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It is no longer acceptable for the world to regard the Sahel merely as a source of resources, an arena for international competition, or a footnote in global decision-making. Africa, whose journey we have followed since the founding of the African Union, is not the margin of the world; it is one of the centers of the world to come. Libya does not lie on the edge of Africa; Libya is of Africa, of its history, of its security, and of its future. Decades ago, an African will emerged from the Libyan city of Sirte that contributed to the establishment of the African Union. That fact reminds us that Libya has never been merely a bridge between Africa and the Mediterranean, but a partner in shaping the African project itself. We, therefore, view the security of the Sahel region as part of Libya's own security and stability. We view the security and stability of the states of the region and all our African neighbors, near and far, together with developing Africa, all as investment in the common security of Africa and its European neighborhood. This is not assistance provided by one party to another, nor is it a responsibility borne by one party alone. Likewise, we view the Mediterranean basin not as a barrier between Africa and Europe, but as a shared space of connection. Relations among its countries should move from beyond merely managing migration and crises toward making the Mediterranean a bridge for development, trade, energy transition, investment, and common security. Ladies and gentlemen. Geographically and politically, Libya stands at the meeting point of these worlds.
The balanced and balancing foreign policy adopted by Armenia stems from the logic of multipolarity, which is one of the key principles of the United Nations. In recent years we have established strategic relations with Georgia, France, China, the Netherlands, Kazakhstan, Germany, Luxembourg, the United Kingdom, Bulgaria, Croatia, Lithuania, the United States of America, and the European Union. Today, by the way, the European Commission approved the decision to adopt autonomous trade measures for Armenia, which is yet another manifestation of the new quality of Armenia-EU relations. Our relations with Russia are in a transformation phase, and this is a natural process because throughout the entire preceding period, the largest factor influencing relations between Armenia and Russia was the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict. Now that we have established peace with Azerbaijan, Armenia-Russia relations will naturally change and it is our desire that these relations develop on the basis of the principles of friendship and mutual respect. We will, of course, continue to develop our relations with partners located closer to or farther from Armenia. And in this regard, I would like to highlight the countries of Central Asia with which our relations are also highly dynamic. But I also cannot but emphasize that the normalization and deepening of relations with our neighbors are nevertheless of key importance for our foreign policy vision. I have already spoken about the dynamics of our relations with Azerbaijan. We have a high-level dialogue with Turkey, and I want to confirm the words expressed by President Erdogan from this podium the other day, that we are resolutely pushing forward the process of normalizing Armenia-Turkey relations. Our relations with our two other neighbors, the Islamic Republic of Iran and Georgia, remain of exceptional importance to us, and our good neighborliness continues to develop and deepen. The Republic of Armenia considers its contribution to the region's stability and development to be our key task in international peace, stability and development. Honorable President of the 81st session of the UN General Assembly. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. This October, Armenia will host the 17th conference of the parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity, the COP17.
But they must give the needed security to the people and nation of Iran. We seek cooperation in order to have security. We live in a region in which warfare knows no borders. Crisis in one land will spill into the surrounding nations. That's why Iran does not see her neighbors as security rivals. We want to have strong neighbors. In waters in the Strait of Hormuz, we do not— we cannot let some have free access and gain their interests from a waterway while at the same time using that waterway to impose their aggressions upon us, to impose insecurity upon us, to forbid us access to our own waterways. They close access for us to our own waterway, yet they keep supplying missiles and deadly military technologies to bring insecurity to all of the lands surrounding that waterway. We will not succumb to that. The expansion of warfare will not result in security. One cannot create chaos for the coastal countries seeking naval security. Excellencies, vis-à-vis Palestine, Palestine remains an open wound on the conscience of the international community, and Gaza remains a symbol of the failure of international mechanisms to prevent civilian suffering.
I don't think that there could be a more appropriate framing for our discussions of this week. Trust, or more properly, the lack thereof is the greatest challenge currently facing our world. The erosion of trust that has gripped our societies runs deep. Where once people embraced trust, now people are gripped by suspicion, suspicion of governments, suspicion of institutions, suspicion of businesses, even. All too often suspicion of each other. I am talking about suspicion, not skepticism. The legitimate questioning of those who hold power over people's lives is the lifeblood of a democratic society. Suspicion. However, the assumption that others are automatically looking out for their interests and not those of the common good is poison to any democratic society. No community can succeed if we blindly believe that our neighbors are out to do us down just as no country can succeed if it blindly believes that its neighbors, even those it may long have considered and seen as friends, are out to get it.
Ladies and gentlemen, this morning on my way to New York, somewhere in the sky over the big and beautiful Atlantic Ocean, I read President Trump's post on Truth Social. The president wrote that Russia has lost control of its diesel oil industry due to its war with Ukraine, and it is hard to imagine a more humiliating loss for a country that has a permanent seat on the UN Security Council and takes so much pride in its oil exports. I quote," A large number of their diesel refineries have been blown up and are at least temporarily out of commission." End of quote. And this is true: Russia messed up. And the conclusion of the post is also right: this ridiculous and never-ending war with Ukraine must be ended. I do not know a single world leader who would say otherwise. I do not know anyone who is openly for this war, except one man. Ladies and gentlemen, for almost 5 years now, Russian generals have been trying to carry out Putin's crazy order to seize our eastern land, the Donetsk region. And just this year, from January through August, the Russian army lost 248,964 people on the battlefield in Ukraine. In 8 months, 248,000. Killed and badly wounded. Twenty-one countries in the world have smaller population than the number of Russian troops lost in just 8 months. We have video confirmation for every one of these losses. And these are not just statistics; it's about people. We have an archive of drone videos, videos showing thousands and thousands of Russians losing their lives in kill zones. It's madness. But they still keep going there to die, because that is what Putin wants. After losing so many people, Russia managed to capture just over 1,000 square kilometers of our land this year, and we have already liberated a significant part of it. Russia is a country that already has 17 million square kilometers of its own land, without any Ukrainian territory, by the way. So to add another 1,000 square kilometers, Putin is paying with 248 people for every kilometer. Does anyone still think that he is reasonable and moderate? His comrade, the leader of North Korea, sent his troops to Russia to support the weak points of the Russian army. The North Koreans also suffered losses. Heavy losses. You probably saw the broadcast from Pyongyang when they honored those who were killed. And this is madness too. Why should Koreans give their lives in a war against Ukraine? Kim Jong-un uses them like currency, and he gets something in return. And North Korea's neighbors and countries across Asia have probably already noticed its improved ballistic missiles and Pyongyang's much greater drone capabilities. So a war that was not prevented in time, was not stopped in time, and for which Russia was not punished in time, keeps spreading and spreads evil with it. Recently, we sent two North Korean prisoners of war to the Republic of Korea. These guys are not easy to capture alive. One of them, when he realized he was going to be taken prisoner, tried to kill himself, and he was shocked that fate didn't let him die. And this is how they raise people in the North. It's reality. They take away their freedom. They take away their right to choose. And they drill into them that they must die, no matter what. Do you really want to give such a force more time to learn how to wage war? This has already been going on for 5 years. And we know that Putin recently once again promised representatives from the American president that he would seize our Donetsk region, and he said he needs just a few more months. This is probably the 17th or 18th time in 5 years that he has made this promise. It's always the same:" just a few, a few more months." And then he moves the deadline, moves again. Putin will fail this time too. But after that, he will once again make it clear to the world that even our Donetsk region is not enough for him. He wants more of our cities: Odesa and Kharkiv, Dnipro and others. Someone in the Kremlin even put up a picture with the words "On to Kyiv." Russia has claims against our neighbor Moldova. It constantly threatens Poland and the Baltic States. Russia shows no respect for the statehood of the countries of the South Caucasus and Central Asia. And sadly, sadly, people in Syria and across Africa also know very well what Russian killers are. Something always seems to stop Putin from simply saying," That's it. Enough. Peace." Something always stops him from admitting that 17 million square kilometers of his own territory, internationally recognized by all of you, should be enough for this man. Putin is always looking for someone who can help him kill more people for every kilometer of land, take more territory, attack another country, instead of simply stopping and running his own country. After all of this, can you even imagine him without war? He is patient zero, the one from whom this idea of war keeps spreading further. And wherever it spreads, it brings only pain, instability, new risks, and of course new crisis. The more freedom Putin has to act, the more dangerous the world becomes for everyone else. That is why patient zero must be stopped. He must be denied the space to act and the space to spread this evil further. Ladies and gentlemen, last year, speaking here, I said that we are living in a time when weapons decide who survives. And I've said, if a nation wants peace, it must work on strong weapons. Ukraine is doing exactly that. And this is why, for the first time in Russia's history, we now hear that its pride, its oil industry, is running off fumes. But oil itself is not Ukraine's target, not our target. Not gasoline or diesel. Not factories or ports as such. Our target is Russia's ability to finance this war, to drag it out, to make it more brutal and more destructive. Russia's finances and Russia's production are what must be stopped if Putin is to be stopped. And our great soldiers and our weapons are working for this, only for this. The world's support for Ukraine helps us do it. And I am grateful to everyone, to every country that stands with us, stands with Ukraine, and helps our people.
Uzbekistan, under the leadership of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, has made its choice: that is openness, good relations with neighbors, the dialogue with the world. Openness doesn't translate into weakness; on the contrary, striving for peace means taking responsibility for the future. Ladies and gentlemen, we see countries are posed with the question: which side do you choose? Uzbekistan's response is clear: our choice is human dignity. We choose young people who are determined to pursue education, acquire a profession, and define their own future, because we do not measure the true strength of a statehood by its military or economic capacity. The country's might is determined first and foremost by the extent to which it can protect human dignity, rights, and interests. Therefore, we view peace, development, and human dignity not as three separate goals, but as a single, unified task. Esteemed delegates, today no nation, however powerful, can address all global problems alone.
Recent tension and conflict have seriously eroded trust and confidence between Cambodia and Thailand. Beyond putting a strain on relations, this conflict has left deeper and more enduring scars, including damage to cultural heritage and lingering threat posed by unexploded ordnance, among others. Yet geography binds us together. As permanent neighbors, our two countries will always live side by side and peace, stability and prosperity of our peoples are closely interconnected. Rebuilding trust is therefore not merely desirable. It is essential to the future of our bilateral relations and to a shared interest in lasting peace and good neighbourly relations. For Cambodia, restoring trust must be grounded in concrete commitment. It requires the full and effective implementation in good faith of the agreement reached between our two countries. These include the Kuala Lumpur Joint Declaration, the Fuxian Consensus, and in particular, the joint statement of 27th December 2025, under which both sides committed to the renunciation of the threat or use of force, respect for international boundaries and to concrete measures to de-escalate tensions, rebuild trust and advance the normalisation of bilateral relations. Among those measures the prompt resumption of the survey and demarcation work of the Joint Boundary Commission would contribute significantly to addressing outstanding boundary related claims and establishing a clear and mutually recognized boundary in accordance with international law and the existing treaty and agreement between the two countries. Equally important, and with direct humanitarian implications, is enabling the more than 20,000 Cambodian civilians who remain unable to return to their home due to the continued military occupation and obstruction. In the words of the UN special rapporteur who visited the border last July, they need and deserve to go home. Likewise, the cessation of activities in occupied territories that could create or consolidate a fait accompli would provide a tangible demonstration of goodwill and respect for international law. This same commitment to the peaceful settlement of disputes is reflected in our approach to the maritime dispute between Cambodia and Thailand. Last May Thailand decided to unilaterally terminate the MOU 2001, the only existing legal framework between our two countries specifically established to address our maritime disputes, despite our repeated call not to do so. Cambodia was thus forced to place its trust in institutions that uphold the principle of international law by initiating compulsory conciliation proceedings under UNCLOS. As our Prime Minister, Samdech Moha Borvor Thipadei Hun Manet, stated in his special address last June, we have taken this step to protect Cambodia's sovereignty and maritime rights in accordance with international law. Cambodia has always sought to resolve disputes with our neighbour peacefully. We continue to seek a relation with Thailand based on peace, cooperation and mutual respect. Both Cambodia and Thailand stand to gain from a fair and lasting settlement agreed with the guidance of international expert conciliator and in accordance with international law. In this connection, Cambodia is grateful to the Conciliation Commission for demonstrating its strong willingness to assist the parties in resolving this dispute peacefully, during the first meeting in Singapore earlier this month. The value of conciliation should be approached as a meaningful opportunity to bridging differences, rebuild trust and lay a stronger foundation for peaceful and constructive relations between our two countries. Mr. president, the question is no longer whether our world is changing, but whether we can shape that change together and turn transformation into opportunities rather than division and insecurity.
Mr. President, Ethiopia has diligently worked to promote cooperation and regional integration through infrastructure development, trade, and people-to-people relationships in the Horn of Africa. We have achieved notable progress with several of our neighbors, in spite of attempts by reckless external actors who are habitually engaged in fueling instability. Despite continued interference in our internal affairs by adversarial elements, we have exercised immense restraint and remained by the firm conviction of becoming one of the most prosperous and dynamic development engines in the Africa. Our message to forces of destruction and mayhem is loud and clear: we urge them to respect the sacred right of the people of the Horn of Africa to live in peace and prosperity.
Austria will be a reliable partner in the Security Council during the next two years. Austria throughout the campaign has made a promise to spare no effort on the Security Council to protect our common rules, to engage in dialogue with everyone, and to rebuild trust in our global order that has been eroded by a dangerous zero sum logic. But for all of us, the road ahead is not easy, because today that order is being tested in conflict after conflict. For more than four years, Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine has violated the UN charter, and it still does. During my last visit to Kyiv, I witnessed the pain it causes firsthand. Austria's position remains clear we will not accept a change of borders by force. We need an urgent cease fire to create a credible path to negotiations between the parties. In the Middle East, the continuous escalation teaches us a similar lesson. After years of bloodshed and suffering, it is obvious no one can bomb their way to peace. We want a prosperous and safe Israel. But the same applies to the Palestinians and to Israel's neighbors. Israelis and Palestinians deserve to live side by side in peace and security, with a credible path to a two state solution. Any unilateral actions that undermine this prospect, including the continued settlement expansions in the West Bank, only perpetuate the conflict and must be firmly rejected by all of us. Palestinians in Gaza desperately need peace and stability, with Hamas disarmed and the IDF withdrawing from the strip. Iran and the United States must come back to the negotiation table to end the suffering, to credibly revive the nuclear talks, and to stop holding global supply chains hostage to political ends, especially when there are bilateral deadlocks and conflicts are impacting the whole world. We believe we must pursue for multilateral solutions. In Lebanon, we need a sustainable arrangement to support the Lebanese armed forces in disarming Hezbollah. The withdrawal of UNIFIL must not create a vacuum that will leave the region worse off than before. The same set of international rules must protect civilians in Sudan, in the DRC, in Yemen, Haiti, Myanmar, Ethiopia or other conflicts that receives far too little international attention.
It starts at home. And Indonesia has long understood this for decades. In the 1960s, Indonesia developed the concept of national resilience to safeguard our identity, to protect our sovereignty and unity, and to sustain our development in the face of challenges and obstacles. At the heart of our resilience are our people. A nation is resilient when families can provide for their households, when farmers can produce, when workers can find decent jobs, and when children can learn, grow and dream about their future. For Indonesia, this means building greater self-sufficiency in food and strengthening our energy security. Most importantly, it also means investing in the future of our people, ensuring our children receive quality education and ensuring our people have access to essential health care. At the same time, we are building an economy that can withstand shocks and create opportunities more jobs, stronger industries, and greater productive capacity. Central to our resilience is our ability to manage differences and preserve our unity. As a nation of more than 280 million people, Indonesia has learned that diversity is not something to overcome. It is something to manage, respect and turn into strength through democratic participation, dialogue, and respect for differences. We preserve our unity from Aceh to Papua, from Miangas to Rote. Indonesia is one people. Indonesia is one nation. We also continue to strengthen the promotion and protection of human rights through our national mechanisms and our commitment to international human rights obligations. This goes hand in hand with building our national resilience, because human rights are not only the absence of violence. They are also about ensuring that people have food, education and healthcare. To our neighbors, friends and partners, let there be no doubt Indonesia stands strong today, grounded firmly in democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. And when nations are resilient at home, they have greater capacity to contribute beyond their borders. A food secure Indonesia can contribute more to regional and global food security. A more energy resilient Indonesia can contribute more to the global energy transition. A stronger economy opens greater opportunities for cooperation and shared prosperity. This is how national resilience becomes collective resilience.
Therefore, our government has set among its priorities the goal of promoting economic and industrial development in all fields. The development road project comes as Iraq's comprehensive vision for regional complementarity, integration and stability. It represents a vital gateway and a strategic corridor for trade, investment, industry and energy. Connecting the East with the West. Starting from the Grand Al-faw Port to Turkey and from there on to Europe. We want for this project to be open to partnership with all our neighbors and friends, because we believe that economic interests create prosperity. When the countries of the region are connected through ports, railways, power lines, trade and investments. They have a greater interest in preserving stability.
Excellencies, I am not here to complain, but to share some suggestions. First, I wish to express Nepal's deep gratitude to all those who came to our aid aftermath of the deluges. Our immediate neighbors, India and China, offered prompt and generous assistance. Other friendly countries, the United Nations system, humanitarian agencies, philanthropies, and people around the world stood with Nepal. To all of them, I say thank you on behalf of the grateful people of Nepal. Nepal now faces a massive task of recovery and reconstruction. After at least 1,400 deaths and over 6,000 people still missing, a rapid assessment pegs physical recovery needs at about 10 percent of GDP. As in rebuilding after past disasters like the 2015 Gorkha earthquake, we count on your solidarity and support.
The turmoil in the Sahel illustrates how insecurity in one territory can imperil its neighbors, displace populations and frustrate commerce, regional integration and democratic governance. As a founding member of ECOWAS, Nigeria upholds regional solidarity and African leadership in resolving these challenges, reinforced by principled international partnerships. No country can claim lasting safety while the forces capable of destabilizing it retain sanctuary, resources and recruits elsewhere. Excellencies Nigeria remains committed to the peaceful settlement of disputes under the United Nations Charter. The conflicts in Sudan and other war torn countries demand urgent diplomacy to address the humanitarian, economic and geopolitical consequences. All parties must uphold international humanitarian and human rights law, protect civilians and facilitate humanitarian access. Negotiated settlements must respect sovereignty and territorial integrity. Within and beyond our continent, no claim to security can justify starving children, denying relief to civilians or erasing communities from the land they call home. We should all be afraid of a world in which we can no longer tell the victim from the aggressor. When our investment in propaganda shields perpetrators from justice to the point that telling the truth becomes a crime, the promise of this institution stands betrayed. We place our faith in diplomacy because military victories alone cannot secure lasting peace. Dialogue, reconciliation and inclusive political processes must give people a stake in ending violence and preserving the agreements that follow. The United Nations must therefore strengthen peacekeeping and give greater attention to peace building, mediation, institution building and sustainable development. Prevention must command greater resources and political attention.
It was achieved through dialogue, through compromise, and through the determination to put the future of the country above division. The United Nations was an important partner in that process. Three decades later, the same belief in dialogue continues to guide our relations with our neighbors. Recent agreements with Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan have helped resolve long standing border issues, and opened a new chapter of cooperation in Central Asia. Borders that once divided us can now connect us. Our experience has strengthened our convictions. Even the most difficult disagreements can be resolved when there is political will, dialogue and mutual respect.
Our perspective has always been that the way to resolve disputes is through dialogue and negotiations to reach just fair solutions grounded in international law, grounded in respect for the sovereignty of states and the rights of peoples. This remains our position in the aftermath of the wars we've been witnessing. The State of Qatar through its role as a trusted mediator and peace facilitator, has consistently warned that time does not resolve lingering conflicts in the absence of a just settlement. Rather, it doubles their costs. Ladies and gentlemen, at the heart of the dangerous situation we are witnessing lies the absence of a regional system of collective security, one that respects the sovereignty, security and territorial integrity of states one that promotes the peaceful settlement of disputes and the non-interference in the internal affairs of states. We have previously called from this very podium for the establishment of such a system, and we reiterate that call after recent events have demonstrated the urgent need for it. In the absence of such a system, it has become possible for a war to erupt owing to considerations unrelated to the interests of the countries of the region. It has become possible for one party to drag its neighbors into a war that is not theirs, targeting their vital assets and installations despite their strenuous efforts to avert escalation.
Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine is a flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter and a direct assault on the sovereignty and territorial integrity of a member state. Russia's occupation and attempted illegal annexation of Crimea in 2014 challenged the fundamental rule of our international order: territory cannot be acquired by force. As Mustafa Dzhemilev, the leader of Crimean Tatars, reminded us at yesterday's Crimea Platform Summit, the international response to Russia's aggression in 2014 was too little, too late. Russia was never effectively stopped. Its impunity began in Crimea. The full scale invasion of 2022 was the consequence. The Russian leadership chose this war. Russia is the aggressor. Ukraine is defending its people and its independence. For my country, for Slovenia, sovereignty and territorial integrity are fundamental to our own security. If a powerful state can seize its neighbors territory by force, every smaller state becomes less secure. The United Nations has documented torture and executions of Ukrainian prisoners of war by Russian forces, as well as grave abuses in occupied territory. Those responsible must face justice. Prisoners of war and civilian detainees must return home. Ukrainian children forcibly transferred or deported must return to their homes. Our goal must remain a just and lasting peace, based on the United Nations Charter and Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity. Ukraine must participate fully in decisions concerning its future. Any settlement must provide credible security guarantees against renewed aggression, and Slovenia will continue to support Ukraine on its European path. Ukraine's future belongs in the European Union. A permanent member of the Security Council of this organization, entrusted with the special responsibility for international peace, is waging a war of aggression against another member state. This is waging war against another member state, and Russia's permanent seat cannot place it above the charter. Its veto cannot erase aggression or responsibility for international crimes.
The algorithm did not develop hatred. It discovered how to activate ours. This is systematic fraud as a service. Election interference no longer requires one television station or one piece of propaganda repeated to an entire population. It can now operate at the resolution of each and every one voter. Two neighbors may stand in the same street, vote in the same election, and inhabit entirely different realities, each manufactured specifically for each of them. When that happens democracy does not merely lose a debate or just an election turn. It loses the common ground on which debate is possible, and it loses the turn to have it. Sovereignty no longer erodes only at the border. It erodes in the feed. In the 20th century, sovereignty meant control over land, territorial waters and national airspace. Today in Europe, we are running like crazy to add more and more and more from the money we don't have, to protect our land and to protect our skies for a potential future war. But somehow we are forgetting that in the century we are living, it must also mean the capacity of a free society to defend the conditions under which its citizens form their own judgement.
In Latin America and the Caribbean region, geographical proximity to the world's greatest military power is inescapable, especially in the context of renewed hegemonic temptations. Brazil does not fit in anyone's backyard. We need partners with a positive agenda that fosters development. Ideological differences should not hinder higher integration amongst neighbors.
For the first time in a long time, Latin American governments are really, truly uniting and working together, not by simply issuing communiques, but getting to know each other and speaking to each other to really come up with common plans against transnational organized crime, migration control, and coming together to forge joint development opportunities. Latin America is the continent of the future, and those of us that lead the continent today are ready to give momentum to that change. Relations with our neighbors Peru, Bolivia and Argentina are in fine fettle. We are resuming relations with Venezuela under a new leadership. We've opened doors that were closed for years. Some people will say to us that we don't, or they don't understand this change, but others, or that they don't understand this move on our part. Others will say that we're simply new, unthinking allies of this country, but we're neither one or the other. We recognize the reality for what it is. We value change where it exists, and we offer support. We are of the view that Venezuela has before it a historic opportunity to reconcile with its best democratic traditions, with its institutions, and with the millions of its children that are now scattered across our continent that want to return. This path will be a demanding one. Chile is ready and willing to provide the help necessary.
Excellencies, 20 years ago, shortly after peacefully restoring our independence, Montenegro took its seat in this very Assembly as a full member of the United Nations. And this year therefore holds a very special significance for us. We celebrate 20 years of our UN membership as a sovereign nation. A child born in Montenegro that year is now 20 years old. A generation has come of age, witnessing Montenegro's transformation from a newly independent state into a country helping shape the Balkans, defined not by the conflicts of the past, but by the opportunities of the future. On the geostrategic front, Montenegro has paved the path toward our future in the European Union, which is now within our reach. Our goal is very clear: by 2028, to see Montenegro's flag stand among the member states of the European Union. In 2017, Montenegro joined NATO, strengthening not only our own security but also contributing to the stability of our entire region. We have kept good relations with our neighbors and demonstrated that a multi-ethnic, multi-religious, and multi-cultural society can turn diversity into confidence, belonging, and a common purpose. At home, we have transformed our economy and strengthened the democratic institutions on which lasting prosperity depends. Much work remains ahead of us, but the foundations have been laid for a society in which talent and effort open doors, and a country where young people can imagine their future at home.
Somalia also continues to confront international terrorism with determination and with the support of our international partners. We are strengthening our national security institutions, improving force generation, developing intelligence capabilities, and expanding security cooperation with our neighbors and the rest of the world. But the fight against terrorism in Somalia must not be understood as a Somalia's responsibility alone. We stand on the front line for a struggle that directly affects regional and international security. We therefore call for a predictable, sustainable support for Somalia's security transition, including an adequate financing for African Union mission in Somalia. The transition towards full Somali security responsibility must be properly resourced, phased and firmly anchored in capable Somali institutions. Following debt relief, Somalia's economy continues to grow on the foundations of strong reforms. Our real GDP growth this year is 3.1 despite all the global shocks we are experiencing.
We are on one side; that is the side of citizens of the world that are pursuing their happiness, their development, and their freedom. A great deal is said about Venezuela. Many people opine about Venezuela. Some attempt to interfere in the domestic affairs of Venezuela. I come to this rostrum to talk to you about a Venezuela whose national life has been affected by a crisis that has disrupted political coexistence, a crisis that disrupted national life, and upset our relationships with the world. Interests alien to the common good of the Venezuelan people were pursued without our say-so. In 2026, Venezuela was forced to face two major painful tests to its life as a nation. One was the test that arose from the suffocation of its internal political life and a dispute with the United States of America, which was ratcheted up and became more extreme. Another test arose from nature's savagery; that was the double earthquake on the 24th of June. In spite of these "life's bitter blows," as they were called by the poet César Vallejo, for all Venezuela's people, today Venezuela is being reborn. The idea of our country being reborn is, if you like, the expression of our country's attitude, the attitude that it has assumed in the face of the aforementioned events. We are transforming our political relationships, and these are now rooted in dialogue, negotiations, and diplomacy. We wish to have with the United States, with our neighbors, and with all countries on the continent, relations with the international communities. We wish to rebuild them and maintain them. They must be rooted in respect and equality. I wish, before the 81st General Assembly of the United Nations, to thank President Donald Trump and his government for their readiness to resume the course of diplomatic relations and cooperation with Venezuela. The last time that two presidents, the President of Venezuela and the United States, met together was in 2009. Today we are working solemnly to, through dialogue, settle our differences. But first and foremost, we are working to pave the way for cooperation in the field of energy, to promote security, and to fight together transnational crime. And we're looking to buttress economic cooperation for the benefit of our two peoples and the peoples of our continent, and the continent as a whole.
The world must not become accustomed to the suffering. Yemen as a great country, with its strategic location, its ports, its resources, its human capital. The challenge lies in unleashing those capabilities from the grip of war and transforming these capabilities into an engine for development. Today, the heroes of the Yemeni armed forces and all military formations, legitimate military formations are on the ground confronting these Houthi terrorist militias. In defense of our people, our land, our sovereignty, and our future. Here, from this very podium, I salute them. I salute their struggle. They stand today to prevent much greater harm from reaching this world. I also address a message to our people, in particular in Sana'a and Saada and Hajjah and Hodeidah and Dhamar, in every governorate, city and village under Houthi control. We tell them from here you are our people. Your suffering is our suffering. Your rights are our responsibility. You will never be outside the national project of a Yemeni state, nor outside its future. Our struggle is not against any Yemeni citizen, nor against the sons of any region, governorate, any sect or social group. Our struggle is against an armed coup that has taken hostage the state and institutions that deepened the suffering of Yemen and Yemenis to serve Iran and its schemes. Restoring the state is not a victory for one Yemeni party over another. It is the restoration of the rights of all Yemenis to their state and institutions, the Yemen through which we struggle belongs to all Yemenis. The state we seek to restore is your state. The future of Yemen will not be built by excluding any of its sons. Our cause is not merely about how to end the war, but to build what comes after it. We seek a safe, stable, prosperous Yemen that safeguards the dignity of its citizens, rebuilds its economy, provides education for its children, jobs for its youth, security for its families. Yemen that's a partner for its neighbors, a responsible guardian of its strategic location, a bridge for trade and cooperation between the Arabian Peninsula, the Horn of Africa and the wider world. That is the Yemen that we wish for the world to see. Not a Yemen of war, but a Yemen of statehood, of humanity of opportunity, Yemen of the future. Ladies and gentlemen, the Yemeni people do not ask the world to fight their battle on their behalf. They are determined to restore their state, rebuild its institutions and confront terrorism in all its forms.
During the pandemic, bodies under the auspices of this House put themselves before scientific evidence and the sovereignty of nations and promoted forced lockdown policies throughout the world that ruined jobs, that ruined the education of entire generations of children, and cost the lives of millions of people who died alone without basic medical care. Where some allege a public health policy error, we see a global experiment in social control disguised as science. And when a state wearing public health blinkers deprives its population of the right to work, to receive an education, and to bid farewell to their dead, this results in millions of unavoidable deaths, there is a word for it: genocide. That happens in many countries, including Argentina, which boasted of being the World Health Organization's star pupil. And that is why we decided to leave the World Health Organization. Added to that is something more subtle but equally damaging: the psychological terror instilled by the state. For years, citizens around the world were told that they should be afraid. Afraid of their neighbors, of the air they breathe, of leaving their homes. That fear wasn't a mere side effect. It was the chosen instrument of their government. The problem is that emergencies eventually pass. Fear passes.
And nowhere is this crisis of credibility more painful than in the ongoing persecution of the Palestinian people in Gaza and the West Bank. Mr. speaker, Mr. President, sorry, I was an MP before. Mr. President, the time has come for us to stop using diplomatic euphemisms to veil the human carnage that is taking place in Gaza. How many more lives must be lost before the world acts with decisive moral authority? The blood of five year old Hind Rajab and the more than 20,000 children that have been killed in this brutal conflict, cries out to the conscience of the world. Collective punishment and forced starvation and mass displacement are flagrant violations of international law. Ghana remains unwavering in its recognition of the sovereign state of Palestine and its steadfast support for a viable two state solution, where Israel and Palestine will live side by side in peace, security with guaranteed borders. At the same time, we condemn all acts of terrorism by Hamas that triggered this conflict, and we insist that all parties unconditionally respect international humanitarian law. Our moral standards cannot be selective. In that same spirit of international legality and human solidarity, Ghana reiterates its call for the immediate lifting of the decades long economic, commercial and financial embargo that has been imposed on Cuba. The world must support Cuba's new economic and social program. Measures that inflict collective economic hardship on ordinary citizens, run counter to our shared commitment to human dignity and international law. We must likewise elevate our global response to the catastrophic conflict in Sudan, which is reported to be the world's worst humanitarian crisis. We must also exercise solidarity with nations that are facing the terrorist scourge, especially our neighbors in the Alliance of Sahel states. The current Middle East crisis is having a deleterious effect on the world economy. We call for a return to the negotiating table. And let me add that no human civilization deserves to be annihilated, and certainly not a member of the United Nations. I believe that dialogue can resolve even the most intractable of global problems. Across every conflict, whether in Europe, the Middle East, Africa, the standard must remain uniform respect for sovereign integrity, protect civilians and ensure unhindered humanitarian access and hold perpetrators of war crimes accountable.
I remember those words as if it was yesterday. We're going to win. We have no other choice. And when we did, nine years later, Palestinian terrorists hijacked a passenger airplane headed for Israel. They took it to Entebbe, Uganda. Like the Nazis, the terrorists selected the Jewish passengers men, women, children, babies. They threatened to kill them all if Israel did not release Palestinian terrorists. And then on July 4th, 1960. Sorry. On July 4th, 1976, the bicentennial of the United States in one of the most dramatic rescue missions in modern times, Yoni led his brave soldiers to the heart of Africa. Miraculously, they rescued 103 Jewish hostages and brought them all home. Every single one of them. My brother, the commander of the storming party, was the only soldier killed in this mission. I want to thank Uganda again for recently erecting a statue of Yoni in the place where he fell. My friends, Yoni's words are as true today as they were more than half a century ago. We're going to win. We have no other choice. At no time was this demonstrated more clearly than on October 7th, 2023, the darkest day in Israel's history. On that horrific day, thousands of Palestinians terrorists stormed into Israel from Gaza. Now, I want you to know there wasn't a single Israeli then in Gaza. Not a civilian, not a soldier, not one. But it didn't matter one bit. The Hamas terrorists committed the worst slaughter of Jews since the Holocaust. They went house to house, shooting Israeli civilians point blank. They did so with fiendish glee, with sadistic joy. They live streamed as they murdered. And who did they murder? The very Israelis, their neighbors. Who gave them jobs, who picked up Palestinian children at the Gaza border and drove them to Israeli hospitals for cancer treatment and then brought them back. Can you imagine such monstrosity? This these Hamas monsters, they slaughtered Holocaust survivors. They burned babies alive in front of their parents. They beheaded our men. They brutally raped our women, and then they murdered them. Altogether. They slaughtered 1200 Israelis that day. I want to give you an idea of what this means for a country of 10 million. Proportionately, this is equal to 40,000 innocent Americans slaughtered in less than 24 hours. That's 16 times nine, 11 16, nine, 11. That occurred not very far from here. On that darkest of days.
Just like Papua New Guinea. Yet we must be united in respecting and tolerating the differences we all have. Mr. president, Papua New Guinea knows something about diversity. We have more than 800 languages and many different cultures and traditions. Yet for 51 years as an independent nation, we have remained together as one Papua New Guinea. We have disagreements and challenges. We do not claim perfection, but our own experience demonstrates something important. Diversity does not mean division. People can speak different languages and still belong to one nation. People can come from different cultures and live, but still live under one constitution. And people can worship differently and still be neighbors, colleagues, and fellow citizens. Mr. president, Papua New Guinea therefore calls upon all member states to defend freedom of conscience, thought, religion and belief.
Excellencies, we are gathering in this hall of nations, countries, large and small, some insanely rich, too many shockingly poor, but all enjoying equal voting rights. Yet we know equality is an illusion. Some possess non-threatening antiquated guns, while few others have perfected their nuclear arsenals, now 100 times more destructive than the ones dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945. As primitive as they were then, these experimental bombs incinerated two cities, almost all living beings in them. Those unfortunate ones who survived the blast died long, painful deaths. Russia, U.S., China, France, the U.K. —all members of the NPT— were joined by four countries not members of the NPT: Israel, India, Pakistan, North Korea. Yes, North Korea had a nuclear arsenal estimated to be around 100. And North Korean leaders seem to have learned lessons from Libya, Ukraine, and the ongoing Iran-Israel-US war. Dismantle your nuclear capabilities and you lose the only deterrence you have against a nuclear power deciding to bomb you into submission. On June 30, 2019, President Trump traveled to DMZ in the Korean Peninsula. The mysterious Swiss-educated leader of North Korea, half the age of the American president, walked halfway, and the two leaders engaged in an embrace that promised peace. This is what leaders do to advance peace: they show courage, audacity. President Trump, you did the right thing. Friends are friends. We cherish and embrace our friends, never ignoring them or excluding them from the table. But we talk to adversaries so that we don't become enemies. We talk to enemies to prevent wars, and perhaps we become partners in peace. Those countries amassing nuclear weapons keep us all living near imminent catastrophe. One day, any day, by accident, miscalculation, computer error, madness, or foolish strategic design, we could become the last human generation. All the while, the brandishing of these weapons reinforces adversity and fear, which create a high barrier to achieving rational cooperation necessary to fulfill our responsibility to future generations. Trillions of dollars are invested in perfecting forms of death instead of investing a fraction of these trillions in clean water: food, schools, clinics. No thought was given to the tens of millions of fellow human beings pushed back to extreme deprivation by COVID-19, Ukraine-Russia war, and as if innocent bystanders on the periphery had not suffered enough, we are presented with another catastrophe: the Iran war and disruption of vital waterways for trade. We know the madness of Iranian leaders seeking regional supremacy, pouring fuel into the fire of religious extremism in neighboring countries to destabilize wealthy, stable monarchies. Iranian leaders launch unwarranted attacks against neighbors, destroying civilian industries, infrastructure. Iran's rationale for these attacks is that those countries host American bases. So is Iran going to launch waves of drones and missiles against U.S. bases in Europe? Can we change course? Can we stop sleepwalking into wider wars? My invitation to President Trump: be audacious, be unpredictable, be visionary. Invite all nuclear powers and all major conventional military powers and industries, without exception, to a summit somewhere, maybe a town in Portugal, to talk on no first strike. Enhance regular communication between leaders of the nuclear powers. Commitment on reduction of nuclear weapons toward total deactivation and destruction of nuclear arsenals over a decade. Be yourself, be President Trump, be audacious, be unpredictable. Do the unthinkable, and you will gain worldwide gratitude and respect.
Quote. We, the peoples of the United Nations, determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind and to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, and to establish conditions under which justice and respect for the obligations arising from treaties can be maintained. To live together in peace with one another as good neighbors. And to unite our strength to maintain international peace and security, end quote, they declared at a time. But although it's been 81 years since the signing of the treaty, humanity is still eagerly waiting for the day for the strong determination of that time to actually come to life.
Peace and security are indivisible, and everyone has a right to them. In Ukraine, for almost five years now, Russia has been waging a cruel war on civilians. It's been occupying the territory of a sovereign state. France will continue providing unstinting support for the legitimate aspirations of the Ukrainian people to peace, security and to a future. At the same time, we will spare no effort to ensure that useful negotiations between Russia and Ukraine begin as swiftly as possible. We must defend Ukrainians more than ever as winter is coming. We must defend them on the energy front. We must give them more interceptors. We must protect the civilian population. And this is why we'd like to express our support. A double moratorium, a moratorium on strikes, on energy and civilian infrastructure. That's first, and a Black Sea moratorium, which would allow us to release grain shipments. Addressing food security concerns, food security being so important for many emerging economies, for many developing nations. This double moratorium is a necessity. Let's put it on the table. And let's confront Russia with this reality. In the Middle East, we are also seeking peace and security for all. This is what we defend. Respect for sovereignty in Lebanon, displaced Lebanese people. Their villages are being razed in the south. Only a fully sovereign Lebanon will be able to disarm Hezbollah and restore security for all Lebanese and their neighbors. Sovereignty for Lebanon and its people, sovereignty for Palestinians, their most basic rights are once again being violated. One year ago in this very chamber, several dozen states recognized Palestine. I understand that some are very cynical. You recognized it on paper. Look at the reality of the situation. But what is our credibility worth if we remain inactive on Gaza? Some claim that peace has been achieved, but this has not opened up humanitarian deliveries. The spectacle. It is shameful. Shame on all of us. Look at what's happening in the West Bank where day in, day out we are seeing violations. And in the name of what? Hamas was never very active in the West Bank. What we need is respect for the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, their legitimate right to exist. This is a prerequisite for security today and tomorrow for the people of Israel. Their security, their very existence to which we're very committed. But all those who claim that Israel's security requires the violation of the sovereignty of all of its neighboring states and making very fateful error, they are weakening Israel's security today. And going forward, they are threatening Israel's security, in fact. Sovereignty for Syria as well. The revolution should not turn into a disappointment. A few months ago in Damascus, I lent France's support to building a free Syria, and we must continue these efforts, allowing Syria to fully reassert its sovereignty and unity. France is committed across all of these fronts, just like we're committed with Italy. With the help of Jordan and other friends of Lebanon. We've been committed for 50 years to UNIFIL, to all Lebanese. So no double standards.
