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Mr. President. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. We must acknowledge that the challenges that we have faced for decades, namely food insecurity, disease armed conflict, or natural disasters are still with us. Thus for Madagascar, as for many other nations, the new emerging challenges must not overshadow the priorities that still require our attention. The theme of this 81st session calls upon us to assume our shared responsibility for our destiny, and for that of future generations, with clear vision placing collective action, the common good, and the welfare of humanity at the center of our responses to the profound transformations shaping our world. In light of these intersecting transformations and challenges, the question of trust in our collective action arises with renewed urgency. Indeed, we must admit, taking into account all the hopes and expectations that we, the peoples of the United Nations, have placed in our organization, that trust has gradually eroded over time. The most vulnerable populations affected repeatedly or continuously by health crises, food insecurity and hunger, the impacts of climate change and conflicts exacerbated by current geopolitical tensions sometimes come to feel a certain skepticism regarding our collective capacity within the United Nations system to respond to the scourges of our age. Mr. President.
Mr. president and Excellencies, the challenges that impede our sustainable development are increasing. We must respond by implementing science based emission reductions, scale up national climate commitments and accelerate transition to renewable energy. We demand accessible and predictable adaptation grant financing to support investments in resilient infrastructure. We must operationalize the loss and damage fund. And further, we must keep the 1.5°C goal and sustain methane reduction. This is not a substitute for long term decarbonization, but can slow near-term warming, protect vulnerable communities and oceans, and preserve critical time for those on the front lines of the climate crisis. Micronesia endorses the proposed Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation treaty. A just and orderly transition away from fossil fuel is now inseparable from the wider geopolitical and economic realities shaping global energy markets. Instability in the Middle East and volatile fuel prices are the vulnerability of small island developing states to expensive fuel, unstable supply and widespread economic fragility. Shift to renewable energy is an economic necessity. Solar, wind and ocean based technologies can reduce dependence on external fuel markets, strengthen energy security, and lower emissions in line with science. The world must accelerate the transition to resilient, affordable and community centred renewable energy system. Mr. president, our people are the most important and most valuable national resource. We remain committed to delivering effective public services and advancing Micronesia priorities for our citizens wherever they reside.
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No. 3
Burkina Faso09/28 · first at about 17 min3 mentions
The conclusions of the High Level Political Forum of July 2026 confirmed that the international community remains far away from achieving the Sustainable Development Goals. Four years before the 2030 deadline, we no longer have any time left to make nice statements. It's now time to act, to provide equitable financing and achieve economic justice. In light of these challenges, collective, ambitious responses with solidarity are necessary. The Pact for the Future, the Compromiso de Sevilla, the Doha Programme of Action, the UN80 Initiative and the Awaza programme of action for landlocked developing countries can contribute to making the multilateral system more effective, more inclusive and more focused on results as long as they do not just remain promises. Our priorities must be clearly defined reducing the digital gap, strengthening climate resilience, investing in human capital, consolidating and strengthening education and health systems, supporting industrialisation, ensuring the effective participation of youth and women in decision making. International solidarity is necessary. However, the experience of the AES also shows that the mobilisation of domestic resources as supporting trust, national solidarity and the participation of citizens is the best tool available for freeing up our economic potential.
Mr. President. Mr. Secretary General. Excellencies, distinguished delegates, dear friends of Georgia, it's a privilege to stand before this assembly on behalf of Georgia, a nation shaped by centuries of history, resilience and engagement with the changing world. We meet at a time of considerable change in the international environment. Developments in different parts of the world are challenging existing arrangements and raising questions about the future of the international order. In this context, maintaining peace and strengthening international cooperation remain key priorities.
Everyone is being harmed, from Asia to Europe, from Africa to the Americas. No country is immune. They have serious economic and social impact and are already having undesirable consequences for all of us and also for the parties involved. This is a senseless crisis because it's harmful to everyone. We must put an end to this collective masochism, and we must do it quickly to close this chapter, which is a chapter of widespread harm. We all have a duty to learn from the lessons of the crisis of the 1970s and avoid repeating what happened then. We will be judged by how we handle this challenge. On the one hand, it is urgent to put an end to the protracted conflicts and on the other hand, starting now, we must discuss and decide on complementary ways to mitigate the impact of this energy crisis and prevent it from being prolonged. It is my belief that it would also be beneficial to discuss the mechanism by which international oil prices are determined. I do not have a concrete solution which is very complex and difficult, but I wonder if it makes sense for all of us to be so dependent on speculation and the volatility of financial and futures markets, which affect the entire production sector, even when the instability originates only from a portion or a limited period of that production. Excellencies, we also bear the intergenerational responsibility to accelerate the energy transition in order to reduce dependencies and mitigate the effects of climate change. I will share with you that in Portugal, we feel the devastating impacts of climate change firsthand in the increase in forest fires, coastal erosion, and the degradation of marine ecosystems, and also and more frequently in extreme weather events, new such as storms, high winds and flash floods. That is why we take a strategic approach to the energy transition. More than 70% of our energy production comes from renewable sources. We have anticipated our carbon neutrality target to 2045. We maintain close collaboration and continued support for countries that are particularly vulnerable to climate change, and we are investing in innovative solutions, such as agreements to convert debt into green investment. Climate change and freedom of navigation share a common priority of our policy: the sea and ocean. Protecting the marine environment and its biodiversity, combating ocean warming, addressing the threat of sea level rise and ensuring universal freedom of navigation are essential priorities on the ocean agenda, which is an agenda we all have to pay attention to.
Mr. President, the sustainability of our oceans and fisheries is closely linked to the changing climate, and the pressures we face on our marine resources are increasingly compounded by its impacts. Climate change remains one of the most pressing challenges to our development and way of life. Sea-level rise, coastal erosion, saltwater intrusion and extreme weather events continue to place pressure on our communities, infrastructure, water security and livelihoods. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change Sixth Assessment Report reinforces the urgency of these challenges and particularly the risks faced by small island States. Through our long-term national development vision, the Kiribati Vision for 20 years, and our national priorities under Te Motinnano policies, we continue to invest in resilient infrastructure, water security, coastal protection, disaster preparedness, renewable energy and community-based adaptation. Our objective is clear: to continue building a wealthy, healthy and peaceful Kiribati, where our people can live with dignity, in peace and with opportunities. Renewable energy is increasingly important to Kiribati’s development and energy access. We therefore see greater investment in renewable energy as an important opportunity to reduce our reliance on imported fossil fuels and strengthen the resilience and sustainability of our energy sector. But national action must be matched by international action. We call for greater ambition, stronger support for adaptation and climate finance that is adequate, predictable and accessible, particularly for Small Island Developing States. Kiribati recognises the importance of international law in addressing climate change. The International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion on climate change advances climate justice by affirming that all States have binding duties to protect the climate system and achieve deep, rapid, and sustained greenhouse gas reductions consistent with limiting warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius. We welcome growing recognition that climate resilience must be locally owned and driven. The Pacific Resilience Facility is a Pacific-led, Pacific-owned mechanism that strengthens the region’s capacity to finance climate and disaster resilience. The Pacific’s co-hosting of COP31 with Türkiye later this year further demonstrates the value of local action.
Ladies and gentlemen. Our vision at this stage is based on our national will to restore the sanctity of the law enhance state institutions, and strengthen citizens trust in them. These are our governing priorities. We are striving to ensure that the state is the ultimate decision maker in matters of peace and war, and that weapons and tools of power remain in the hands of its constitutional institutions. This is so that the law is the final authority, and national interest is the compass. Our implementation measures in this field are moving on track, as they represent the basis for building a state based on institutions protecting sovereignty. Ensuring stability And creating the environment necessary for development and investment. With the end of the international Coalition's mission in Iraq.
Central to that experience has been the value of the United Nations system acting as one, coordinated around priorities that we ourselves defined, rather than delivered through separate and uncoordinated channels. This is what the United Nations that delivers for all looks like in practice. And we commend this model to the organization as it advances the UN80 Initiative. We further stand ready to contribute our experience to emerging instruments, such as the proposed Global Fund for AI capacity building, so that the promise of artificial intelligence may be governed responsibly and shared equitably among all nations. We are grateful for the UN's continued support in this digital transformation journey. Mr. president, the Kingdom of Lesotho remains committed to the 2030 agenda. We have accelerated reforms in business development, trade facilitation, public financial management, youth empowerment, and renewable energy.
Our experience in southern Africa has taught us that dialogue is a shared fortitude and not a weakness. In the African tradition, the meeting place is not where courage is abandoned. It is where wisdom is summoned. Lessons can be drawn from the heritage based approaches to peace building and conflict resolution from communities across the world, including within Africa. Military action may alter the battlefield, but durable peace is built through inclusive political processes that restore confidence, address grievances and allow affected communities to shape their socioeconomic and political destinies. Mr. President, Zimbabwe's grateful for the confidence placed in us through our election to the Security Council for the 2027 to 2028 term. My country will assume this responsibility in January 2027 with humility, independency and a readiness to serve, guided by our foreign policy of being a friend to all and an enemy to none. Accordingly, my country will prioritize four priorities in the Council. Firstly, the promotion of preventive diplomacy, mediation, and peaceful dispute resolution while tackling the underlying causes of insecurity. Secondly, we shall advocate for the strengthening of cooperation between the United Nations and the regional organizations such as the African Union and its Peace and Security Council. In this respect, we call for the full implementation of resolution 2719 to ensure predictable, adequate and sustainable financing for authorized African Union led peace support operations. Thirdly, our nation believes that our rich heritage and natural resource endowments must advance industrialization, modernization and the green agenda for the prosperity of all and not to finance conflict. As such, Zimbabwe shall support Africa's Silencing the Guns agenda and strong action against terrorism, organized crime, illicit arms flows, and illegal resource trafficking. Finally, women and young people must shape peace. From the outset, the support of Zimbabwe will also be extended to the women and youth peace and security agendas. The current times demand peace keeping that is grounded in clear political strategies, realistic mandates and adequate resources. Those most affected by the decisions of the Security Council should not be the least heard. There is need not only give a voice, but consider the views of the countries and regions on the Security Council agenda towards our shared aspirations for enduring peace and sustainable development.
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No. 10
Sierra Leone09/22 · first at about 5 min2 mentions
Of course, nations have legitimate security needs, but the speed with which the world finds resources for war compared to prevention and development, reveals a grave disorder in our priorities. The credibility of international law also depends on who has the voice in applying it. The credibility weakens when institutions entrusted with the law preserve an unequal distribution of power. The Security Council still reflects the world of 1945. Africa, home to more than 1.6 billion people and the subject of most of the council's work still has no permanent seat. That's not fair. Africa seeks its rightful place because the council cannot be fully legitimate or effective while an entire continent remains permanently absent from its highest level of decision making. No durable global solution on peace, climate, food, energy or technology can be built without African leadership. The common African position espoused in the Ezulwini Consensus and Sirte Declaration calls for no fewer than two permanent seats, with all the rights and privileges of permanent membership, including the veto if it is retained, and five non-permanent seats. As coordinator of the African Union Committee of ten, Sierra Leone will continue to advance that position. Years of intergovernmental negotiations without realizing the reform has tested the credibility of the process. Before this session concludes, member states should have a consolidated model, which we committed to in the pact for the future. Sierra Leone speaks with the authority of service. During our time on the Security Council in 2024 2025, we worked as a voice of reason and a bridge across Division. We convened the Security Council's first high level debate on redressing historical injustice against Africa, placed conflict related food insecurity at the centre of its agenda and with Guyana, Co-drafted unanimously adopted resolution 2807 on youth, peace and security, strengthening young people's role in conflict prevention and peace building. Mr. president. Representation becomes meaningful when it changes decisions and improves lives.
Through the 2050 strategy for the Blue Pacific continent, we have set our own course and identified our thematic priorities. For Tonga, investing in the ocean and nature is foundational in achieving its development, ambition. Protecting and restoring them builds our climate resilience. It strengthens our food security and enables a sustainable blue economy.
Non-Communicable diseases cut short too many lives and diminishes the quality of lives of too many people in my country and in our region. These diseases, detecting them early and ensuring effective treatment are national development priorities for Antigua and Barbuda. Mental health challenges are increasing. Preventable vision loss denies dozens and dozens of our people opportunities to learn, work and live independently. Antigua and Barbuda will continue to champion mental health, strengthen our universal health programmes to address non-communicable diseases, and place eye health firmly within our development priorities. This November, Antigua and Barbuda will host, along with the Commonwealth Heads of Government, a global eye health summit, the first of its kind to move the international community from advocacy to action against the growing burden of preventable sight loss. We invite member states and partners to join us and support an eye health compact that expands access, strengthens prevention and treatment, mobilizes finance, and integrates eye health fully into our development strategies. Excellencies, two years ago, the international community gathered in Antigua and Barbuda and adopted the agenda for small island developing states, ABAS, our ten year framework for sustainable development and resilient prosperity. Now excellencies becomes the real hard work of implementation.
Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, sovereignty is not a rejection of cooperation. Sovereignty is the ability of a people and a nation to freely determine their priorities, to defend their legitimate interests, to choose their partners, and to preserve their independence in decision making. And this is the understanding of sovereignty that the Republic of the Congo upholds. And we intend to continue pursuing a foreign policy based on non-alignment, diversification of partnerships mutual respect among states, and the rejection of any foreign interference in domestic affairs. We are open to the world, but we intend to remain masters of our choices and our destiny.
Here is the most uncomfortable thing I came to say. The hardest pill to swallow in my speech. This organization has not been commensurate with the challenges of our times. It's not only a leadership problem, one of the present or the future, but rather a problem in terms of action. For decades and for several reasons, the United Nations has not been part of the solution to the problems I've outlined. We cannot simply continue to play by the same rules of an order that was established in 1945 in 2026. What we've seen is the development of a UN architecture that holds too many discussions and is too quick to act. A Security Council that reflects the political arena of 1945 and the reality and not the reality of 2026. We have red tape that continues to proliferate, as is true for indeed many countries. We're seeing agendas that, however noble they might appear have ultimately postponed what this organization committed to do with its founding charter that is maintain peace, protect rights, life, and defend the freedom of its peoples. We believe in the United Nations, and believing in the United Nations means ensuring that the organization discharges its mandate. I propose three things reducing bureaucracy and focusing our resources where there are lives at stake. We must suspend agendas that are not priorities to return the spotlight to those that really are priorities. We must reform the Security Council, not as a symbolic gesture, but as a vital prerequisite to ensure that the council's decisions are once again respected and upheld. Chile signed the San Francisco Charter and has been present, ready and willing to defend all of its causes. We are committed to the High Seas Agreement known as the BBNJ, and we proposed Valparaiso as the headquarters of its executive Secretariat. That means that we now have the first UN body to ever have had a headquarters in Latin America and this is an agreement which brings together many different sectors in Chile to play this role, this housing of this headquarters is an expression of the multilateralism that we believe in a tangible, ambitious and able to yield results. There needs to be a multilateralism that is effective and efficient. And allow me to say that the reforms I talked about cannot wait.
It must make our societies better. We must not allow further slippage in our pursuit of the Sustainable Development Goals. We must renew our commitment to them, not as an inventory of promises but as a covenant with our peoples and practical blueprint for ensuring the development reaches every citizen, protects generations yet unborn and creates lasting, inclusive prosperity. One way to arrest the slippage is, as Guyana is doing, to mainstream the goals into our national development strategies, public policies and budgets so that they become embedded in the priorities we set and the resources we commit rather than remaining aspirations. The SDGs must not only guide our ambitions, they must shape our choices and our national priorities.
President, over the past week, we have listened to leaders, ministers and representatives from every region of the world. They have spoken of different priorities and concerns. Yet they have also revealed how much we have in common. We have been reminded that the biggest challenges we face do not respect national borders, and no country, however large or powerful, can address them alone. It is clear we live in a more contested, fragmented and volatile world. The number of active conflicts in the world has doubled in the past 20 years. The number of conflict related deaths has reached levels not seen in decades.
We will work with all Member States to advance essential consensus based priorities for Guinea-Bissau as a developing country, multilateralism and respect for international law are not mere concepts. They are an existential necessity. Ladies and gentlemen, Guinea-Bissau follows with concern the humanitarian consequences of the measures imposed against Cuba. We therefore reiterate our call for the lifting of the economic commercial and financial embargo, as well as other restrictive measures that affect the Cuban people and essential sectors of that country's economy.
Mr. president. With a great sense of humility and respect, I address you and the excellencies here in this illustrious hall. More than eight decades ago, the founders of the United Nations understood that no peace built on brute force could stand the test of time. They opted instead for law, cooperation, and dialogue as pillars of a new international order. Today, this conviction is facing one of the toughest tests it has faced since the organization's foundation. The world stands in a period of deep rooted fragmentation. The world is deeply polarized. Armed conflicts are dragging on longer than before. Transnational organized crime is broadening its capacity to act. Its tentacles are growing longer. The effects of climate change are growing ever more intense. Development divides remain, and the technological transformation is posing unprecedented challenges to our institutions. At the same time, trust in multilateralism is waning precisely when we need it most. Standing before this landscape, Costa Rica reaffirms its belief that no state, no state can alone address challenges that are common to us all. Multilateralism is a prerequisite for the preservation of peace, to promote sustainable development and to protect human dignity. However, multilateralism will only preserve its dignity if it proves able to yield tangible results. Specific results for people for human beings. Costa Rica champions a United Nations which is more agile, more efficient, more transparent and more accountable to its member states. Our organization should establish priorities, do away with overlaps, make prudent use of its resources, and measure its results.
But security is not only about borders and war. People also need the chance to build a future where they live. They need homes, schools, health care, and ways to earn a living. Poverty and the lack of opportunity can drive people from their countries, just as conflict can. Hungary will continue to support development that helps communities build that future based on their own needs and priorities. We are ready to share our experience in education, health and digital development. Water is another area where our interests meet. Drought can destroy crops, threaten food and energy supplies, and take away people's income. Climate change is making these pressures greater. Rivers also cross borders. What one country does can affect the water available to another. This makes cooperation essential. Hungary has experience in water management, sustainable agriculture and climate adaptation, and we are ready to share it. For many countries represented in this hall, food, energy, education, health and jobs are immediate concern.
Artificial intelligence and digital technologies must serve human development, strengthen local technical capacities and respect national development priorities. Mr. president, as an active member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, the Lao PDR reaffirmed that a united, integrated ASEAN serve as a cornerstone of regional peace and multilateral stability. We remain steadfast in supporting ASEAN centrality within the evolving regional architecture, where ASEAN led mechanisms foster trust and practical cooperation. This year carries special significance as we begin implementing the ASEAN Community Vision 2045, alongside its strategic plans across the three community pillars. It also marks the 50th anniversary of the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia, a foundational framework, whose core principle of peaceful coexistence and mutual respect remain fully relevant today. ASEAN remains the bedrock of the Lao PDR regional engagement. Mr. President, despite severe external economic shocks and natural disasters, the Lao economy continues its steady recovery through strong national ownership and strategic international partnership.
That reflects who Latvia is, and that reflects what Latvia believes in. At the core are real people. That is why Latvia will continue to do everything possible to help return Ukrainian children deported to Russia. Those children have been taken from their families, their communities, and their country. We know such stories from the darkest chapters of history. Today, those things are happening again. We support every genuine effort to secure the return of Ukrainian children. We are very grateful to the First Lady of the United States, Melania Trump, and her efforts to help bring those children home. These children need to come home now. The most vulnerable must be protected. And this includes conflict-related sexual violence. Survivors need justice. They don't need silence. These priorities underpin Latvia's bid for a seat on the Human Rights Council at 2028 elections. Mr. President, Excellencies, we need a place where every state, large or small, has a voice. Where threats to peace can be confronted together.
With the 2030 agenda less than four years away, only 36% of assessable SDG targets are on track. Achieving these goals requires renewed political will, stronger partnerships with the private sector, reform of the international financial architecture, and a United Nations development system responsive to the evolving needs and priorities of developing countries. Consistent with the Compromiso de Sevilla, we call for stronger international cooperation to mobilize development financing, facilitate technology transfer and strengthen capacity building. As a country that has newly attained upper middle income status, the Philippines knows that income classification is not the end of the journey. Our metrics must evolve to capture the structural vulnerabilities, debt burdens, and inequalities that continue to affect middle income countries. Put a face to the digital revolution and to the rise of artificial intelligence.
For some, security means protecting borders; for others, it means food, water, energy, or the future of their children. And many countries face all of these challenges at once. That is why a world ruled mainly by power rather than by rules would be dangerous for everyone. For small countries such as Slovakia, this is especially clear. But no country, large or small, is truly safe in a world where international law is ignored and institutions are weakened. Sadly, we no longer need to imagine such a world. We can already see parts of it around us: trade is becoming less predictable, security cooperation is more fragmented, the idea that every country should have a voice is under pressure. And when rules are weakened, when cooperation is replaced by confrontation, all of us become more vulnerable. But we still have a choice. The international system we have built is not perfect. It can be slow. It can be frustrating. At times, it does not deliver as quickly as people need. But the solution is not to destroy it. The solution is to make it work better. Slovakia is firmly anchored in the United Nations, NATO, and the European Union. We believe in cooperation. But we also believe that institutions must produce real results. Over the past year, Slovakia has hosted several international meetings and offered space for dialogue. Where we can be useful, we are ready to help bring parties together and to support diplomacy within the UN framework. Because when diplomacy stops, confrontation fills the space. That is why, when we speak about the United Nations, I believe in evolution rather than revolution. The world has changed, and the United Nations must change with it. The Security Council should better reflect today's realities and give a stronger voice to countries and regions that are still underrepresented. Countries from the region often understand a crisis best. Giving them a stronger voice can help us act earlier and prevent escalation. Slovakia sees its engagement in UN reform as a part of its responsibility to this Organization, including through UN80 and the implementation of the Pact for the Future. Our responsibility to the wider international order is also reflected in our candidacy for the Security Council for 2028 and 2029. We would be, of course, grateful for your trust and support. If elected, Slovakia will focus on four priorities: international law and the UN Charter, accountable security institutions, the protection of strategic resources and critical infrastructure, and the security challenges linked to digitalization and artificial intelligence. I fully share the concern of the United Nations about the inequalities that can be created by unequal access to artificial intelligence. It is in our common interest that innovation benefits all of humanity, not only the strongest economies or the biggest companies.
During our Security Council term, Austria will make emerging technologies the protection of civilians, children in armed conflict, and women's full participation in peace processes priorities. Children must never be treated as collateral damage. Women must have a real voice at the negotiating table as leaders and peace builders, not as an afterthought. Peace also requires dialogue. Dialogue is not and will never be weakness. It is the refusal to give violence the last word. During the Cold War, states that deeply distrusted one another still met in Vienna.
Mr. President, Africa has the youngest population on Earth. That is an extraordinary asset if we invest in it. But what is a demographic dividend today can become a demographic crisis tomorrow if opportunity does not keep pace with aspiration. Youth unemployment remains one of the most urgent challenges of our time. Managing it is a shared responsibility. Botswana calls upon the United Nations Development Programme, the International Labour Organization, and all relevant multilateral institutions to make technology transfer, skills development, and capacity building funded priorities. As we will all agree, the credibility of our multilateral commitments will be properly tested in development finance. When countries have the means to invest in their people, and when international institutions respond effectively to shared threats, trust is strengthened.
An issue central to current global conversations is that of AI. India hosted the AI Impact Summit this February, gathering together the best minds on that subject. We view AI as a transformational driver for human empowerment, economic prosperity, and population scale problem solving. We believe in the right of each nation to shape its ecosystem, with the development of its own models and deployment strategies consistent with its national goals and priorities. AI will be very much part of our partnership agenda with the Global South. As technology is democratized, this process is greatly facilitated, Mr. President, by an ethos of mutual respect. Indeed, care and consideration for the interests and viewpoints of others reinforces even the prospects of peace.
It provides common rules when interests compete, and it allows us to combine our capacities when no country can act effectively alone. This is why Indonesia continues to believe in the United Nations. But believing in the United Nations also means believing that it must evolve with the world it serves. Let us be clear that the answer to imperfect multilateralism is not less multilateralism. It is a stronger and better multilateralism. A multilateral system fit for the 21st century must be more representative, more agile and better able to deliver. Institutional transformation will not happen overnight, but the urgency of today's challenges requires us to act now. We must start by strengthening our collective capacity to withstand crisis, responding effectively to global crisis and humanitarian situations, and sustaining peace, development and cooperation. At the same time, international financial architecture must also evolve to respond better to the needs of developing countries and to give them greater space to pursue their own development priorities and build their resilience. But stronger institutions alone will not save multilateralism. Institutions are only as strong as the principles we are willing to uphold. International law must be upheld consistently.
We call for stronger international cooperation to protect young people from nicotine dependence and to put public health before profit. Resilience must also transform into how we power our homes, move our people, and connect our islands. Energy security is climate security and national security. Through the Manubada Call to Action, the Pacific reaffirmed a shared vision of 100 percent renewable energy and a just, inclusive, and equitable transition away from fossil fuels. This is not about reducing emissions; it is about reducing vulnerability to imported fuel, external shocks, and prices we do not control. Palau is carrying that regional commitment into national action. Our latest commitment targets a 44 percent reduction in fossil fuel use by 2035, supported by renewable energy generation and practical policies that make the transition affordable and reliable. Our energy future reflects a larger truth: resilience requires partnership shaped by our priorities and respects our sovereignty.
Yet our ocean faces increasing pressures from pollution, biodiversity loss, overexploitation and the impacts of climate change. Pursuing economic growth has come at a great cost to our marine ecosystem. Coupled with unchecked exploitation of deep seabed mineral resources, our oceans face a crisis of limitless proportion. And these planetary changes have no middle ground. Weak governance frameworks threatens what remains. Without urgent action, small island states face a future without land and no usable ocean. It is time to transform how we value and interact with the ocean, from a resource we exploit to one we protect and cherish. And we must do more on this front. Samoa has ratified the BBNJ Agreement, and we remain actively engaged in negotiations toward a global treaty on plastic pollution, particularly to protect our marine environment. We remain committed to implementing the Apia Commonwealth Ocean Declaration, the 2026 Pacific Islands Forum Leaders' Ocean Statement, and our own Samoa Ocean Strategy. These are critical to the implementation of SDG 14. Our maritime domain is increasingly exploited by transnational criminal networks involved in illegal trafficking including illicit drugs moving through our region. Illicit drugs enter homes, harm young people, fuel violence and place increasing pressure on communities and essential services. Excellencies. Non-communicable disease represents one of the most serious development challenges to Samoa's public health and economic productivity. In response, we are shifting towards prevention through strengthening health literacy, reforming school nutrition and food environments, and early intervention programs. And this includes our early childhood development framework, a multisectoral roadmap to ensure every child from pregnancy to age five receives nurturing care, protection, and early learning. Excellencies. In many of our Pacific countries, our water systems are highly vulnerable to disruptions, and these realities demand that the global water agenda fully recognise the special circumstances of SIDS. Samoa's priorities are fourfold. First, climate resilient water systems must be scaled up urgently. Second, access to finance must be significantly improved, and third, capacity and partnerships must be strengthened. And finally, we need a transnational water governance regime informed by the outcomes of the various water conferences held over the last eight years. Excellencies. Samoa remains a peaceful country, steadfast in our commitment to human rights and justice. We remain concerned by the ongoing wars in Ukraine, Gaza and Iran, the terrible loss of civilian lives, displacement of people as well as the destruction of infrastructure and the environment, is something we do not condone. The continued supply of weapons to fuel conflicts must end. We also reiterate our long standing call for meaningful reform of the Security Council to ensure that it remains effective, credible and representative of today's realities. It is imperative that the UN resolves disputes peacefully and strengthen international peace and security. The world needs a stronger commitment to peace, not more division, not more conflict and not more suffering. Excellencies.
Likewise, we underscore the relevance of a dedicated representation for Small Island States and Low-Lying Coastal Developing States. Mr. president. Regional and international partnerships remain indispensable to achieve our economic and social objectives as Suriname continues to actively engage in various regional bodies and mechanisms including CARICOM, CELAC, ACTO, and Brasilia Consensus. As Suriname prepares to be the chair of the Caribbean Community CARICOM in 2027, we are also committed to further strengthen our partnership globally in different areas of shared interest. Our regional priorities are practical food and energy security, climate resilience, improved connectivity and movement of skilled people, transportation of goods and services. These are essential to economic integration and our ability to withstand external shocks.
This is the case with international cooperation. Every society must be able to shape its future in accordance with its history, needs and priorities. Cooperation is not about imposing one's own values or a single model. It is valuable when it creates partnerships, facilitates the sharing of expertise, and strengthens everyone's capacity to act independently.
Instability is further exacerbated when competition goes unchecked, commitments are left unfulfilled and international law is applied selectively. An erosion of trust is further impeding efforts at cooperation. What should concern us is not only how the international order is changing, but where the change will take the world. Change is inevitable, for it is part of the objective course of history. However, conflict and confrontation are not inevitable. From our own history, Vietnam understands the cost of war, the value of independence, and the power of reconciliation and cooperation. It is therefore my belief that the theme of this session Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a UN that delivers for all aptly reflects the urgent demands of the time. Distinguished guests. From the losses of the Second World War, humanity created the UN with the aspiration to prevent wars, safeguard peace, promote cooperation, and place relations among nations on the foundation of common principles. Over the past eight decades, despite its limitations, the UN has helped sustain dialogue, advance decolonisation, uphold the right of peoples to self-determination and support development. This must be preserved and carried forward. Our institutions must be reformed to keep pace with the times, while fundamental principles of the UN charter must be respected and reinforced. What we seek is a more equitable, democratic and inclusive international order where every country has a voice and every nation has the opportunity to develop. The mission of our generation is to help shape and manage change so that competition does not turn into confrontation, differences do not lead to conflict, and advances in science and technology do not create new divides. In this spirit, I wish to put forward four key priorities. First, we must restore trust among nations on the basis of respect for the UN charter and international law. The UN charter and International law formed the Foundation for the International Order. They must be respected fully, consistently and without selectivity. All states must respect each other's independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and right to choose their own path of development; refrain from interference in internal affairs and refrain from the threat or use of force inconsistent with the UN charter. Restoring trust does not require countries to erase differences, but rather to manage such differences responsibly. Crisis must be prevented, competition must be kept under control and dialogue must be sustained. Major powers should lead by example in respecting international law, exercising restraint and responsibly addressing common challenges.
Azerbaijan's commitment to international solidarity and cooperation is equally reflected in our development and humanitarian assistance. In recent years, Azerbaijan has significantly expanded the scope of its international aid with particular attention to small island developing states and African partner countries. Since 2020, we have provided humanitarian, economic and technical assistance worth approximately USD 400 million to more than 140 countries. As we mark the 40th anniversary of the declaration on the Right to Development, Azerbaijan reaffirms its commitment to partnership based approaches founded on solidarity, mutual respect and shared development priorities. Ladies and gentlemen, as we inch closer to 2030, it is becoming even more apparent that the world remains off track in implementing the Sustainable Development Goals. Azerbaijan is firmly committed to the 2030 agenda for Sustainable Development, having integrated the SDGs into its national development strategies institutional frameworks and voluntary national review processes, while placing particular emphasis on connectivity, green growth, digitalisation and sustainable urban development. In less than two decades, Azerbaijan's GDP has increased threefold, while the poverty rate has declined from 49 to around 5%.
Reflecting its emphasis on regional ownership, it brings together partners from the Middle East, North Africa, and the Gulf. This commitment to regional cooperation and regional engagement is also demonstrated through the Cyprus Center for Land, Open Seas, and Port Security, jointly created with the United States. In its four years of operation, it has provided specialized training to thousands of government officials from more than 50 countries from the Middle East, Africa, and Europe. Excellencies, the ability to bring different interests together was also at the heart of the Cyprus Presidency of the Council of the European Union during the first half of this year. For six months, a country of fewer than one million people assumed the responsibility of steering the work of a union of 450 million citizens. For Cyprus, this was both a responsibility and an opportunity: to listen, to negotiate, to build consensus, and to help the European Union and its member states move forward on common priorities. Our size did not diminish the responsibility to lead, nor did it diminish our ability to fulfill it. Our position is clear.
As a region of vulnerable island nations, we rightly define our own security priorities, and they deeply cut across every sector, placing a safe future for our youngest generation beyond grasp. As fuel and energy costs are rising beyond our ability to respond, impacts from bigger power plays halfway around the world are amplified tenfold in small, remote economies. The international community is not listening closely to small island developing states, and it is not responding fast enough. Too often, the purported solutions for island nations don't seem to know the problem.
For Namibia, effective implementation of the key commitment of the Pact for the Future would be beneficial in accomplishing Namibia's national priorities, namely agriculture, sports, youth empowerment, quality education and training, creative industry, health and social welfare, land, housing, and sanitation. I wish to urge all member states to consider the implementation of the Pact for the Future as a critical international priority for development. As part of our developmental agenda, we are preparing our young people for the emerging industries in Namibia, such as oil and gas, renewable energy, and green hydrogen, among others. Subsequently, this year we have introduced 100 percent subsidized registration and tuition fees for Namibian students entering universities and vocational training centers, and encourage them to take up appropriate courses. The government of Namibia has established the National Youth Development Fund last year. As a result of this fund, young people have set up their own medical practice, law firms, milling plants, and poultry businesses, to mention a few, thus contributing to job creation and poverty eradication. Namibia also takes cognizance of the rapid advancement of artificial intelligence in advancing human progress in line with the Global Digital Compact. However, we call for ethical, responsible, inclusive, and human-centered development and use of artificial intelligence with appropriate safeguards to ensure that technological advancement complements and enhances human capability rather than undermines it.
I am appearing once again before this assembly on behalf of the Republic of Panama, a nation whose own geography defined its destiny. It's the bridge of the world and connects continents, cultures, and markets. At a time in history in which geopolitical fractures threaten to polarize us in a dangerous manner, Panama reaffirms its historic vocation to bring people together and seek common understandings. I must say that polarization is coupled with a large mass of people who feel that international organizations have forgotten the values and priorities of the majority of citizens. I'm referring to those who wish to progress in peace, to be able to work and return home safely. Also, those who defend the institution of the family that has its own credo and a culture forged throughout the centuries that today is being called into question. The majority feel under pressure due to the actions of progressive multiculturalism, that a large part of society is not prepared to accept, almost under coercion. I'm a president that comes from a great nation, a crucible of different cultural heritages that forged a society that's open to the world, with a strong belief in peace. This was all achieved over many years without any imposition, so this means that it happened naturally. I'm convinced that the United Nations has immense potential in a world with so much volatility and such strong asymmetries. But it needs to take up, again, its leadership in order to engage in preventive actions and corrective actions. I am a person who believes in and defends multilateralism, and I am convinced that peace and prosperity of nations must be grounded in international law as a guiding principle of relationships between nations. And these theoretical arguments must also be expressed with palpable results. We must recognize now that citizens do not believe that these types of meetings are that beneficial for them. And herein lies one of the reasons why we must restore trust. I want to give you a concrete example just to illustrate what I'm saying.
In an island economy dependent on imported fuel, the cost and reliability of electricity affect every sector. The implementation of our Energy Transition Programme and the National Energy Compact should contribute to a cleaner, more affordable, secure and stable system, but it will require investment and international partnerships. Excellencies, food security and the strengthening of productive capacity are urgent priorities.
A moratorium observed by responsible state will not restrain hostile powers, criminal international networks or industries of manipulation. We cannot regulate ourselves into helplessness. On this essential strategic question, the president of the United States is right. We cannot stop. We must accelerate. But acceleration must have a direction. We need artificial intelligence that is verifiable, transparent and accountable, built by free societies, shared among allies and placed in the service of citizens. The answer to weaponized automation is not technological surrender. It is democratic capacity. It is sovereign capability. It is better artificial intelligence in the hands of those who remain accountable under the law of the land. Sovereign artificial intelligence does not mean isolation. It means that no nation should be helpless before systems it cannot understand, it cannot inspect, and forget about challenging them. Every country must be able to protect its language, authenticate public communications, detect coordinated manipulation, preserve evidence, and inform its citizens without depending entirely on the commercial priorities of a very distant corporation. This is why Albania, in its own microscopic scale, compared to this gigantic challenge, is building an artificial intelligence based digital mirror. The mirror will identify manipulation in real time, will test claims against authoritative information, will reveal coordinated patterns, and help citizens understand not only what they are seeing, but also how and why it has reached them. It will not tell citizens what they must think. Truth cannot be decreed by any government. It must be evidenced, sourced, tested, challenged and defended out in the open. Our mirror is not intended to become an arbiter of opinion. It is intended to become an infrastructure of transparency. It does not seek to create a ministry of truth.
Both are priorities during our membership in the Security Council. No discussion of development today is complete without addressing the technology that is reshaping that development. From this podium two years ago, His Royal Highness the Crown Prince and Prime Minister called for the adoption of an international treaty governing the development of artificial intelligence. It would ensure that this technology contributes to peace rather than exacerbating conflict. Since then, the General Assembly has taken positive steps. However, dialogue can bring positions closer, but it is not a step that creates obligations. The aim is not to halt a technology that no one has the power to halt, but to ensure that its growth is surrounded by safeguards, just as the international community surrounded nuclear energy with safeguards that preserved its benefits without preventing it. This technology knows no borders. A safeguard adopted by a single state is not a safeguard, just as a rule that applies in a single strait is not a rule. Therefore, we renew our call for a binding international framework to ensure that this technology becomes a driver of innovation rather than division. And this, in our view, is what it means to manage the transformation that you chose as a theme of this session.
We have always been and will always be prepared for dialogue with the government of the United States in order to try to find solutions to the various bilateral differences that we have on the basis of seriousness, respect, sovereign equality and respect for international law without any interference in domestic affairs and without preconditions. We are prepared for trade commercial relations with U.S. corporations, as we would be with any other country. We are aware of the immense challenge that our country faces in terms of its security, survival, the well-being of its people and the destiny of the nation. We are not facing this challenge passively. We are doing it firmly and with dignity. And on this basis, we are moving forward on a process of changes that would lead to profound transformations of the economic and social model of the country, based on our historical experience. Last 30th of July, during the Closing Ceremony of the seventh session of the National People's Power Assembly, President Miguel Diaz-Canel, given the complex situation I've described, referred to how we can continue to grow socialism, how can we find the financial and material resources needed to preserve the social achievements attained by the revolution? And as on former occasions when we were faced with particularly complex situations, such as under the guidance of the first Commander in Chief and later of the Army General Raul Castro, the economic model was transformed to adapt it to the challenging foreign circumstances demanded by the times, and in the current situation, we promise to take the changes that are needed for the moment under the leadership of the party in a collective and democratic way, in consultation with the people, without compromising the independence, national sovereignty or the social achievements of the revolution. End of quotation. The National People's Power Assembly at that meeting adopted a new program with new practices, actors and economic concepts. All of that is being done in accordance with the Constitution in force, which was adopted through a free and universal referendum and the conception of our socialist state of law and social justice. As was pointed out by the leader of the Cuban Revolution, General Raul Castro Ruz, the most important thing will be, and I quote, the appropriate and timely implementation process with well-defined priorities and the conscious participation of the people. End of quotation. This process relies on the strengths that we have been able to build the potential of our human resources, and the determination to respond to the needs of the people with the greatest possible social justice, without ceasing in our efforts to defend with the utmost vigor and resolve the sovereignty and the right to self-determination. We know that we can count on the support of the international community and the solidarity of millions of people, amongst them, increasingly United States citizens. They have repeatedly shown in various demonstrations their support for Cuba and their rejection of this aggression, and have provided a solidarity and aid to our peoples to try to mitigate the enormous damage that is being made to Cuban society and its economy. This spirit of empathy and solidarity is also expressed particularly strongly amongst the Cubans, who live permanently or temporarily outside of Cuba's borders and their descendants, particularly those living here in the United States.
But the United Nations must also remain a place where ambition can become action. Mr. president, we must also confront the serious challenges facing the Sustainable Development Goals. The SDGs represented a promise that by 2030 we would make meaningful progress in ending poverty and hunger, improving health and education, advancing equality, protecting our planet, and building more peaceful and inclusive societies. Today, that promise is at risk. Conflict, climate change, debt distress, inflation and persistent inequality have pushed the goals further out of reach for many developing countries. But this is not the time to abandon the 2030 agenda. It is the time to renew our commitment and concentrate on delivering results that people can see and feel in their daily lives. For Dominica, we have incorporated the SDGs as priorities in our National Resilience Development Strategy 2030, our Climate Resilience and Recovery Plan and our wider development agenda. We see sustainable development in the homes we have built for vulnerable families; in our investment in geothermal energy as cleaner, more affordable and reliable energy. We see it in our efforts to strengthen education, expand technical and vocational training, and better prepare our young people for the world of work. We see it in our support for farmers, entrepreneurs, agro-processors and tourism operators who are creating jobs and building stronger local industries. We also see it in our work to protect our forests, marine resources and natural environment. For Dominica, these resources are part of our identity, but they are also essential to our food security, our tourism product and the livelihoods of our people. Excellencies, the challenges before us cannot be overcome by any one country acting alone. They require a strong and effective United Nations, renewed international cooperation and a firm commitment to multilateralism.
Egypt is putting its experience and capabilities in service of solutions. Drawing upon its Arab, African and Mediterranean heritage, its historic role in founding the multilateral international order and its principled commitment to its survival and sustainability, Egypt will remain a bridge for cooperation and a partner to all those who seek a more just and effective international system. We will continue investing in partnerships with all parties. We remain open to cooperation and exchange of expertise, and to working with all nations in both the global North and the global South on solutions that do not impose a single model, but respect national priorities and are based on shared ownership.
Japan is striving to become the world's leading nation in disaster risk reduction. To share Japan's expertise and technology in disaster risk reduction and contribute to global efforts in this field, I appointed a new Minister of State for International Disaster Risk Reduction Cooperation in my cabinet reshuffle last week. I myself in 2015 as Minister for Internal Affairs and Communications, attended the United Nations World Conference on Disaster Reduction, where the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction was adopted. Promoting this framework remains one of our top priorities to this day.
All those who provide them with support, financing or arms must be held accountable. Mr. president, there can be no way to sustain peace and development without effectively addressing the challenge of climate change, which is no longer a future threat. It is already affecting water and food security, as well as the stability of territories, economies and the living conditions of populations. Despite its limited contribution to greenhouse gas emissions, Morocco remains among the countries most vulnerable to the impacts of climate change. Accordingly, in line with the vision of His Majesty King Mohammed VI, may God assist him, the Kingdom has adopted a proactive policy based on the continued construction of dams, the interconnection of water basins, seawater desalination, the reuse of treated wastewater and the rationalization of water resource management, particularly in the agricultural sector. This national effort forms part of an international commitment to climate action. On that basis, the Kingdom has set for the period 2026 2035, a target of reducing greenhouse gas emissions by up to 53% by 2035, while placing adaptation and the strengthening of territorial resilience at the top of its priorities. This effort has extended to the African continent, which suffers from the devastating effects of climate change. The Royal Initiative to establish three African climate commissions for the Congo Basin the Sahel region and the African island states, has generated promising momentum to strengthen African climate action and coordination among the states of the continent in addressing these challenges. However, addressing climate change cannot rely on national efforts alone. It requires the provision of affordable and accessible financing, technology transfer and genuine international solidarity, enabling developing countries to fulfill their responsibilities towards present and future generations alike. Mr. president, Madam President, the Palestinian question remains a constant priority in the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Morocco, based on its belief in the justice of this, that this is a just cause and it is central to achieving peace and stability in the Middle East region.
Within the framework of the National Development Plan 2025-2044, Mozambique is committed to transforming its potential into shared prosperity for the people through the valorization of resources and investing in human capital, especially in the youth and women, which are the majority. We also want to increase value to natural resources. We also want to modernize our agriculture, promote industrialization, develop tourism, expand access to energy, invest in infrastructures, education, health, science and technology, digitalization, and in the economy in general. Natural resources should contribute to the economic diversification of our economy, the mobilization of income, and investment in our biggest asset, which is the talent of the Mozambican people and the talent of the African people. Our location in the Indian Ocean, our logistic corridors, and our agricultural potential, energy, and minerals make Mozambique a strategic platform for investment and regional integration. We therefore seek partnerships that build national capacity, promote local content, respect the environment, and generate employment, especially for the young people and women. Mozambique will continue to diversify its partnership in a sovereign way, transparent, and mutually beneficial manner, working with all the parties in light of the national priorities. This is also Africa's ambition: to be the architect of their own destiny, to participate in setting the rules, and to fully benefit from the wealth it helps to create.
Mr. Secretary-General, Former Presidents of the General Assembly, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, Forty years ago, I stood in this very Hall as a newly minted member of the Cabinet of the 41st President of the General Assembly, Mr. Humayun Rasheed Choudhury. At the time, President Choudhury said, and I quote: “In recent years there appears to have been a crisis of confidence in the United Nations itself... there is a general feeling that the United Nations today needs revitalizing in a number of aspects in order to bring it into line with the priorities of a changing world.” This shows that questions about multilateralism and the effectiveness of the United Nations are not new. They have been part of this place since the first stone was laid. Yet, through it all, the United Nations has persevered. Not because it is perfect, but because it is irreplaceable, and because the alternative is simply unfathomable. The world of 1945 was in peril. The Second World War, the colossal devastation wrought by it, and the Holocaust, left humanity bankrupt, morally and fiscally. Something had to change. And this place was that change. It ushered in a long era of diplomacy, which continues: Member States coming together to work through their problems because they knew that the alternative, guns blazing and bombs dropping, simply was not an option. Perhaps the clearest evidence of its achievement is here in this very Hall. In 1945, 50 nations participated in the San Francisco Conference. Today, eight decades later, the Organization has 193 Member States. The UN has brought together humanity under one roof; this is unprecedented in human history. The core promise of this institution, its raison d’être, was and remains to prevent the unimaginable: a third world war. The fact that we have avoided such calamity is among the greatest achievements this institution could ever deliver. (BRIEF PAUSE) But survival alone cannot be our sole measure of success. Outside these walls, people are not asking whether the United Nations still exists.
Madam President, excellencies, our world is undergoing a profound disruption characterised by great-power contestation, the wars in Ukraine, the Middle East, Africa. We're witnessing the rise of trade barriers, supply chain disruptions, worsening climate change, and a new industrial revolution driven by digital technologies, biotechnology and renewable energy. This means we face both great peril and great promise. Yet we are in a more polarised and fractured world, and one that may be unable to protect the global commons at precisely the moment that we need that protection. Our inter-state relations are increasingly dictated by raw power, where the outcomes are determined on the basis of size, leverage and coercion. And this poses obviously, a clear and present danger for smaller states like Singapore. But the point I wanted to make is that even the more powerful states would ultimately pay a price, because hard power on its own cannot secure supply chains, protect populations from pandemics, or stabilise a warming planet. Even big powers need partners to secure their long term national interests. The bilateral and regional arrangements can complement global frameworks, but on their own, they cannot replace shared rules that apply universally. A system built on individual coercive bargains would inherently be more volatile and more unstable. And therefore, our thesis today is that multilateralism offers a different bargain, one that is, in every state's enlightened national interest. These shared rules and norms provide predictability. They constrain the capricious exercise of power, and they maximize autonomy even when power is unequally distributed. Actually the multilateral system today still works more often than the headlines would suggest. A few examples. The World Food Programme feeds over 100 million people a year. The common ICAO standards enable 100,000 flights to operate safely every day. With the ITU, our telecommunications networks and the internet continues to operate safely, smoothly on a planetary scale. The question is, therefore not whether we need multilateralism, but how to make it fit for purpose. And I suggest three priorities. First, we all have to consistently comply with international law and the norms of multilateralism. Second, we need to reform existing institutions where needed. And third, we need to collectively formulate new rules and create new institutions for new technologies.
Some progress has been made, and we recognize the dedication of the many United Nations personnel working under difficult conditions around the world. However, we must also be honest the results have not yet matched our collective expectation. In countries like mine, where the United Nations has maintained a substantial presence for more than three decades, operations can become more effective by aligning more closely with our national priorities and using credible national systems. The majority of United Nations assistance continues to be delivered through parallel structures, fragmented projects, and off budget arrangements in Somalia. This makes it difficult for the government to plan, coordinate resources, measure results and build institutions required for long term stability. Let us be clear here Somalia is not calling for United Nations to withdraw. We are simply calling for a more accountable, strategic and result oriented partnership where Somali institutions are in the lead when it comes to implementation. Indeed, Somalia wants a partnership in which international assistance reinforces rather than replaces national leadership. This partnership is one in which national institutions are strengthened rather than bypassed, and both government and international organizations are mutually accountable for the results. The base argument of the past UN agencies development thinking that countries like Somalia lack capacity must be condemned and permanently to the dustbin of history. It is where it belongs.
We must acknowledge that progress is uneven. The world cannot continue to adopt ambitious commitments while developing countries struggle to finance their implementation. For Zambia, the SDGs must translate into tangible improvements in the lives of our people. A child receiving quality education, a mother accessing safe healthcare, a farmer having reliable water and markets, a young person finding decent employment and a family having access to electricity. A community having accessible roads, access to clean water and sanitation. A small business gaining access to finance. That is what development means to us as Zambians. Mr. president, regarding sustainable development, finance and reform of the global financial architecture, it is widely accepted that sustainable development cannot be achieved without addressing persistent financing gaps facing developing countries. High borrowing costs, limited fiscal space and heavy debt servicing obligations continue to constrain our country's ability to invest in climate action, health, education, infrastructure and development priorities. Zambia, therefore, calls for greater access to affordable and long term development finance, increased climate finance, particularly for adaptation and resilience, and innovative finance mechanisms to mobilise private investment for sustainable development. Mr. president, I turn to multilateralism, geopolitics and peace and security.
Mr. President, the theme of this session—restoring trust, managing transformation, the United Nations that delivers for all— expresses perfectly the challenge that we must collectively address to restore the hope that the UN nurtured when it was created. For the DRC, this session is another occasion to reaffirm its faith in a multilateralism based upon the unwavering quest for peace and justice, which paved the way not to the prosperity of a select few, but to the creation of a true common horizon for peoples and generations of the future. This faith, however, calls upon us to be clear-eyed about the world's transformations, and to ask about the ability of the UN to evolve alongside it. For our peoples have never ceased to believe in the need for international cooperation, a cooperation which, at the most difficult times, can be promptly mobilized but, in other circumstances, may seem to drag its feet when territorial integrity is vigorously defended in one crisis but seems negotiable in another, when the suffering of civilians calls for immediate action in one place but seems less urgent in another. In reality, there can be no lasting trust when the force of our principles varies depending on the peoples, crises or circumstances. In a world in constant flux, the trust of our peoples in multilateralism begins when the law is applied uniformly, regardless of geography, economic power, or alliances. Our transformation ought to be based upon the need to uphold the Charter in its entirety, especially through the respect for the principle of the sovereign equality of states, peaceful dispute settlement, the prohibition of the use of force, respect for territorial integrity, and human dignity. This ought to be the ambition of the United Nations. Mr. President, we cannot speak of restoring trust toward the UN, let alone of a transformation, as long as the UN continues to reflect a world that has ceased to exist. The world of 1945 no longer exists. Digital revolution, energy transition, and climate deregulation are now altering equilibria, and yet the institutions charged with managing these changes too often reflect an order that no longer exists. Artificial intelligence today offers one of the most striking examples of this. It has immense potential, but also poses the risk of new fractures. Its governance should not be the sole remit of certain powers or corporations. Developing countries ought to be able to participate in defining its rules and to access the capacities that determine its use. The DRC supports the UN Global Dialogue on AI Governance, as well as the creation of a global capacity-building fund. The digital divide must not become an intelligence divide. This need for inclusion ought, first and foremost, to be reflected in global governance. Africa has proven itself, over time, to be a demographic, diplomatic, and geopolitical power, a vital one, but it still remains inadequately represented where decisions are being made about the world's future. How can we fail to mention the historic anomaly that is the absence of Africa among the permanent members of the Security Council? The admission of the African Union to G20 is certainly a major step in the right direction. However, it is not sufficient to meet this need for representation. As a member of the Security Council of 2026-2027, we reaffirm our support for the common African position, enshrined in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. That is to say, two permanent seats for Africa, with all of the associated privileges, including veto rights as long as they exist, and two non-permanent additional seats, in order to make the Council more representative, more legitimate, and ultimately more effective. This need for representation goes hand in hand with a need for responsibility, and it is in this spirit that the DRC intends to fully exercise its responsibility when it comes to choosing the next Secretary-General, whose mandate ought to be part of the transformation of our organization and help adapt it to the priorities of a world in profound evolution. This same ambition is our driving force within the francophone world, through the candidacy of Ms. Juliana Amato Lumumba for the position of Secretary-General of the OIF, with the vision of a renewed francophonia that is closer to its peoples and capable of strengthening trust between its members and to tackle the challenges we are facing. For the DRC, it is precisely in the gap between the trust we are calling to be restored and the transformation that we hope to manage that the real impact of our international commitments is measured. Our country is at the heart of several of these transformations, and sometimes at the intersection of their very contradictions.
We also need to keep the promise of a world where no one is condemned to suffer hunger, to be deprived of care, or to be displaced by war, or to fall victim to exclusion or discrimination. This same requirement for dignity needs to guide our approach to migrations as well. Because behind statistics and debates there are women, children and men who carry with them a history, talents, hopes and sometimes the burden of exile. For generations, Haitians settled abroad have contributed to the societies that welcomed them. From this rostrum, I wish to express my thanks to the countries that have opened their doors and have encouraged their integration. Haiti was a land of welcome, refuge and hope, and we are working to make sure it becomes that again. We want it to be a country where one can stay, return and live and build one's future in dignity. But I also want to recall forcefully that respect for dignity and fundamental rights of all migrants must be upheld, no matter their situation. No circumstance can justify trampling their dignity underfoot. The protection of a border and respect for human dignity are not incompatible. These must go hand in hand. A border can and must be protected without sacrificing human dignity. The destiny of migrants calls upon us to shoulder a shared responsibility and ensure sustainable responses. Because crises that are left to fester will breed displacement and forced migration. That is the case with the security crisis in Haiti, which led to the exodus of thousands of Haitians. The response to this crisis in Haiti will mean reestablishing security, stability and economic recovery. These are the three priorities of my government.
However, without a genuine return to the principles on which we have already agreed, I do not expect progress in terms of this organization's concrete results. Excellencies, peace is not the only test of our ability to manage change. We are in the midst of a technological transformation whose full reach we are only beginning to understand. Artificial intelligence is already changing the economy, education, medicine, security, the labor market, and the way states function. It can bring enormous benefits to humanity. It can also deepen existing inequalities, enable new forms of manipulation, and create security risks that we could not even have imagined only a few years ago. During our leadership cycle in the Global Partnership of Artificial Intelligence, which Serbia chaired in 2025, one of our priorities was to ensure that technological progress remained connected with security, human rights, the rule of law, accountability, and bridging the digital divide. The Belgrade Ministerial Declaration received the support of 44 member states and the European Union and affirmed the need for safe, sustainable, and human-centered artificial intelligence. The more powerful technology becomes, the more responsible those who manage it must be. We may have cutting-edge algorithms, quantum computers, unmanned systems, and artificial intelligence capable of processing in a matter of seconds what once took us years. But if, at the same time, we allow the fundamental rules of the international order to be applied selectively, technological progress will not make the world safer. It will merely make us more technologically advanced in a world that is becoming politically less predictable.
The resources exist. What is missing is the will. The time to act is now. Sir, Solomon Islands is due to graduate from least developed country status in 2027. As part of our preparations, my government is pursuing an ambitious and proactive agenda that uses public private partnerships to unlock investments in transformative projects, special economic zones and key sectors. A second tuna cannery at Bina Harbour, upgraded airports, agricultural treatment facilities to support trade and expanded road networks and maritime ports will shift the trajectory of our economy. At the same time, my government is strengthening our financial institutions and frameworks to improve revenue collection and accountability so that we can sustain our development priorities. These reforms reflect our commitment to a strong and resilient economy that delivers decentralised, people centred development across the country. Our ambition is clear: to graduate from LDC status with confidence, to strengthen the foundations of our economy, and to ensure that development delivers lasting opportunities for every Solomon Islander. Mr. president, as the UN marks its 81st anniversary, it must continue to evolve to meet today's challenges while remaining faithful to its founding principles.
Likewise, Tunisia places youth at the heart of its national priorities and works to empower them politically, economically and socially while encouraging their initiatives and their participation in public affairs and decision making. I also take this opportunity to commend all members of the Tunisian diaspora, wherever they may be, in recognition of their role in enhancing Tunisia's image abroad and supporting development efforts in their homeland. We reaffirm the president's continuous commitment to strengthening support programs for the diaspora and further consolidating ties with them, so that our diaspora may continue to serve as a living example of successful integration in their countries of residence. Mr. president, Tunisia firmly believes that peace operations cannot be limited to crisis management and conflict containment.
There is growing interest in our maritime spaces, our sea lanes, our resources and our political location. We welcome genuine partnerships. But we also say clearly the Pacific must not become an arena for great power competition at the expense of Pacific priorities. The security of the Pacific is not simply about military deployments or strategic competition. For us, security also means food security, energy security, water security health security, economic security, cyber security, environmental security, and the security of our people from the impacts of climate change. Vanuatu, a cyclone that destroys a school, is a security issue. A rising food and energy prices as recently experienced by Middle East conflict, is a security issue. A disrupted shipping route is a security issue.
