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Mr. President, last year from this very podium, Italy's Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni recalled that 56 armed conflicts were raging across the world, the highest number since World War II. Today, those same sources put that figure at 61. It's the stark truth of the numbers. Pope Leo XIV issued a warning that Italy has made its own: we must never grow accustomed to war, because first we'll become accustomed to the words, then to images, and finally to the victims. When war becomes something we grow accustomed to, peace itself risks becoming a mirage. We will not give up. Against the law of the strongest, we choose the strength of the law; against the politics of force, we choose the force of politics. This is the message Italy brings today to the United Nations. This is the mission of Italian diplomacy: to build bridges, open new paths, and keep dialogue alive even when it seems impossible. To work for peace, prosperity, and growth, because growth creates prosperity, and prosperity in turn consolidates peace. Ukraine, the Middle East, the Gulf, Sudan, and the Sahel are not separate crises, nor are trade wars, AI competition, hybrid attacks, and their economic and social repercussions, nor is terrorism in all of its many forms, which we continue to fight in every corner of the world.
Artificial intelligence will transform professions, industries, and the ways in which decisions are made. Energy will be governed by a new configuration and a new logic of operation. Climate change will affect economies, agriculture, cities and the movement of people. Demographic change will reshape labour markets and social protection systems. Security will no longer depend on armies and borders, but also on power grids, data centers, cables, satellites, algorithms and trust in the information we receive every day. And yet today, as we prepare for the future, millions of people are living through war or under the threat of war. More than 100 million people have been displaced by force, more than 270 million children and young people are not in the school. This is the paradox of our time. Humanity has never possessed such immense scientific and technological capabilities, and yet it has never been more evident that technological capability does not automatically produce political wisdom. That is why the real question before this assembly is not simply how we will manage the crisis of 2026. The real question is this: what kind of international order will we leave to the generation that is entering school today? For a small size country like mine, this is not an academic question. It is a question of survival. 33 years ago, since we become a part of the United Nations, the world looked very different. The Cold War had ended. There was hope that a new era was beginning, an era in which cooperation would gradually replace confrontation. Our region, however, was living through a very different reality. Yugoslavia was disintegrating in bloodshed. Wars were being fought just beyond our borders. The fear that the violence might spread was real. And yet my country chose peace. It chose stability. It was in those circumstances on our territory that the United Nations did something it had never done before. It established the first preventive peacekeeping mission in the history of the organization. That experience left a profound lesson in our national memory, a lesson to which I will return towards the end of my speech. Peace does not begin when war ends. Peace begins when politics is wise enough to prevent war from beginning. Perhaps that is why small countries sometimes see international politics differently. Great powers have room for strategic shifts that small sized states simply do not have. For a great power, a mistaken geopolitical calculation may mean a change of strategy. For a small sized country, the same mistake can mean a lost decade. That is why we cannot afford to be indifferent to the rules, nor can we afford to believe that the rules will defend themselves. The world taking shape before us is a world of sharper competition. Power is being redistributed.
As he prepares to hand over the leadership of our organization and an international context marked by tension and uncertainty. I extend my best wishes. To his successor. At a time when confidence in international institutions is declining, and they are often perceived as favoring power politics over law. Our organization must rise above partisan interests. God willing the next leadership will embody unity and the renewal of a more credible multilateralism, and this will have the full support of the Comoros. He will be essential for that voice to defend the aspirations of developing countries, particularly small island and vulnerable states, and to foster collective responses to the challenges we share. For 81 years, this General Assembly. Has remained the central pillar of multilateralism. And now that we are meeting in New York, humanity is at a crossroads. Despite our efforts the Sustainable Development Goals of the 2030 agenda remain unfortunately out of reach. Growing inequalities, the climate emergency, the fragility of international peace all require renewed clarity and determination on our part.
Mr. President, Secretary-General, Excellencies. There is an idea that has accompanied Andorra for more than 270 years, and that continues to shape the way that we understand politics. The Manuel Digest, one of the great works of our institutional heritage through which António Guterres condensed and recounted the essence of Andorran identity, reminds us that the legitimate exercise of power only makes sense when it places the common good above any other interest. This idea, written in 1748, long before modern international organizations came into existence, remains remarkably relevant today because multilateralism is nothing more than the application of this same principle to relations among nations: the understanding that the common good of the international community is inseparable from the well-being of each of our countries. In Andorra, this approach toward politics has enabled us to preserve more than seven centuries of peace, dialogue, and coexistence in harmony, not because history has been easier for us, but because we have learned the best way to protect freedom is to build trust, seek balance, and make compromise a form of governance. Perhaps it is precisely this experience that a small country such as ours can share with this great Assembly today.
Geopolitical tensions threaten to transform regional conflicts into a conflagration of global proportions. Those at the helm of crucial decisions must act with responsibility and with a sense of urgency. The leaders of the country, members of the Security Council must meet. I'm no stranger to the realities of power. But concessions to the law of the stronger have surpassed all limits. This is not idealism, but pure realism. War is not the continuation of politics by other means. It's the complete breakdown of politics in an interdependent world.
They are asking whether it works. Yes, there have been wars and conflicts that we could not prevent, and issues we could not resolve. The Palestinian issue continues unresolved for decades. Wars and conflict and their aftermath are ravaging Sudan, Gaza, Ukraine, Myanmar, and the Middle East. But even as those wars raged, the United Nations stayed and served. I’ve seen this in my own country, where the United Nations country team in Cox’s Bazar is striving to do more with less to support Rohingya refugees in the camps. Just recently, a representative from a war-torn nation said to me: “Your peacekeepers from Bangladesh were not just blue helmets. They built roads and communities. They fed children. They helped rebuild societies and put us on the road to proper governance.” In Iraq, the United Nations system helped nearly five million people return home. It rehabilitated hundreds of schools, electricity stations and water-treatment plants. And right now, in Haiti, the entire United Nations family is delivering amid immense security and governance challenges. These stories rarely make the headlines, but we should never lose sight of what is working. (BRIEF PAUSE) At the same time, let us not turn a blind eye to where we have fallen short, particularly in a world where challenges seem to multiply by the day. The war in Gaza has left over 70,000 people dead, including thousands of children. Humanitarian support has been a fraction of what is needed. The ongoing wars across the Middle East and Europe have consequences far beyond the frontlines. And the heartbreaking disaster in Nepal and China, was not just an isolated event, but yet another horrible climax to our collectively insufficient response to climate change. The circumstances and politics of these crises differ. But our commitments under the Charter do not. The principles of multilateralism, international law, the protection of civilians and humanitarian access cannot be applied selectively, not if we want the world to trust us.
For much of my life, I served as a judge in Hungary and at the European Court of Human Rights. That work taught me a simple lesson. The law must apply even to those in power. This belief will guide me as president. I will protect the Constitution, the freedom of our institutions, and the dignity of every Hungarian citizen. The state belongs to those who support the government, to those who oppose it, and to those who have lost trust in politics. Whatsoever. A new political majority must not become the new owner of the state. This April, the people of Hungary voted for democratic renewal. They expected more than a change of government. They expect public life to change rule of law, a state that serves rather than controls, courts that decide without pressure, a press that challenges power and public money, that is used for public goods. There must be accountability for corruption and abuse of power. But there must be no revenge. Justice cannot become a political weapon. A democratic state cannot repair past wrongs by repeating them with new people in charge. The same law must apply to those who govern yesterday, those who govern today, and those who may govern tomorrow. A republic begins when power accepts its limits. That is, the republic. Hungary must now rebuild. Trust from our partners will not return because of one election or one speech.
Ladies and gentlemen, without identifying the causes of the crisis facing contemporary humanity, we cannot solve its problems. The politics of force cannot bring progress to humanity. Instead of force, we need respect and strengthening of the existing international norms, rules and institutions that we have built over more than 80 years. The multilateral system today faces a serious challenge a crisis of institutional trust. Trust is weakening because some actors in the international community undermine the values enshrined in the UN charter. The future of humanity does not lie in policies of violence and human rights violations. Conflicts and wars are not the purpose of our civilization. Let us build a culture of dialogue, cooperation, and peace. In this context, I believe it is of utmost importance to reaffirm the importance of the UN charter, revitalize the role of the UN as the Global Center for Coordination and Cooperation, support the reform process and strengthen the credibility of the United Nations, consistently implement the Sustainable Development Goals, build mutual trust, inclusiveness and democratic vision of leadership, and strengthen preventive diplomacy at a time of numerous tensions and conflicts.
In recent days, the debate has acquired a new sense of urgency and gravity. The message from the UN's Independent International Scientific Panel on AI, researchers in leading AI companies, and independent experts is increasingly clear: our ability to govern this technology is not keeping pace with its development. AI can bring enormous benefits to humanity, but without effective safeguards, it can also cause immense harm. We must therefore hold on to a basic principle: human beings must remain in control of technology, not become a subject to it. Technology should advance our common goals, and no system should ever operate beyond human responsibility and accountability. Nor we can allow an unchecked race for technological dominance to determine the future of AI, with the pressure to move first, pushing safety, oversight, and responsibility aside. More than 80 years ago, the Manhattan Project showed how rapidly a scientific breakthrough can transform the balance of power, and how difficult it is for politics and international rules to catch up. Artificial intelligence confronts us with a different technology and different risks, but with a similar lesson: governance that comes only after the fact may come too late. If AI is to serve humanity, it must develop within a framework of international rules. No country and no company can meet this challenge alone. We need common standards, meaningful public oversight, and clear mechanisms of accountability. The choice is not between innovation and rules. It is between innovation governed by rules and innovation governed by the logic of the race. Ladies and gentlemen, artificial intelligence is not the only challenge that no country can manage alone. The same is true of climate change. This year has once again reminded us of the growing impacts of extreme weather affecting people and communities across the globe.
I also wish to express my sincere appreciation to your predecessor, Her Excellency Ms. Annalena Baerbock, for her leadership during our 80th Session. Mr. President, we assemble at a historic moment for humanity. Sixty-three years ago, in 1963, Emperor Haile Selassie famously cautioned this global community by stating:" Lasting peace can be achieved only when nations recognize that their true strength lies not in the domination of others, but in cooperation anchored upon genuine equality." As a founding member of the United Nations, Ethiopia bears both the scars of historical betrayal and the unyielding conviction of a survivor. When the League of Nations abandoned our appeal against Fashist aggression in the 1930s, we did not surrender to despair and desolation. We resolutely stood firm as champions of collective security, helping the birth of the very organization in which we stand for. Today, we call upon the Community of Nations to summon that same foundational courage to actively reinforce the very ideals that help prevent global conflict and the scourge of war. The question, therefore, is: how much longer shall we wait before the pillars of collective security fractured beyond repair? This is exactly what drives the significance of multilateralism, not as a diplomatic convenience, but as a living shield rooted in sovereign equality to address the shifting tides of power politics. Mr. President, I would like to thank the Secretary-General for placing before us the defining imperatives of our era, namely artificial intelligence, the climate crisis, and deepening global inequalities. These are not only policy choices; they are the pivots upon which human destiny is determined. The United Nations has achieved remarkable victories against extreme poverty, but it has never been enough.
This, I believe, is a message that goes far beyond an experience of the single person or the nation. It speaks to the whole humankind, united in our shared dignity. At a time of growing global uncertainty and power politics, we need even more multilateralism grounded in international law, the UN Charter, and universal human rights. We need to resist the law of the strongest collectively, in order not to fall under the yoke separately. The time to act is now, and I believe, I want to believe, that we have what it takes to make the world a more just, secure, peaceful place to live. Thank you.
If AI is available only to a few, new divisions will appear. Entire communities may be left behind. The growing use of AI-powered weapons and autonomous systems also requires urgent attention. One principle must remain clear: machines should never be allowed to make life or death decisions on their own. Just as the international community developed rules for nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons, we also need strong international frameworks for these new technologies. The United Nations can and should play a leading role in this effort. AI is not only a potential threat on the battlefield; it is already having a negative impact on society, especially in education. An entire generation of young people is being affected. Recent assessments show declining test scores across the vast majority of countries. This is a concerning trend that deserves open and serious discussion on international platforms such as the United Nations. At the same time, we should not see AI only as a risk. It can be also a tool for peace. It can help us analyze information, identify patterns, and overcome language barriers in real time. It can support better decisions, faster responses, and more effective prevention. With responsible use, proper human oversight, and good governance, we can move this technology away from the battlefield and toward diplomacy, mediation, and conflict prevention. And prevention matters. Every conflict we prevent saves lives. It protects development. It preserves human dignity. Once violence begins, every solution becomes harder, more costly, and more painful. There is no need to reinvent the wheel when we reform international institutions. AI may be revolutionary, but we did not need to reinvent the personal computer in order to build it. The same is true in global politics. We should improve what already exists, not start again from zero.
Mr. President, and Excellencies, we are at this General Assembly at a moment of profound global uncertainty. And with a renewed democratic mandate that reflects the aspiration of a new generation, our youths have demanded a politics of integrity and accountability. The generational shift is not only a national story. It is part of global awakening against conflict, inequities, and lack of opportunities. The commitment of my government is clear: to build a state that delivers decent jobs, social protection, and a fair chance to every Nepali to thrive at home. The Nepal floods signal a future safe. The Nepal flood signals a future safe by rising climate extremes. Our baselines are no longer relevant.
The UN Charter begins with the commitment: "We, the peoples." Yet the UN marginalizes Taiwan's 23 million people, disregarding that foundational purpose. We stand with like-minded partners in calling for the reversal of misrepresented interpretations of the rules and procedures that have constrained Taiwan's meaningful participation in this body. Under the UN Charter, small states are sovereign states with the right to determine their own future, choose their partners, and pursue development that serves their people. We urge all parties to preserve peace and stability, resolve differences peacefully, and choose dialogue over escalation. Beyond politics and policy, one truth should unite us: our children and their children deserve a world that is safe, healthy, and clean. For that reason, our discussions here and beyond must lead to action--action that protects the conditions in which every child can live, grow, and thrive. We acknowledge, while not yet at the scale required, that the architecture is being built, political momentum is growing, and resources are beginning to mobilize, even amidst a complex geopolitical landscape. Our traditional wisdom reminds us: "Nsisi'ao nkhmedam eth." Be strong and do not give up. The shore is near. The promise of multilateralism is that even the smallest can be heard, and that the many voices shaped by different histories and experiences can move toward a common shore. In Palau, we also say:" Attohoi awaioun." Knowledge is like ocean waves. It comes in many forms and sizes, yet no wave overpowers another, and they ultimately reach the same shore. Let us leave this Assembly committed to multilateralism that honors every voice, values every form of knowledge, and carries us toward a safer, healthier, and more peaceful world.
Following the Hamas 2023 terrorist attack and the devastating humanitarian situation in Gaza, Cyprus has put forward the Amalfi Maritime Humanitarian Corridor. Cyprus could offer something specific: its geographical position, its infrastructure, its excellent relationship with all countries in the region, and the will to engage with international partners. Through cooperation, including with the UN 2720 mechanism, that idea became a proposal and evolved into a functioning humanitarian route, one that keeps delivering as we speak. Cyprus has also played a constructive role in times of emergency. When third country nationals needed to be evacuated from our neighborhood, my country has served, time and time again, as a safe harbor. Our infrastructure and our resources have been made available in order to facilitate safe passage for people in danger. In the last three years alone, we helped evacuate thousands of citizens from 70 different countries. And through Cyprus Aid, we have provided humanitarian assistance to countries facing natural disasters. Cyprus was among the first responders following the catastrophic earthquake in Venezuela and the flash floods in Nepal. The devastating humanitarian situation in Sudan and the wider Sahel region have also been a priority for my country, with a large percentage of our resources directed to the region. Ladies and gentlemen, rising temperatures, water scarcity, and extreme weather affect us all, transcending borders and politics. In the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East, the interwoven political realities that we are facing are further amplified by the climate crisis.
During the 46th SADAC Summit, Eswatini assumed the chairmanship of the SADAC Organ on Politics, Defense, and Security Cooperation, TROICA, whose mandate is to promote peace and stability in the Southern African region. Through this responsibility, we will work closely with all member states to strengthen preventative diplomacy, enhance dialogue, and mediation. We believe that for SADAC to attain its vision 2050, we have to create a peaceful, competitive, and industrialized region that guarantees sustainable well-being and freedom for all our citizens. The African Union's Agenda 2063 and its aspiration to silence the guns reflect our continent's resolve to end conflict and to create the stable conditions required for sustainable growth.
We seek equal rights. We assume the responsibility, accept the responsibility that comes with it. But Iran, during her prideful history, has learned the following lesson: a world without power is dangerous, but a world that only understands the language of war and bullyism will not be safe. When we seek to have agendas to implement that only adhere to the benefits of a few privileged, we will have a world in disarray. But we see that this will become a world much more dangerous for all of us. We must not allow the 21st century to go back to an era of only the powerful and the bullying powers and the hegemons. We must not build a world in which military power replaces legitimacy, terrorism replaces politics and negotiations, and war replaces dialogue and diplomacy. Iran extends her hand towards the world. We invite the world. We call the world, not out of weakness, but out of a deep belief in our own power and steadfastness, to cooperate and collaborate. Because of a deep belief that no one in this region will have security alone. Either we will build it together, or we will have to live under insecurity together. We seek to think about a world future in which security, fairness, justice, human dignity will become unalienable rights for all people, for all humans. A future in which no people are driven to the sidelines, no voice is lost in the chaos of power, and no power will have the right to determine the future of a people other than those people themselves. If we truly seek to have an order based on international law and standards, it must be based in justice, common human will, uplifting human dignity. Because a peace that does not encompass all is no peace, and fairness and justice that does not embrace all is not worthy of being called justice and fairness. But going back to the words of the President of the United States yesterday shows those who are experts in international law and dialogue and diplomacy and basic human standards that everything other about our country goes against the very essence and charter and the spirit of the United Nations. He must know that the resistance of the Iranian people will only increase in the face of sanctions, increased pressure, increased bullying. We will never bow our head or bend at the knee. Iran must be understood by Mr. Trump and those who seek to bully us that we are ready for dialogue and diplomacy and negotiations without accepting the language of force.
Your excellencies, some things demand our immediate attention, others demand sustained attention. Injustice demands both. Jordan understands this all too well. We know what it means to live in a region where one crisis arrives before the last one has receded, and we know that we cannot choose between responding to the emergency before us and building the future beyond it. So we're doing both. We are strengthening connections from the Gulf to the Mediterranean as a hub for trade, industry and technology while responding to humanitarian crises. We are confronting terrorism in the region and beyond, while developing our own defenses and remaining a frontline against threats like narcotics. We are protecting Christianity in its communities and heritage, in its native and historic land, while promoting the true image of Islam against the voices of hate. And through it all, we will not abandon our commitment to a just peace. We will continue to support Palestinian resilience, we will continue supporting UNRWA, and we will continue to uphold the Hashemite Custodianship and historic and legal status quo at Muslim and Christian holy sites in Jerusalem. Most importantly, Jordan is striving to build a different model principled, open and steady at a time when certainty is rare and politics can shift by the day. A country the world can count on, true to our principles, true to our word, ready to talk to everyone and ready to work with anyone seeking peace. However, our bias towards diplomacy will never supersede our commitment to human values and should not be taken for granted or mistaken for weakness. My friends, whether in Gaza, Sudan, Ukraine, or anywhere people live with war, displacement and fear. Whether crisis began weeks ago or has endured for decades, our principles cannot change with the world's attention. Military force cannot deliver meaningful solutions. It cannot feed the hungry, return the displaced, or build peace, nor can it repair our planet, manage mass migration, or guide technological progress.
I come from a land in which history was carved into stone, and in which geographical challenges were transformed into opportunities for civilisations to meet. Centuries ago, the Incas built Capernaum, a majestic network of roads that was built to meet the peoples, to bring together diverse realities and to ensure that no corner of the empire was left isolated and forgotten. This same spirit, this spirit that seeks to bring together, is the spirit that brings us here today. I am appearing at the General Assembly of the United Nations today for the first time. Only 57 days ago, I had the honour of assuming the presidency of the Republic of Peru. Mine is a proud and resilient people and we are a founding member state of this organization. Peru comes to this assembly reaffirming its ironclad commitment to the United Nations Charter and its fundamental principles peace and security, development and human rights, the three pillars of the United Nations. I come from a country which is all too well aware of the high price of peace. We conquered terrorism, but regrettably, today, still, after 34 years, those who took up that mantle continue to be judged and tried, despite the fact that they have demonstrated that due process was violated. Peru, as other Latin American countries, has. Seen agendas imposed upon us that have divide us as a as a society, politics have been instrumentalized, democracy has been eroded, eroded, and the institution of the family has been weakened. An institution that is so crucial for the Peruvian people.
It is ruining the world order. If this organization wants to restore trust, it should begin by applying its own principle consistently, either for proposed two things. First, this organization should strengthen transparency around its responses to the crisis to crisis. We should establish. We should establish an independent mechanism answerable to this Assembly as a whole that annually compares the scale, duration and severity of major crises with the scale and nature of the international response. Not to dictate political verdicts, but to make it impossible for us to remain unaware of our own patterns of selectivity. And second, we should strengthen safeguards against the political instrumentalization of United Nations, of United Nations mandates and institutions. Their credibility depends on transparent procedures, consistent criteria of scrutiny for all Member States. Distinguished delegates, the multilateral. The multilateral system was created to prevent power from replacing principle. We must not allow political convenience to reverse that relationship. So that principle becomes merely a language used by institutions when it serves political interests. The answer is not to weaken multilateralism, it is to protect it from instrumentalization. A United Nations that delivers for all cannot mean an organization that responds loudly to some crisis and quietly to others. If we want to speak credibly of the United Nations, that delivers for all, and we must be prepared to ask a difficult question does it really deliver for all? For those living through war. For those displaced by violence. For states. For states whose concerns receive little international attention. For families struggling to build a future. So, dear friends will restore trust when a crisis matters. Because human beings are suffering. Not be. Not because the politics surrounding it are convenient and will restore trust. When the institutions of multilateralism are strong enough to serve universal principles rather than political convenience. But restoring trust is not only about correcting what is wrong today, it is about deciding. It is about deciding what kind of international system we are willing to pass on. Those who come after us. A United Nations that cannot uphold its own principles has no standing to ask the world for its trust. What we owe the people of the world is not sentiment. It is an institution consistent enough and far sighted enough to be worthy of their trust. Thank you very much.
We know that inequality is at the heart of the rising appeal of politics, founded on hate and exclusion. Across the world, citizens who have seen little improvement in their economic fortunes are turning to ideas diametrically opposed to the values of the UN charter. As we mark the 25th anniversary of the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action, South Africa reaffirms its commitment to confronting racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and all forms of intolerance. We are determined to confront racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and all forms of intolerance through our Constitution, our laws and our institutions.
We come from a country that is diverse in its opinions, but one that is deeply committed to the possibility of building a common future. And we believe that this combination diversity of ideas and cohesion around the future can also serve as our contribution to the international community. Today, we are living through a particularly difficult period. Extreme inequality remains one of the great threats to coexistence. Poverty continues to deprive millions of people of basic opportunities, and wars continue to destroy lives, communities, and hopes. While we discuss growth, technology, artificial intelligence, the energy transition, or new forms of production. There are millions of people who continue to ask themselves far more basic questions how will I feed my children? How can I find housing? How can I find a job? Or how can I face tomorrow without fear? We mustn't lose sight of that reality. Development makes sense when it improves people's lives. Economies make sense when they serve society. Technology makes sense when it expands our freedoms and opportunities. And politics makes sense when it is able to transform reality, to bring happiness to our people. We are speaking from the experience of a small country removed from the great centers of power.
But my country believes that protecting human rights loses credibility when it becomes subjected to political calculation. I categorically reject human rights being used as a banner raised against some and lowered against others. Nor can human rights become an instrument rewarding friends, punishing adversaries, or, worse still, remaining silent in line with the political circumstances of the time. Our duty is to prevent politics from weakening the defense of human rights. If we want the system to be respected, it needs to be serious, consistent and equally demanding on all of us. My country is consistent, and therefore we want to ensure that we have a credible defense of human rights. And in this, just as in so many other areas, the United Nations still has some room for improvement in that connection. We trust in a democratic transition in Venezuela, a swift, safe, far reaching transition.
Regional integration and thematic coalitions can and should support it. Now, let me finish by saying that artificial intelligence is the most consequential technology in the history of mankind. It will impact science, the economy, politics, security, and the very essence of our humanity. Humans can and should be in the driver's seat. We have a choice. We can compete, cooperate, or slow down. For me cooperation is the best way forward. This is why Norway and Finland have, together with leaders from nations around the world, launched a call for companies, governments, regional organizations and the UN to develop mechanisms to control frontier AI models.
Faced with this tragedy, the Holy See. While calling for strict observance of the international humanitarian law, highlights the urgent necessity to bring hostilities to an end and paving way for diplomacy. The Holy See encourages every initiative aimed at achieving an immediate, complete and effective ceasefire. The Holy See reiterates its call for an end to the ongoing violence against the Palestinian civilian population in the West Bank, particularly the escalation of hostilities, home demolitions and movement restrictions driving the displacement of Palestinian communities. On the situation in Gaza, the Holy See remains concerned about the dire humanitarian humanitarian crisis. The widespread destruction, mass displacement and the severe persisting shortages. In this regard, urges the international community to work towards advancing the two state solution with a view to bringing about a just and lasting peace. The Holy See welcomes the signing of the Trilateral Framework Agreement between the United States, Israel and Lebanon aimed at stabilizing the southern borders of the Republic of Lebanon and achieving a just and lasting peace. This agreement in itself represents a significant development. However, the Holy See expresses serious concern regarding the difficulties encountered in its implementation and call on the parties involved to respect fully and enforce the terms of the agreement through concrete actions, respect for sovereignty and borders form the essential foundation for the implementation of the peace plan. Furthermore, the presence of Christians in Lebanon and throughout the Middle East must not only be safeguarded as the legitimate continuation of a historic presence, but more, but must also be encouraged by international community. Since Christians aspired to be an active force for peace, spirituality, and culture within the mosaic of people that make up the Levant, where the Christian faith originated, the Holy See is following with deep concern the situation in the Gulf region, where the conflict has gradually spread and the violence shows no signs of abating. In particular, the Holy See cannot remain silent about the dramatic impact that this conflict is having on vulnerable civilian populations who are being driven into hunger and forced displacement, and who are living in barely sustainable conditions. This conflict has also affected vital infrastructure, maritime transport routes and energy resources that are of strategic importance to the entire global economy, which has an impact on the livelihood or persons all around the world. The Holy See strongly reiterates its appeal for the parties involved to find the courage to engage in dialogue. Only a renewed commitment to negotiation, supported by the international community, can restore the prospect of stable peace and shared development to the Gulf region. The international community must not forget the tragic plight of the hundreds of thousands of Rohingya who, for more than nine years now suffer not only from the tragedy of statelessness, but also have been subjected to inhumane and deadly circumstances. These individuals are deprived of their inherent rights in flagrant disrespect, of their human dignity. Their suffering must end. The conditions must be created within their homeland to allow the safe, legal, voluntary and unhindered return. The Holy City News is heartfelt appeal for an immediate end to the conflict in Sudan, a land that has for too long been ravaged by indiscriminate violence affecting the most defenseless, starting with children and women faced with an unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe. All parties are urged to initiate, without delay a sincere, constructive dialogue with the support of the international community to facilitate assistance to the population and ensure stability and peace. The Holy See appeals to all key figures in South Sudanese politics to prioritize the well-being of the nation over any partisan interests. Everyone, based on their own responsibility, is called upon to promote action and words that contribute to reconciliation, peace and harmony amongst all South Sudanese. The Holy See is following with deep concern the humanitarian crisis currently unfolding in certain areas of Somalia, where outbreaks of violence and extreme weather events are exacerbating the population's already precarious living conditions. The Holy See urges the international community to generously commit to meeting the immediate needs of the most at risk, especially women and children. The situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo is of concern to the Holy See, particularly the protracted crisis in the east of the country and the Ebola epidemic. The Holy See, while expressing full support for the peace processes in the country, encourages a national dialogue and calls for the urgent protection of health and humanitarian workers, unimpeded access to aid, and the strengthening of regional cooperation to address these challenges in an integrated manner.
However, the world is increasingly less integrated and more polarized. The world has taught us that some of the most solid democratic transitions of the modern world were not born from fracture or breakdowns, but from a transformation spearheaded with iron resolve by institutions themselves. This is our inspiration. We do not seek to reproduce a trajectory which belongs to another nation or the past, but we want to move forward on the basis of a universal idea: abiding by the law can serve as a path towards better, stronger law. A nation cannot only be reborn by rebuilding buildings; rather, it is reborn when it rebuilds trust in its institutions. Consequently, I wish to announce and reaffirm, in unambiguous terms, the pillars of this process. One, there will be an orderly legal transition and a transition of the judiciary. We have embarked upon an institutional review process to ensure the state can grow stronger and to provide legal security, which national and international investors require, but it is also required by our citizens. They must not feel trampled upon and dictated to by arbitrary powers. The judiciary must be at their service. We cannot postpone this process. There needs to be the responsible exercise of politics. Venezuela will guarantee that there can be real participation of all political forces in the country in political life. Democracy is not measured by the very existence of elections. Democracy is measured by the quality of the competition which occurs before the election. An election must serve as a solution, not a generator of irreconcilable conflicts. I wish to say the following loud and clear at this General Assembly: in Venezuela, there will be elections. And in that vein, we have begun a political dialogue with sectors of the opposition, which will lead to a process where everyone will compete on an equal footing. The Venezuelan people, with its age-old wisdom, will determine when the correct time for these elections is, and Venezuelan institutions will be prepared to guarantee this inclusive and transparent process takes place. Ours will be a country that is not submitted to economic restrictions of any kind, so that our right to development can be guaranteed.
Mr. president of the General Assembly. Mr. Secretary general ladies and gentlemen, 12 years could be in politics. A mere temporal span, the length of a protracted crisis. But for a Yemeni child, 12 years are his entire childhood. An entire generation was born amid war, grew up amid hunger, fear and weapons. Learning the names of minds before learning the alphabet of life. Today, we do not ask the world to mourn every Yemeni child whose future has been stolen. Rather, we ask how many more children must be deprived of their future before the world stands resolutely with the Yemeni people in their struggle to restore their state and their stability? The people of Yemen. Yemen. This great nation, with its rich history, civilization, and human heritage, has been enduring for 12 years. The consequences of the coup carried out by the terrorist Houthi militia against the state and its institutions.
When a border can be changed by force, every border becomes less secure. No one in this room needs reminding that international politics is shaped by power and by interests. The charter doesn't wish those realities away. It draws a line around what power may be allowed to do. And for Belgium, ladies and gentlemen, that line matters in very practical terms. We are an open economy with an economy tied to the world and a security bound up with that of our partners. We depend on states keeping their word, on agreements surviving changes in the balance of power and on borders not being redrawn at gunpoint. International law reflects our values, certainly. It also protects our interests. This is why Belgium stands firmly with Ukraine. Any lasting peace must be grounded in the charter of the United Nations and in respect for Ukraine's sovereignty, political independence and territorial integrity. But we cannot uphold these principles on my continent alone in Europe, and treat them as optional elsewhere. Sovereignty, territorial integrity and the right of peoples to determine their own future do not change meaning when we cross the borders of a continent. The same standards must guide us when it comes to international humanitarian law. Its rules do not apply only when they suit us. They exist precisely for the moment when respecting them becomes difficult. In the state of Palestine, in Sudan, Myanmar, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Haiti and so many other places scarred by war or armed violence, the circumstances differ. But no human life is worth less than another. Civilians remain civilians. They must be protected. Humanitarian aid must be allowed to reach them everywhere.
For concern for creation and concern for humanity are inextricably linked. That is why, in the center of our reflection about the future of the world, what must remain is human and their dignity. Ladies and gentlemen, human rights are not an afterthought to international politics. They are at its foundation and also stem from ethical principles older than our organization. Violating them always leads to violence, destabilization, and conflict. History, including the history of my country, teaches us this lesson in a very clear way. The social movement that led to the fall of the communist government imposed on Poland was called solidarity. It was an expression of the courage of people who, despite repression and the lack of freedom, refused to live under a system based on lies and violence. We may differ in our assessments of the extent to which the crimes of the communist system have been addressed. This debate is still ongoing in my country, but this is precisely why we should pay tribute to all those people, especially the workers, thanks to whom we have a free world today and who do not boast of their wealth and status gained at the expense of others, but remain faithful to their values and commitments. They are the ones who showed that freedom begins with courage, always. Ladies and gentlemen, too many people around the world still face persecution because of their faith. This applies to many different religious communities, but today we must speak in particular about the plight of Christians in regions affected by conflict and persecution. Until recently, Christian communities were a natural part of social life there. Present for 2,000 years, helping to shape the culture, language, and identity of entire regions, today, in many places, their numbers have dwindled dramatically. Sometimes, only traces of their former presence remain. Along with these people, a living tradition is disappearing, the heritage of the first centuries of Christianity. This legacy has been stopped in many places and perhaps even lost. Attacks on places of worship, discrimination, violence, and even loss of life. This is a reality that cannot go unanswered by the international community.
Mr. President, Excellencies, Ladies and gentlemen, The faultlines in our world are widening. Cracks have become canyons. Over the last decade, wars erupted with devastating consequences and dragged on with despicable cruelty. Civilians were targeted. Human rights trampled. Hunger weaponized. Humanitarians killed. International law cast aside. Geopolitical divides have deepened. Inequalities have intensified. Trust has frayed. The climate crisis went from distant warning to daily reality. And artificial intelligence moved at a speed that has blindsided even those who created it. These are not separate crises. They are chapters of the same story. The story of power. Who has it. Who is denied it. How it is used. And how it is changing. Excellencies, Power is being reshaped in three fundamental ways. First, among States. New centres of economic, political and technological influence have emerged. Second, we are witnessing an extraordinary transfer of power away from governments to a handful of private corporations and individuals. Their reach now extends across politics, economies, information flows, technological development, and the civic space on which societies depend. And, third, humans are increasingly handing over power to machines – with Artificial Intelligence agents going rogue, and lethal autonomous weapons going from science fiction to military reality. Yet our institutions and systems of global governance continue to reflect the power realities and interests of a largely bygone age. That is the defining challenge before us. At the very moment when humanity faces an unprecedented convergence of threats, our mechanisms for collective action are under growing strain. Excellencies, We are clearly moving towards a multipolar world. And that movement is irreversible. But there are different ways that multipolarity can take shape. One possibility is a world of fragmentation and transactionalism. A world of rising tensions and deepening mistrust. Of fractured markets and weakened institutions. Of shrinking cooperation and zero-sum calculations. In many respects, that is the trajectory we are on today. But there is another path. A path towards networked multipolarity. A world built on interdependence – and sustained by a dense web of economic, political, social and technological connections. A world in which multiple centres of influence coexist within a common framework of international law and shared rules. Such a world can help us avoid hegemonic tendencies and what I have called the Great Fracture: The division of the world into two rival blocs with separate economic, technological and security systems. A networked world recognizes that no power can solve today’s challenges alone. Of course, competition will remain a permanent feature of international relations. But competition does not have to mean confrontation. Healthy competition can drive innovation, strengthen resilience, and expand opportunity. But only when it operates within frameworks that preserve stability and enable cooperation where cooperation is indispensable. Building a networked future begins with a recognition, especially by superpowers: That their power isn’t so super. That their power has limits. The events of recent years have made that unmistakably clear. Military power alone cannot secure peace. Economic power alone cannot command stability. And technological power alone cannot guarantee security. A networked multipolar world can create the conditions for more balanced and representative global problem-solving. But it requires a multilateral system centred in the UN that is balanced and representative. Strong, effective institutions that reflect the realities and the progressively changing relative weight of countries and economies in today’s world – not the power arrangements of 80 years ago. Fortunately, we are not starting from scratch. We already have a binding foundation: The Charter of the United Nations. And the principles that give it life. The primacy of international law. Upholding human dignity. And the pursuit of justice in all its dimensions. These are the backbone for the effective, legitimate and responsible exercise of power in the 21st century. Excellencies, It comes down to this: Will we act to ensure that power is governed by law or by force? By cooperation or coercion? By responsibility to young people and future generations or indifference to their fate? Because the defining challenges of our age are not separate from the question of power. They are expressions of it. And they will determine whether we drift deeper into division and instability – or move toward cooperation, justice and collective security. Looking ahead, our future will be shaped by how we address four great tests of power: The power over war and peace. The power that concentrates wealth and drives inequality.
Here, I am referring to all the countries that recognize the unilaterally declared independence of the so-called Kosovo, and without any basis whatsoever in international legal documents attempted to seize 14 percent of the territory of the Republic of Serbia. To many of you, this may sound like a distant past, but the wounds inflicted on international public law are becoming ever deeper and more severe. To be completely precise, the order based on respect for the UN Charter and the law founded upon it no longer exists. It was destroyed by those who tore apart the territories of other countries for the sake of their own political and economic interests. They did so unscrupulously, recklessly, and shamelessly. Do you know, do you know, esteemed friends, what was, in fact, the reason, the sole official and formal reason, for the attack on the territory of the Republic of Serbia and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia carried out by 19 NATO countries? You will not believe it. They told us that they had attacked a sovereign, free, and independent country in order to prevent a potential humanitarian disaster. The humanitarian disaster did not occur, and I have still not managed to hear or see where a similar example has occurred anywhere in the world. The attack against the small, yet free, and freedom-loving country Serbia, of which I am the proud President, was carried out with the intention of finally destroying the UN order established after World War II and of formally and informally confirming the dominance of a that-time unison Western world of United States of America and Europe. Do you know which countries, dear friends, took part in decision-making in the UN Security Council to bomb an independent and sovereign country that had attacked no other country? Just to add, not a single soldier, not a single police officer from Serbia had set foot on the territory of any other country, and yet a decision was made. I am certain that most of you, dear friends, who are among those best informed about world politics, no longer remember much of these either, and especially not the fact of who in the UNSC voted for that decision, or perhaps in the General Assembly. Do not even try, because it is impossible for you to remember. Why? Because such a decision was never made in the first place, and to make things even worse, no one ever even attempted to make such a decision. They were so arrogant and so powerful that they trampled everything in their path, from the Clinton administration to the administration of numerous European countries. That is precisely why Serbia supposed the actions of the administration of President Donald Trump and sees in his work an opportunity for establishing a more just order in the world and more responsible attitude toward Serbia as a close American ally from both world wars. And what they did not know or understand at the time was this: they trampled Serbia, but they did not defeat it. Serbia rose like a phoenix from the ashes, and today, through its example, it shows everyone in the world how the international public order is preserved and how international public law is protected. Nevertheless, the consequences of that brutal attack against Serbia are enormous, and particularly visible here in the UN General Assembly. Admittedly, they are even more visible on the numerous battlefields around the world. Why? Well, because the principles of any kind no longer exist. Those who once trampled them have no moral right to speak about them. And to make the situation even worse, and the hypocrisy even more visible, it is precisely those very people and those very countries who have assumed the position of supreme teacher of morale and every kind of protection of the values of the modern world. The most difficult thing for us in Serbia is when we see in our surroundings the resurgence of Nazism elevated to the position of social prominence, especially in the Republic of Croatia, which is proud of its Nazi past and of the use of Nazi slogans and symbols today. The Serbian people, as people who suffered the most from Nazi hands, cannot accept the revival of the most terrible ghosts from the past responsible for the death of hundreds of thousands of Serbs, Jews, and Roma in monstrous concentration camps like Jasenovac. That is precisely why moral lectures coming from such sources are completely unacceptable to the Serbian people in Serbia. In addition, for four and a half years now, I have been listening to lectures on how many in the West remain last beacon of democracy in the world, the protectors not of Ukraine's but of the rules and principles of international law. And when they raise their voices thinking that they are being highly moral and that their positions are the only right ones, we simply smile and ask ourselves: And how did you treat Kosovo and Metohia and the territorial integrity of Serbia, which is guaranteed by the UN Charter and the resolution of the UNSC 1244? To that, either there is no answer, or they supposedly give us some well-intentioned advice and tell us not to look to the past, but to the future. When we ask them, do you also say to Ukraine that the territories they are fighting for are not important? We end the pointless conversation and move on to another subject. And I want to warn all of you, all of you here who belong to the Global South, pay the utmost attention while signing all the agreements with great powers. That is how we signed the famous Brussels Agreement in 2013, wishing to resolve problems between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo and Metohia by compromise. All the obligations that were to be met by Serbia have been met, and the only one that was to be met by Albanians, the one about the establishment of the community of Serb municipalities, has not been met to this day. It is interesting that the agreement was accepted not only in the presence of the EU, but it was also confirmed with the signature of the EU, but it meant actually nothing. As the President of Serbia, for ten years I have been facing all possible tricks and pressures to give up on full implementation of what was signed. It is a lesson to us Serbs, but also to all others in the world who want to protect their country. In spite of everything, Serbia will defend its country, its territorial integrity, the UN Charter, the UN Security Council resolution 1244. I wish to thank individually every 107 countries, states that have not recognized the unilaterally declared independence of the so-called Kosovo. We know that many of you, that many of those states, have been subjected to pressure, and we know that maintaining a principled position is sometimes far more difficult than it appears from the outside. Thank you for being consistent in not recognizing the independence of a part of Serbia's territory. Excellencies, Serbia is on its European path, and it will have to do many more things in order to become a full-fledged member of the EU.
That's why we are so united behind Ukraine. And let me say we salute the Ukrainian people. They are showing depths of resilience and courage that is an inspiration to the whole world. I was in Kyiv last month and it gave me a glimpse of life under Russian attack. I went to a bustling market, just a normal scene from any European city. The traders singing the praises of their products, pushing into my hands peaches and plums from Odessa. But their stalls were out on the street because the market hall had been destroyed. In the background, there were burned out cars. Behind us, a building that had taken a direct hit just a few weeks before. I met people riding the metro home from work, people just getting on with their lives. But at night, those same metro stations doubling as shelters for thousands of people, from the elderly to little kids, some who have known nothing but war. People told me about the freezing conditions in the stations last winter, when temperatures dropped below -20 degrees outside. Meanwhile, Russia was targeting their energy infrastructure, trying to make them suffer even more. We can't let them do that again this winter. So we're working to help Ukraine protect their skies and civilians. We're leading the charge in raising the cost for Russia of continuing this senseless and illegal war. The Graham Bill, which President Trump signed last week, will make a huge difference to that effort. And we will support Ukraine to repair and protect the heat and power plants that Kyiv will depend upon this winter. It is right that we provide that support, but we should call Russia out this time and every time. Everyone in this room knows that strikes on civilian infrastructure are explicitly forbidden by international law. Yet we stand here in the U.N. announcing funding to mitigate the effects of these war crimes, which we reliably expect to be perpetrated yet again by a permanent member of the Security Council. It must end. Russia could choose a different course tomorrow: accept a cease fire, come to the negotiating table. I urge them to do so. But until then, we will stand with Ukraine stronger than ever for as long as it takes. This is about upholding the UN Charter and the rule of law. We will stand firm in the face of any threats and challenges to the rule of law, not just from Russia but from others too, including where they threaten the rights of British territories to remain British, such as the Falkland Islands. That's why we're also working with France and other partners to support freedom of navigation in the Gulf. And it's why I have acted on the Middle East. Just eight weeks into becoming Prime Minister, working with my Foreign Secretary, Ed Miliband, I comprehensively reset our position and we built an international coalition of countries to come with us. The terrorist attack on Israel on the 7th of October 2023 was utterly horrific. I have condemned it in the strongest possible terms. We continue to condemn Hamas, and we stand with Israel in the face of the ongoing threats, including from Iran against Israel and Jewish people around the world. But this does not justify the Israeli government's actions in Gaza or the West Bank. Far too many people have died, including so many children. Far too little aid is getting in and it has gone on for far too long. We will not stand by as the horrific suffering continues to grow and the prospect of a two state solution, the best hope for peace and stability for both nations comes under attack. Last month, Israel issued tenders for the construction of the E1 mega settlement, which would drive a wedge through the West Bank and threaten to put a viable Palestinian state beyond reach. It cannot be allowed to happen. So we have acted by banning trade in goods with illegal settlements, recognizing that the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territory is unlawful, and sanctioning those taking part in the construction of illegal settlement. We want to see the suffering and death finally come to an end. We want to see Israeli and Palestinian people living side by side in peace and security, and we will do all we can to keep the hope of that possibility alive. And look, we live in an age of low trust in politics. If we were to continue to talk about the two state solution, but failed to back those words with deeds, that trust will fall even lower and our enemies will seek to exploit the alienation that follows from that. We won't let it happen.
