject to a full and concrete decision. Excellencies, Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, our Sahel is at war. It is in a war of liberation against a conspiracy aimed at recolonizing it. What is happening in the Sahel is not merely not simply an armed rebellion or a war of religion, nor is it the inevitable result of our own weaknesses, what some call terrorism in our region is the cynical machinery of recolonization dressed in the trappings of extremism.
Distinguished members, we all derive our livelihood and the source of our life from nature. But our world stands on the threshold of serious environmental and climate related threats. Air, water and soil. And also many living species are being affected by climate change. While developing countries and the Pacific region are experiencing the climate crisis to their very core, they unfortunately face serious difficulties in accessing the funding they need. This November we'll host the COP31 summit in Antalya province of Turkey. At the summit, we will ensure that climate justice is given particular prominence. With the partnership we have developed with Australia, we aim to make COP31 an implementation COP where financial commitments are fulfilled, technology transfer is accelerated and promises are actually translated into concrete steps. So COP31 will be made a point of uniting us all. Taking this opportunity, I invite you to the COP31 Leaders Summit. In 2017, my wife, Mrs. Emine Erdogan, initiated the zero waste movement with the slogan the world is our common home, and this initiative has now evolved into a global campaign to raise awareness. It is a fact that there are for sure many ways to tackle the climate crisis. The zero waste movement is the strongest bridge where all these paths meet. I believe that with your support, this bridge will become even stronger. I would also like to draw your attention to the following fact.
