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Technology is changing how we work, communicate, and understand the world. Climate change is reshaping economies, communities, and entire ecosystems. Conflicts are destroying lives and displacing families. Economic uncertainty is deepening inequality while progress towards achieving the Sustainable Development Goals has stalled. These challenges are not unfolding in isolation. They are interconnected, global in scale and beyond the capacity of any one nation to address alone. They demand stronger cooperation and renewed confidence in multilateralism. Yet, excellencies, at the very moment when collective action is most urgently needed, this organization stands at a crossroads. The question before us, therefore, is whether we possess the courage, solidarity and political will to shape that change and guide our world towards peace, justice and shared prosperity. I strongly believe that most right thinking individuals would agree that the UN system has substantially delivered for all countries over the several decades of its existence. For more than 80 years, this organization has embodied humanity's highest collective aspiration that countries large and small, rich and poor can work together to prevent conflict, protect human dignity and improve the lives of their people. The United Nations provides shelter and protection to people enduring conflict, displacement, and natural disaster. It supports education healthcare, peacekeeping, elections and development in communities that might otherwise be forgotten. These achievements matter and must never be dismissed or diminished. What the United Nations does not currently do enough is deliver at the transformative level. Too often humanity and the institutions we have created to serve us have had to concentrate on managing one crisis after another, without giving enough attention to the conditions that allow them to persist. Excellencies, there is no question that managing crises is necessary. It brings relief, restores hope, and saves lives. But we cannot stop there. Our responsibility must also be to address the root causes of these problems and build systems that are fairer, stronger and better able to serve our people. The true test of this organization, therefore is not only how well we respond after people have suffered, it is also whether we can work together to prevent that suffering in the first place. This is not to dismiss what has already been achieved. It is a call for us to build on that progress, strengthen our cooperation and deliver the meaningful change that our people expect from us. A fundamental question that one must ask is, can the international system still deliver?
is a crisis you will one day inherit. Defending the rules is not a favor to the small. It is an insurance for the strong. Mr. president, nowhere is that truer than the climate crisis. Here too, we are told there is uncertainty. There is none. The sea does not negotiate. It does not read communiques, and it does not recognize a veto. In 2024, for the first time, the world was more than one and a half degrees warmer for an entire year. The line which small island states fought to write into the Paris Agreement has already been crossed. A new report released only days ago warns that El Nino phenomena now heating the planet is likely to cost some 450 000 lives by next February. In 2019 Hurricane Dorian inflicted damage and losses on the Bahamas equal to roughly a quarter of our national output. Families watched the sea take the only land they had. Most of my country sits barely above sea level. For us, a rising ocean is not a forecast. It is a boundary inching towards our doorsteps. That is why the Bahamas proudly endorses yesterday's declaration on sea level rise, which affirms that our statehood, our boundaries and our seat in this assembly will not be washed away by the sea. The science is certain. Last year, the International Court of Justice made clear that the law is also certain. The injustice is certain: the people who bear least responsibility are asked to adapt first, pay more, and recover from disasters they did not cause. And the self-interest is certain. People who lose their homes do not disappear. They move and they arrive at someone's border. Protection, prevention costs less than rebuilding or relocating. The Bahamas is taking action, but no nation acting alone can hold back the tides. Nor can we build resilience inside a financial system designed at Bretton Woods in 1944, which still declares us too prosperous to help until the next storm makes us poor. The Vulnerability Index exists.
47 days ago, a new government took office in Colombia. Three days later, at 7:34 a.m., the earth shook. A 7.4 magnitude earthquake struck my country in a matter of seconds. Homes, hospitals, schools, roads and bridges had been totally destroyed or severely damaged. The Colombian Geological Service confirmed that this was the strongest magnitude earthquake recorded in Colombia so far this century Hundreds of Colombians lost their lives. 4500 were injured and more than 452,000 people were affected. 36,000 homes were totally destroyed. They represented the life savings assets of these people. The government that had barely started its work was forced to confront one of the greatest natural disasters in our recent history. There was no time to ask whether we were ready. We had to act, and we did so. From the very outset. I gave one unequivocal instruction we had to save human lives. There was time for everything else. Appointments to posts could wait, meetings could wait. But my fellow fellow Colombians trapped underneath the rubble could not. The government deployed to the affected areas alongside the security forces, emergency services, volunteers and rescue workers. And from the very beginning, we started receiving the generous assistance from friendly countries and international organizations such as all of you. And today, from this rostrum, I wish to express the profound and sincere gratitude of the Colombian people to all of you. The earthquake claimed the lives of many of our fellow Colombians and destroyed thousands of homes and buildings and much infrastructure. But it also reminded us once again of something that Colombians are very familiar with. We might fall, we might suffer, and we might weep. But what we cannot and what we do not know how to do is give up. But I'm not only going to talk to you about this tragedy.
I appear before this assembly on behalf of a young country, but one with deeply rooted traditions, a country that, over the course of its history, has learned that governing doesn't merely mean administering resources or institutions. Above all, it means working for the well-being of people. And that has been one of Uruguay's great purposes building a society in which dignity, freedom. Peaceful coexistence and opportunities can be a part of people's everyday lives.
Hope has retreated, while cynicism and doubt have grown. Nevertheless, we hear the insistent calls for justice, peace, and for a rules based international order that applies equally to all nations. Mr. president, I come here for the first time representing my country, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, with a clear mandate and a commitment that governance must be transparent, that individual actions must consistently reflect integrity, and that public resources must be used to improve the lives of ordinary people. We are a small democratic Multi-island Caribbean nation committed to multilateralism and the peaceful resolution of disputes. Those principles serve us well and we believe should bind all of us in this chamber. We, in Saint Vincent and the Grenadines experience firsthand the vulnerability of living on the front lines of climate change, having experienced only two years ago the sudden destructive power of a category five hurricane. We also feel enormous strains imposed on small nations and our small, open economy by distant wars that have disrupted supply chains and by decisions made in places where our voice is never heard. Yet we will not let vulnerability define us or limit our ambitions.
In Montenegro we have an old and simple saying:" A person's word carries weight." This implies that a promise creates responsibility, and what is true between people should also be true between nations. In the opening words of the UN Charter, the nations of the world made perhaps the most important promise of all: to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. And eight decades later, as conflicts take lives and displace millions, geopolitical rivalries place the international system under growing pressure, and new challenges test our collective capacity to respond. So how well have we kept our pledge?
I don't think that there could be a more appropriate framing for our discussions of this week. Trust Or more properly. Properly, the lack thereof is the greatest challenge currently facing our world. The erosion of trust that has gripped our societies runs deep. Where once people embraced trust, now people are gripped by suspicion, suspicion of governments, suspicion of institutions, suspicion of businesses, even. All too often suspicion of each other. I am talking about suspicion, not skepticism. Skepticism. The legitimate questioning of those who hold power over people's lives is the lifeblood of a democratic society. Suspicion. However, the assumption that others are automatically looking out for their interests and not those of the common good is poison to any democratic society. No community can succeed if we blindly believe that our neighbors are out to do us down just as no country can succeed if it blindly believes that its neighbors, even those it may long have considered and seen as friends, are out to get it.
Ladies and gentlemen, this morning on my way to New York, somewhere in the sky over the big and beautiful Atlantic Ocean, I read President Trump's post on Truth Social. The president wrote that Russia has lost control of its diesel oil industry due to its war with Ukraine, and it is hard to imagine a more humiliating loss for a country that has a permanent seat on the UN Security Council and takes so much pride in its oil exports. I quote," A large number of their diesel refineries have been blown up and are at least temporarily out of commission." End of quote. And this is true: Russia messed up. And the conclusion of the post is also right: this ridiculous and never-ending war with Ukraine must be ended. I do not know a single world leader who would say otherwise. I do not know anyone who is openly for this war, except one man. Ladies and gentlemen, for almost 5 years now, Russian generals have been trying to carry out Putin's crazy order to seize our eastern land, the Donetsk region. And just this year, from January through August, the Russian army lost 248,964 people on the battlefield in Ukraine in 8 months. 248,000. Killed and badly wounded. Twenty-one centuries in the world have smaller populations. Twenty-one countries in the world have smaller population than the number of Russian troops lost in just 8 months. We have video confirmation for every one of these losses. And these are not just statistics; it's about people. We have an archive of drone videos, videos showing thousands and thousands of Russians losing their lives in kill zones. It's madness. But they still keep going there to die, because that is what Putin wants. After losing so many people, Russia managed to capture just over 1,000 square kilometers of our land this year, and we have already liberated a significant part of it. Russia is a country that already has 17 million square kilometers of its own land, without any Ukrainian territory, by the way. So to add another 1,000 square kilometers, Putin is paying with 248 people for every kilometer. Does anyone still think that he is reasonable and moderate? His comrade, the leader of North Korea, sent his troops to Russia to support the weak points of the Russian army. The North Koreans also suffered losses. Heavy losses. You probably saw the broadcast from Pyongyang when they honored those who were killed. And this is madness too. Why should Koreans give their lives in a war against Ukraine? Kim Jong-un uses them like currency, and he gets something in return. And North Korea's neighbors and countries across Asia have probably already noticed its improved ballistic missiles and Pyongyang's much greater drone capabilities. So a war that was not prevented in time, was not stopped in time, and for which Russia was not punished in time, keeps spreading and spreads evil with it. Recently, we sent two North Korean prisoners of war to the Republic of Korea. These guys are not easy to capture alive. One of them, when he realized he was going to be taken prisoner, tried to kill himself, and he was shocked that fate didn't let him die. And this is how they raise people in the North. It's reality. They take away their freedom. They take away their right to choose. And they drill into them that they must die, no matter what. Do you really want to give such a force more time to learn how to wage war? This has already been going on for 5 years. And we know that Putin recently once again promised representatives from the American president that he would seize our Donetsk region, and he said he needs just a few more months. This is probably the 17th or 18th time in 5 years that he has made this promise. It's always the same:" just a few, a few more months." And then he moves the deadline, moves again. Putin will fail this time too. But after that, he will once again make it clear to the world that even our Donetsk region is not enough for him. He wants more of our cities: Odesa and Kharkiv, Dnipro and others. Someone in the Kremlin even put up a picture with the words "Own to Kyiv." Russia has claims against our neighbor Moldova. It constantly threatens Poland and the Baltic States. Russia shows no respect for the statehood of the countries of the South Caucasus and Central Asia. And sadly, sadly, people in Syria and across Africa also know very well what Russian killers are. Something always seems to stop Putin from simply saying," That's it. Enough. Peace." Something always stops him from admitting that 17 million, 17 million square kilometers of his own territory, internationally recognized by all of you, should be enough for this man. Putin is always looking for someone who can help him kill more, kill more people for every kilometer of land, take more territory, attack another country, instead of simply stopping and running his own country. After all of this, can you even imagine him without war? He is patient zero. The one from whom this idea of war keeps spreading further. And wherever it spreads, it brings only pain, instability, new risks, and of course new crisis. The more freedom Putin has to act, the more dangerous the world becomes for everyone else. That is why patient zero must be stopped. He must be denied the space to act and the space to spread this evil further. Ladies and gentlemen, last year, speaking here, I said that we are living in a time when weapons decide who survives. And I've said, if a nation wants peace, it must work on strong weapons. Ukraine is doing exactly that. And this is why, for the first time in Russia's history, we now hear that its pride, its oil industry, is running off fumes. But oil itself is not Ukraine's target. Not our target. Not gasoline or diesel. Not factories or ports as such. Our target is Russia's ability to finance this war, to drag it out, to make it more brutal and more destructive. Russia's finances and Russia's production are what must be stopped if Putin is to be stopped. And our great soldiers and our weapons are working for this, only for this. The world's support for Ukraine helps us do it. And I am grateful to everyone, to every country that stands with us, stands with Ukraine, and helps our people.
I also express my gratitude and pay tribute to Secretary-General Antonio Guterres for his tireless service over the past decade. Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General and distinguished delegates, the United Nations, which has a history of upholding human dignity and pioneering the way for future generations, now stands at a grave crossroads. The glacial flooding in Nepal that claimed many lives and destroyed the foundations of people's livelihoods evidences that the climate crisis is a reality of today, not tomorrow. Persistent armed conflicts around the world, including those in Ukraine and the Middle East, continue to threaten the survival of humanity.
This is what we expect from a statesman, Yasser Arafat and Zaki Rabin were statesmen. They challenged the past to envision a future of peace. They were defeated by hatred. Generations of Palestinians will carry the pain and trauma left by the genocide of women and children perpetrated. By Netanyahu. Government in Gaza. Israeli civilians pay the price for radicalism and intolerance of Hamas terrorist acts, persecuting the International Criminal Court and its members encourages these crimes to go unpunished. The U.N. special rapporteur, Francesca Albanese, must not be silenced for telling the truth. Illegal settlements in the West Bank. Are making the two state solution increasingly unviable, essential for Israelis and Palestinians to live in safety, threatening civilizations with extinction will not bring stability to the Middle East. The Strait of Hormuz became has become a battleground, when it should have remained a vital passage for international trade Families around the world are paying for the rising. The price of fuel, fertilizers and food. The war between Russia and Ukraine has dragged on for five years in a humanitarian drama that continues to claim lives. We all know that there will be no winners on the battlefield. Diplomacy is the only option. Initiatives such as the Friends of Peace Group, created by Brazil and China, revealed that there are forces in the international community willing to work towards dialogue in Latin America and the Caribbean region. Geographical proximity to the world's greatest military power is inescapable, especially in the context of renewed hegemonic temptations. Brazil does not fit in anyone's backyard. We need partners with a positive agenda that fosters development. Ideological differences should not hinder higher integration amongst neighbors. The countries in the region have experienced the horrors of authoritarian regimes. We have come a long way to restore popular will. Democracy is once again under threat. We witness once more interference in the electoral processes, dividing the world into zones of influence and neocolonial incursions for strategic resources are anachronistic gestures. The Venezuelan people deserve to define their own destiny. Nicaragua will not solve its problems by preventing the opposition from running in the elections. The crisis in Haiti continues to test the limits of the international community's indifference. In Cuba, the world watches in horror as collective punishment is imposed on 10 million people by an illegal economic and energy embargo.
Madam president, excellencies, the international order is experiencing a period of great instability. The free and open international order, based on the rule of law that we have fostered, is facing difficult challenges on multiple fronts. Amid a shifting balance of power and intensifying geopolitical competition, innocent civilian lives are being lost around the world every day. The stable post-Cold War era is now a thing of the past. The distribution of goods is stagnating. People across the world are suffering from high cost of living. Progress towards development goals is not on track, and human rights issues are rising in various places around the world. Against this backdrop, has the United Nations, now 80 years on since its foundation, been failing to fulfil its role in promoting peace and stability around the world? We are even hearing such concerns today. Madam president, despite these concerns, the United Nations has never been more important than it is today in bringing about peace and stability to the world and enabling the international community to overcome new challenges and prosper. Japan will continue to fulfil its significant responsibilities towards the United Nations, and I am here today to express that resolve. This year marks the 70th anniversary of Japan's accession to the United Nations. In this milestone year, I would first like to address how Japan has been tackling the challenges facing the international community, working hand in hand with the United Nations. Then, together with you all, I would like to take this opportunity to revisit the role of the United Nations in the international community.
I know all of you very well, but they know that given only a short time to make this world better, safer, and more prosperous for our children, for the people on earth, we have to take advantage of it. As president of the most extraordinary nation in history, I have no interest in leaving dangers to grow for another day. I do not believe in letting problems fester. They only become harder to solve. So while others have talked, I have acted, while others have spoken of peace. I have made peace while others have ignored threats. I have confronted them while others have talked of courage. America has shown it, while others have promised strength. I have used it to make America the most powerful country in the world. Working with many nations in this room, we are solving decades of intractable challenges, and we are settling years of unfinished business. And we're doing it well. There is no better example of a danger that was allowed to gather strength at the world's peril than the number one sponsor of terror, the Islamic Republic of Iran. For 51 years, the fanatical Iranian regime has ruled by bloodshed and mass murder, spreading death and carnage and chaos across the entire Middle East and beyond. They were the bully of the Middle East, but they are the bully no more. From the first day I entered the political arena, I've been unwavering. I will never allow Iran to have a nuclear weapon. Upon taking office last year, I immediately opened negotiations with Iran and offered them full economic cooperation in exchange for ending their nuclear program and support for terror. But they refused. They absolutely refused. That was a big mistake Then in Operation Midnight Hammer, the U.S. military obliterated their nuclear program beneath mountains of rubble. And again, I urged Iran to make a deal. And again they refused. The regime continued building a vast missile and drone stockpile that threatened the security of every American service member in the region and everyone else in the region They also made a missile that was capable of hitting Europe, and they were very proud of it. I hope the Europeans realize that Iran's goal was to complete their mad dash to a nuclear bomb from behind this conventional ballistic missile shield. If they had succeeded, that wicked regime would have been free to spread terror and death forever, knowing that any attempt to stop them would face an arsenal of nuclear annihilation. In America, we just marked the 25th anniversary of the worst terror attack in history, September 11th, which killed 3000 people just a few miles from here. It was an unbelievably terrible time. In two weeks, we will mark the third anniversary of the October 7th attack in Israel, where terrorists funded by Iran tortured, mutilated and killed 1200 very innocent civilians, including dozens of Americans and many babies, babies, little tiny, beautiful babies. Iran's supreme leader celebrated that massacre and called it a service to humanity The same regime slaughtered over 72,000 of its citizens this year. Recently, 10,000 were killed for protesting. Just imagine such a vile regime wherever empowered to carry out large scale terror attacks from behind a nuclear shield. This was the reality we had to confront, a reality that far too many preferred to ignore. They all ignored it. Many presidents and many others just wanted to ignore it. They were unwilling to do anything about it, but they knew the problem. After giving Iran every chance for a deal, I took action to ensure that neither the United States nor any nation is Hall would ever have to face such a nightmare, such a catastrophic problem. As a result of Operation Epic Fury, all 159 ships of their navy are now lying at the bottom of the sea. Likewise, their air force is gone. Their radar is gone, their anti-aircraft equipment is gone. Their missiles and drone manufacturing capacity is almost gone. Their economy is gone. The only thing that isn't gone is inflation, which is destroying their country and is now well over 300%. Yet even after we agreed to a cease fire for nuclear discussions, Iran promptly violated it with brazen acts of terrorism against civilian ships from other countries. I want to thank the U.N. Security Council for voting overwhelmingly to pass a resolution condemning Iran's despicable terrorist attacks on commercial shipping. Thank you very much. That resolution, I'm pleased to say, received more co-sponsors from U.N. member nations than any Security Council resolution in history. That's something. Now, we must be equally united in maintaining pressure. The United States Navy has recently escorted more than 1 billion barrels of oil out of the Strait of Hormuz, and more oil is flowing than at any point since the start of the war. We're taking 22, 25, 30, 32 and 37 ships out, respectively, every single day, every single night. But I have a big decision to make. Will a deal be made with Iran that lets them rebuild and create a far greater country than it ever was before? Maybe one of the greatest in the Middle East, or even the world. Or do I annihilate the Islamic Republic and do it quickly, never giving them a chance to kill and destroy people and countries again? Do I drive them into hell with no chance of survival and no hope of future greatness or generations? But I believe we'll make a deal right after the election, because it doesn't make sense for them not to. They're waiting to see how I do in the midterm election. What they don't realize is that I'm not running. I did that already and won in a landslide. We won in a giant landslide, and I'll be here for two and a half years. The Republican Party is running and I'll be helping them, but I am not running. I gave absolutely no credence and will not give credence to the election. When it comes to Iran, it doesn't even enter my mind. The only thing that does is that Iran will never have a nuclear weapon. The cowards and traitors. Thank you. Thank you. The cowards and traitors would love to say the United States is low on munitions, but that's not true. We have more munitions than we could ever possibly even think of using, and we're building them at levels that we have never done before. We are adding to our stockpiles faster than we have ever been able to do before. Top of the line stuff. In addition, in the very near future, massive munition plants will be opening. There are 18 of them being built by the greatest defense companies in the world right now 18 under construction. Some of them very quickly will be completed. They're almost there. And that rapid construction will be leading to very rapid deployment of missiles of every type and ammunition of every type, and will be able to supply our allies at a much faster rate than we're doing right now. I call on all nations to join us in enforcing the complete economic isolation of Iran. Until they stop their attacks on commercial shipping, relinquish their nuclear ambitions, and cease their support of terror. The terrorist regime is behaving badly, not because they are strong and confident, but because they are weak and desperate. If we stand united, we will soon see a world free of the last 51 year menace of Iranian terror. And oil prices will come plummeting down even lower than they were at the start of the conflict. And they were very low in the United States. They were really low. With courage and resolve. Anything is possible. Big changes can happen and happen fast. One year ago, when I addressed the great leaders in this hall, the war in Gaza was still raging brutally. The hostages were still deep in Hamas tunnels and there was no end in sight. It was never going to be resolved. But here on the sidelines of the General Assembly, we took the first steps. That changed everything. A few weeks later, we ended the war in Gaza, saving untold thousands of lives. We also brought home all remaining hostages, both living and dead. Every single one of them. Thank you. Thank you. Everyone thought it was a miracle that we were able to do so. And people celebrated in the streets. I want to express my gratitude to the United Nations Security Council for their unanimous endorsement of our 20 point Gaza peace plan, and for officially approving the Board of Peace. Going to be a very significant group of people. Nearly 30 countries have joined the board, which I am honored to chair, and we're thankful to many of those member nations for contributing billions and billions of dollars to relief. And it goes right to the rebuilding and relief of Morocco, Bahrain. These are the countries that gave Qatar, Kuwait, Kazakhstan, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Uzbekistan, and many more. That money goes right to the source, right where they need it, and they desperately need it. And those countries are very have been very generous, and others also are stepping up at numbers that nobody would even believe because they want to see people live. They want to see the humanitarian thing happen properly. They've been fantastic. I also want to thank those who have committed troops police and training to help stabilize Gaza, including Indonesia, Morocco, Albania, Kosovo, Kazakhstan, Egypt, Jordan and more. Since I took office, it has been my great honor to settle eight wars and in so doing, become friendly with the leaders of many of those countries. It was a great honor to do it. Numerous of these wars have gone on for many years and even decades. The reason I was able to make these settlements was the use of my relationships. Very special relationships to this day, very, very special trade, the use of tariffs and the threat of tariffs and various other reasons depending on the country. Among them, terms of settlement, Cambodia and Thailand, Kosovo and Serbia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda, Pakistan and India, Armenia and Azerbaijan. And of course, the war in Gaza, which, as I stated previously, includes the return of all hostages, both living and dead. Almost every one of these countries wrote me a letter of thank you. The Prime Minister of Pakistan, terrific man, said that Donald Trump was responsible for saving 30 million lives, and probably many more than that. The president of Azerbaijan said President Trump had six months, did a miracle. It was an absolute miracle that nobody thought could be done. The prime Minister of Armenia said this breakthrough would simply not have been possible without President Trump's personal engagement and his resolute commitment to peace. A president of Cambodia stated President Trump's extraordinary statesmanship, marked by his commitment to resolving conflicts and preventing catastrophic wars through visionary, innovative diplomacy was most recently demonstrated in his decisive role in brokering an immediate and unconditional cease fire and peace. This timely intervention which averted a potentially devastating conflict, was vital in preventing a great loss of lives and paved the way towards the restoration of peace. The president of Rwanda said when President Trump saw the opportunity to contribute to peace, he immediately took it. This conflict has lasted for 32 years. Millions and millions of people have died. We got it settled. We've seen countless mediations and efforts, but none has succeeded in resolving the underlying issues. President Donald Trump issued a new and effective statement that really has brought great peace and space through really a breakthrough that we thought was impossible. We're working very closely with the leaders of Russia and Ukraine, and we will get that one done. It's going to happen, I think, more quickly than people understand. They've they've had it 25000 young people, mostly soldiers a month, are dying 25000 a month. And I look at those battlefield pictures and I, I really don't want to see them anymore. It's so horrible to see 25,000 a month. Both sides. In addition, the United States and Iran will definitely get it done. We will get it done one way or the other. It's going to be done. It's going to be done fast. A lot has happened since we last gathered here one year ago in January. At my direction, the United States military conducted a massive military operation penetrating deep into the Venezuelan capital. Caracas descended on a heavily defended and fortified military base, one that was supposed to be flawless against attack, and arrested the outlaw dictator, real criminal Nicolas Maduro. Since that day, hundreds of Venezuelan political prisoners have been freed. They've let them out of jails, and we're working closely with the leaders of Venezuela to forge a much better future for the Venezuelan people. Last month, we signed the largest oil deal in history, covering 65 billion barrels of oil, which will benefit both Venezuela and the United States enormously and help drive down the cost of energy all over the world. And that is starting to perk right now. It's coming out. The biggest oil companies in the world are going in, and the numbers are absolutely incredible. When you add the United States and Venezuela together, we have more than 60% of the oil in the world. So it's perhaps the biggest deal. It was a war, but it's perhaps the biggest deal ever made. To the victor belong the spoils. You've all heard that our actions in Venezuela are proof that the United States will no longer permit threats to America to gain a foothold anywhere in the Western Hemisphere. And if necessary, we will use our unmatched military might to secure the vital national interests of the United States. As you know, Venezuela had the finest equipment in the world from other countries. And guess what It didn't work. Didn't even come close to working. For decades, other administrations allowed much of this region to be dominated by vicious gangs and bloodthirsty drug cartels, destabilized by uncontrolled migration and infiltrated by hostile foreign adversaries, foreign sick, demented adversaries. But not anymore. We are reasserting American power, including American military power, where necessary in our region and around the world, to create a safer future for all of us. It's happening, and it's happening quickly.
We remember both the cost of losing our independence, and that help and and the help that allowed our people to start again. Today, Ukraine is fighting to preserve its independence. Hungary condemns Russia's full scale war of aggression as a violation of United Nations charter and international law. We affirm Ukraine's right to self-defense, its sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders, and the right of its people to decide their own future. The freedom Hungarians demanded for themselves in 1956 is a freedom we must hold, must uphold for Ukrainians today. We remember those who have lost their lives in this war, and we want diplomacy to bring the killing to an end. But a lasting peace must respect Ukraine's sovereignty. If taking territory by force becomes an accepted way of settling disputes, every smaller country will have reasons to worry about its own future.
Rising seas threaten to erase island nations. That threat means that those island nations may disappear from the face of the Earth. And far from the ocean, the danger is just as real. In the mountains, a river can turn into a deadly flood. It may happen in seconds. These floods sweep away homes, roads, and lives. We just witnessed the catastrophic flood wave in Nepal, where also 33 Latvian citizens disappeared. Global climate change does not have borders or citizenship.
And as we mark 80 years of membership to the United Nations. When Thailand joined this organization, the postwar international order was still taking shape. Today, it is being reshaped once again. Many of its old certainties are giving way. But what comes next is not yet settled. We are seeing many transformations taking place. Power is becoming more fragmented. Strategic competition is becoming sharper and international rules are under strain. At the same time, technology is transforming our societies. While climate change is testing our resilience, our institutions, however, are struggling to keep pace. Confidence in our ability to work together is weakening, and that is why this year's theme speaks directly to the task before us. Managing the transformation requires trust. Trust between countries, trust in the rules we share, and trust that our institutions can deliver. But trust cannot be taken for granted. It must be earned. Trust weakens when principles are applied selectively. When. When countries have little say in decisions that shape the future and when promises made in this assembly fail to improve lives beyond it. Rebuilding trust means addressing each of these concerns. We must uphold common principles and consistently, we must give countries a genuine stake in the international system, including a stronger voice for the global South. And we must take shared responsibility for turning commitments into results. Mr. president, the UN's purposes remain as relevant as ever to promote peace and security, human rights and dignity, sustainable development and cooperation among sovereign equals. But we cannot build lasting peace if security is assured for some and denied to others. Universal human rights lose their meaning when applied selectively. Development loses its purpose when prosperity remains in the hands of a few. For Thailand, peace means more than the absence of war. It requires dialogue to settle differences and respect for international law, so that all countries can live with security and dignity. The situation in Palestine continues to demand our attention. It reminds us that the principles we uphold must protect people when they need them the most. That is why humans must be. Human rights must be universal in practice. As a member of Human Rights Council, Thailand believes that our work must reach beyond resolutions and make a real difference in people's lives. Development must be people centred and sustainable. Growth must improve people's lives. Today, without closing off the opportunities of tomorrow. Consistent application of principles gives countries the confidence that they will be treated fairly. But that confidence must also extend to how decisions are made. Countries need to know that their voices count. Mr. president, the UN's membership has become nearly universal, but representation has not evolved at the same pace, and international system cannot command trust. If large parts of its membership feel they have too little to say in shaping it. Rebuilding trust requires shared ownership. The United Nations must reflect today's world, not the distribution of power. 80 years ago. And that is why Thailand supports Security Council reform that gives developing countries and underrepresented regions, particularly in the global south, a greater role in decision making. Asia, too, must be better represented. For all its economic weight, Asia must be able to help shape global decisions and carry more responsibility for the outcomes And representation must also mean that women have a meaningful voice in the decisions that shape our common future. They are already at the forefront of this organisation's work, from development to peacekeeping. As the UN considers its next secretary general, maybe it is time that this representation be reflected at the highest level. Representation and effectiveness must advance together. We commend Mr. Secretary General Antonio Guterres for his commitment to reform, including through the UN aid initiative. We stand ready to work with his successor to carry this work forward. Mr. president, having a stronger voice in global institutions means countries working together on the problems closest to them.
Managing transformation requires institutions capable of adapting to a rapidly changing world, and delivering for all requires us to move beyond declarations toward tangible improvements in the lives and livelihoods of our peoples. Ultimately, our declarations, communices, and resolutions must travel the difficult road from this assembly hall to the daily lives of the peoples we represent. Persistent conflicts, geopolitical tensions, and growing divisions have tested trust between nations. Concurrently, our world is undergoing transformation driven by technology, climate change, demographic shifts, and changing patterns of economic power. The pertinent question is how we strengthen multilateralism so that the United Nations can deliver meaningful results for all member states. Humanity has traveled far enough to know that, on the great challenges of our age, none of us can go it alone. Whether a nation of a billion people or, like Botswana with just over 2.5 million people, we share one fragile planet and one imperfect but irreplaceable United Nations. The choices we make will determine whether multilateralism restores trust, manages transformation, and delivers for all, or becomes a cautionary tale of promises made and forgotten.
The Holy Quran commands: Wa in janahu lis-salmi fajnah laha wa tawakkal ala Allah, innahu huwa as-Sami al-Alim. If the enemy is inclined towards peace, make peace with them. Surah Al-Anfal. Ladies and gentlemen, Pakistan's founding father, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, had famously declared, we stand by the United Nations Charter and will gladly make our full contribution to the peace and prosperity of the world. These pearls of wisdom have shaped Pakistan's national ethos and guided our conduct at home and abroad. The unanimous adoption of resolution 2788 on strengthening mechanisms for peaceful settlement of disputes under Pakistan's UN Security Council presidency demonstrated our unwavering commitment to global peace. Mr. President. Unfortunately, in February this year, conflict engulfed Gulf along with wider Middle East. Precious lives were lost. Economies suffered. Critical maritime routes, particularly the Strait of Hormuz, came under severe pressure. At this critical moment, Pakistan chose to act swiftly. Through concerted efforts, Pakistan successfully brought Washington and Tehran under one roof in Islamabad. From the Islamabad talks to the Islamabad Memorandum of Understanding, many historic steps were taken to bring an end to this serious conflict here. I deeply appreciate Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir, Pakistan's chief of defense forces and chief of the Army staff, whose relentless efforts helped create space for diplomacy under exceptionally difficult and challenging circumstances. I would also like to commend the efforts of our Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar, in this behalf. Regrettably, Mr. President, recently we have witnessed a dangerous surge of hostilities. Yet amid the roar of missiles, drones and guns, the voice for diplomacy must echo even louder and stronger. The Strait of Hormuz and Bab el Mandeb are arteries of the global economy. They must remain open, connecting nations, not becoming choke points of confrontation. These waters must carry the promise of prosperity, not the perils of war. Excellencies, we once again condemn in the strongest possible terms the recent deplorable attacks by the Houthis against the kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The attempted drone attack on the holy city of Makkah Al-Mukarramah has outraged Muslims across the globe. Any threat to the safety and sanctity of the Haramain Sharifain is a red line that must never be crossed. No Muslim can even dare to think of committing such a heinous crime. Pakistan stands in complete solidarity with the brotherly people of Saudi Arabia, as we always have throughout our history. Ladies and gentlemen, our enduring commitment to peace is also reflected by the historic Makkah Joint Defense Agreement among the brotherly countries Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Pakistan. This alliance is not directed against any country. It is a collective commitment for defense, stability and peace in the region and nothing more. Mr. president, a year ago, Pakistan faced external aggression from India under a false pretext. Pakistan exercised its inherent right of self-defense under article 51 of the United Nations Charter. Our brave and valiant armed forces, under the courageous leadership of Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir, responded with precision and professionalism. They silenced the enemy, repulsed its attack, and taught it a lesson it shall never, ever forget. And of course, thanks to President Donald Trump's resolute and visionary leadership that hundreds of millions of lives in South Asia were saved. His timely intervention came at a decisive juncture when two nuclear armed neighbours stood at the brink of an all out war. And who knows, Mr. President, the extent of devastation that could have taken place had President Trump not stepped in at this critical moment with clarity of thought and action? Mr. president, we must therefore ensure that South Asia never reaches that precipice ever again. But this requires a just and fair solution of the Kashmir dispute. For eight decades, the Kashmiri people have waited for the United Nations to fulfill its solemn commitment of a free and impartial plebiscite under its auspices. Generations have endured illegal occupation, arbitrary detention, extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, sexual violence and collective punishment. More recently, there have been attempts to alter the legal status of Jammu and Kashmir through demographic reengineering and other illegal measures. Helpless Kashmiri mothers and fathers yearn for their sons and daughters who never return. Their homes lie silent under curfew and in deep grief. For many, there is no closure, only a lifetime spent searching for graves that bear no names. Mr. president, from this podium, I assure my Kashmiri brothers and sisters with fullest authority at my command that we shall continue to extend our full diplomatic, political and moral support to them till they are granted their inalienable right to self-determination. Kashmir has and always will be Pakistan's jugular vein. Excellencies, another foundation of stability in South Asia is now under strain. The shared waters of the Indus River system are the lifeblood not only for the people of Pakistan, but for the entire region. India's unilateral decision to hold the existing treaty in abeyance has no legal basis whatsoever. In fact, both its claims and actions have been rejected by UN experts and more recently by the Court of Arbitration. Our legitimate stand that the treaty remains valid, binding and fully operative has been vindicated beyond any doubt. Ladies and gentlemen, water must never be weaponised. Rivers should nourish nations, not divide them. Therefore, any attempt to stop, impede or divert Pakistan's share of the waters will be treated as an act of war. India. India. India must make no mistake about it. Ladies and gentlemen, for generations, Palestinians, particularly women, children and the elderly have been subjected to occupation, eviction, suffering and death. Last year, Mr. President, I had shared with you the heart wrenching story of Hind Rajab, an innocent Palestinian girl who was brutally shot by Israeli soldiers. This year, another tragedy weighs heavy on our hearts, your hearts and the world's heart. This time it is the deafening cries of the sobbing mother of eight year old Wafaa Akila, who embraced martyrdom in this senseless aggression. What should have been the first day of her school, alas, became the last day of her life. Does not a child born in Gaza deserve the same life and the same future and same dream as a child, anywhere else in the world? The tragedies of Rajab, Wafaa Akila and countless others will echo through history as an indictment of our collective silence, failure, and inaction. Excellencies, it is deeply worrying that Israeli violence has now spread to the West Bank where the forcible eviction of Palestinians clearly reflects Israel's genocidal agenda, which continues unabated. Pakistan believes that the only just and lasting solution is the creation of an independent, sovereign, viable and contiguous state of Palestine, based on the pre 1967 borders, with Al-Quds Al-Sharif as its capital. Ladies and gentlemen, we also condemn continued Israeli aggression against Lebanon and Syria. This, too, must stop immediately. Ladies and gentlemen, terrorism remains one of the greatest threats to international peace and security.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, in this regard, the realities on the ground in my country speak for themselves. In southern Madagascar, mothers walk dozens of kilometers under scorching heat. In search of water. From the bed of a dried up river. In the east. Every year, increasingly violent and destructive tropical cyclones devastate crops, infrastructure and human lives. In other regions, floods engulf rice granaries, affecting entire communities. These images illustrate the daily vulnerability of our people, our Malagasy population Faced with these recurring humanitarian emergencies amplified by climate change, considerable investments are made, reflecting the unwavering commitment of our development partners working every year towards the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals. The SDGs, whether that be fighting hunger, providing education or providing access to basic services for vulnerable populations. And we hope to mobilize $1.5 billion over five years for the implementation of the United Nations Sustainable Development Cooperation Framework for the period 2024 2028. Yet, beyond commitments and resources mobilized. What matters to us is their tangible impact on the daily lives of our people.
Australia stands for a safer world where no country dominates and no country is dominated. Crises are prevented, disputes are settled through rules and dialogue, and institutions deliver outcomes. There are so many issues to confront urgently and cooperatively. Last year at this assembly, Australian parents spoke to world leaders about their campaign, resulting in our nation's social media ban for under 16. Those parents channelled their personal grief into a powerful call for global action. And the world has answered. Already, more than 20 countries are bringing in or have brought in age restrictions on social media. And with the European Community taking action, there are many more to come. More recently, our government has announced a digital duty of care. Its purpose is to deliver control back into the hands of people by empowering them to determine what appears in their feed, giving them the choice. The technological development that must now be the subject of public discussion is artificial intelligence. AI can improve lives, boost growth and productivity, provide revolutionary breakthroughs in healthcare and other fields. But leaders of AI companies themselves have warned of the potential risks to allow frontier AI to develop too fast without guardrails. Recently, an artificial intelligence agent infiltrated an Australian government website. This is unacceptable, and it is why Australia has been leading the way in establishing Australian standards for AI standards to ensure that AI will work and deliver for people, not the other way around. We can't ignore AI or prevent it. And it's why we joined with other nations this week to call for action to shape artificial intelligence development, rather than be passively shaped by it. Australia is a nation built on fairness and opportunity that promotes equality and respect for all people. We work to prevent conflict, protect civilians, and defend the rules that protect us all. We uphold international law, including the UN charter, and support bold, practical reform to ensure the UN can best fulfill its mandate into the future.
Let me begin by paying my deepest respect to all the martyred freedom fighters of Bangladesh. I respectfully remember the contributions of those who have made the ultimate sacrifice in the struggle to establish democracy, justice and people's rights in our country since independence. I also pay my sincere respect to all those who were martyred and injured in the mass uprising of courageous students and people in July August 2024 against fascism. After more than a decade and a half of movement and struggle against fascist rule and exploitation, and through the sacrifice of thousands of lives, Bangladesh is now free from fascism in a free, fair and impartial national election held on 12th February this year. The people entrusted the Bangladesh Nationalist Party BNP with the responsibility of governing the country. I congratulate the democracy loving people of Bangladesh. We believe that the people are the source of all our political power. Standing on this world stage of the United Nations, I am somewhat nostalgic at this moment. It was from this very world stage that my father, Shaheed, President Ziaur Rahman. The proclaimer of Bangladesh's independence and my mother, former Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia, addressed the world on behalf of the country and its people. Today, I too, stand here to speak for the interests of my country and its people, and in the hope of a peaceful world community. In this age of globalization, whatever happens in any part of the world has, to varying degrees, a negative impact on every country.
This is following long decades of historic injustice, uprooting asylum seeking occupation and the deprivation of its basic right to self-determination, freedom and independence in the Gaza Strip, our people are being subjected at the hands of the Israeli occupation forces to killing, destruction, starvation and attempts at displacement, as well as a genocidal war that has created an unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe. It has destroyed neighborhoods, cities, camps, institutions, schools, universities, hospitals. Mosques and churches. And it has targeted all the basic necessities of life and the future of entire generations. In the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. Settler expansion is accelerating, the West Bank is being fragmented and Jerusalem is being isolated and judaized. Settler terrorism is escalating under the protection of the occupying forces. While the crimes of land theft, home demolition checkpoints and raids continue under a system of laws, measures and practices All built on racial discrimination, ethnic cleansing and state terrorism. Ladies and gentlemen. We have long warned the international community, through the United Nations General Assembly and through the Security Council, that these Israeli policies, in violation of international law, would destroy the two state solution, and that this is what and this is what is happening now. Today, we warn of an even greater danger ahead, one that requires international action to address it. The danger is no longer limited to undermining the two state solution and preventing the realization of the Palestinian state. It has now come to threaten the very life and existence of the Palestinian people on their homeland. What is taking place in Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem are not isolated incidents, but rather a malicious colonial scheme aimed at making the lives of Palestinians more difficult in their homeland and forcing them to leave it. We warn you today do not allow another Nakba to occur. Do not allow further massacres like those that occurred in 1948. Do not allow terrorist gangs protected by the Israeli occupation forces to burn Palestinian homes while their occupants are sleeping inside them. Do not allow our children to live afraid and threatened. Once again, I ask before this assembly. How much longer will some states continue to remain silent on Israel, or supply it with the weapons that it uses against our people? The world has witnessed the tremendous cost in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. So what is the international community waiting for in order to protect the Palestinian people, ensure their continued presence on their land and the Israeli occupation, and implement the two state solution on the basis of international legitimacy. This solution guarantees peace for all. Instead of the threat emanating from Israeli extremism, which seeks to expand its colonial project towards establishing the so-called Greater Israel and completely erasing Palestinian presence. Mr. president, esteemed member states. We welcomed President Donald Trump's 20 point plan. We also welcomed Security Council Resolution 2803 and the roadmap for implementing the second phase. This was to hold the aggression against our people and their humanitarian suffering, and secure the withdrawal of the occupation forces from the Gaza Strip and begin rebuilding the Gaza Strip However, regretfully, we have not seen any of this materialize on the ground. The Israeli killing and aggression continue to claim the lives of men, women and children in Gaza. Nearly a year has passed since the adoption of resolution 2803 and the establishment of the Board of Peace. And only one year remains of the designated transitional period before the end of 2027. Therefore, we call for accelerating the implementation of the second phase rather than wasting any more time. The transitional period must not be allowed to become a permanent or open ended situation without any clear time bound political horizon. Rather, it must lead to the reunification of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, under the authority of the State of Palestine and its legitimate institutions, in accordance with the principle of one state one government, one law, and one legitimate entity authorized to bear arms. Ladies and gentlemen, esteemed Member States. The threats and attacks carried out by extremists. Against Islamic and Christian holy sites, particularly Al-Aqsa mosque and the church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem and the Ibrahimi Mosque in Hebron constitute a violation of their historic and legal status and of freedom of worship. They must cease immediately before they devolve into a broader religious conflict in the region and beyond. No one is in need of such an outcome. The ongoing Israeli attacks on United Nations headquarters and institutions in Jerusalem and the West Bank also undermine UNRWA's ability to continue carrying out its duties.
In that regard, I want to talk about three issues today. First, what this body should have done and failed to do. Second, what it should not have done but did anyway. And third, its position in the face of the advent of artificial intelligence. Seventy-eight years ago, this House declared that all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights— noble words whose spirit I fully share. To that end, it undertook to uphold international law, defend the sovereignty of nations, and provide a forum in which conflicts could be resolved through cooperation rather than immediately through the force of arms. That was the original purpose, the contract that we all signed. But today, regrettably, it is time to acknowledge that, in practice, that sacred covenant has been broken. That's to say, it's become a useless organization whose only purpose is to sustain a cast of fatally arrogant parasites, masquerading as well-intentioned bureaucrats. I would remind them of what Mises said: good people do not think about controlling the lives of their fellow human beings. Those who were supposed to guarantee collective security and human rights failed in their task. Instead, they allowed chaos, violence, and international terrorism to flourish. The alleged defenders of human rights have sheltered bloodthirsty dictatorships and regimes that stone women in the streets. They have systematically voted against Israel while remaining silent in the face of Islamic terrorism and the genocide of Christians in Africa. And as if that were not enough, an organization established to defend the territorial sovereignty of its members decided to look the other way with regard to the situation of the Malvinas Islands, South Georgia Islands, South Sandwich Islands, and the surrounding maritime areas. For us, the Malvinas are a national cause.
The power fuelling climate chaos and the war on nature. And the power unleashed by artificial intelligence. Excellencies, The first great power test in the 21st century is peace and security. Peace is far more than the absence of conflict. It is the presence of restraint of power by law. It is the recognition, as enshrined in the UN Charter, that force cannot be the final arbiter of whose lives, rights and future matter. Today that principle is under profound strain. Across the Middle East, conflicts are cascading. So-called ceasefires have amounted to little more than “lesser fires” – with civilians continuing to pay the price. Enough is enough. I appeal to the leaders in this Chamber to maximize this High-Level week for de- escalation and dialogue. Together, let's send a clear message from this Hall: The fighting must stop. Humanitarian aid must flow. And navigational rights and freedoms must be fully restored in accordance with international law. Amid the turmoil engulfing the region, we must not lose sight of the devastating situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. It is nearly three years since the abhorrent terror attacks by Hamas on 7 October. What followed was an onslaught on Palestinians in Gaza, with a scale of killing and destruction unlike anything I have witnessed in all my years as Secretary-General. The International Court of Justice has issued legally binding provisional measures in the case entitled: “Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip.” In an advisory opinion last year, the Court was clear that the United Nations needs to be allowed to perform our mandates in Gaza – and for our staff and humanitarian personnel to be protected. All parties must comply with international law and the Court’s orders. Meanwhile violence, displacement and settlement expansion by Israel in the Occupied West Bank are bulldozing the path to peace and raising the spectre of ethnic cleansing. We cannot allow the two-State solution to disappear before our eyes. In Ukraine, Russia’s full-scale invasion has subjected a sovereign country to a brutal war in blatant violation of the Charter. Civilians continue to be killed far from the frontlines. Mainly in Ukraine, but also more recently in parts of Russia – homes, energy and water systems, and transport have come under repeated attack, threatening food and energy supply chains globally. In Sudan, a war for raw power fed by outside actors has become a war on civilians: Millions displaced. Hunger spreading. Drones striking hospitals and homes. Sexual violence and ethnically driven attacks escalating. And a country being torn apart as the world looks away. And in Myanmar, another crisis is at risk of slipping from global attention with: escalating violence; mass displacement; and expanding transnational crime. Excellencies, These and so many other conflicts show what happens when power gets out of control, force outpaces diplomacy, military budgets soar, and accountability goes out the window. The test before us is whether power will be exercised with the law – or beyond it. We must pass that test: We must defend the Charter without double standards. Protect civilians without exception. Ensure humanitarian access without obstruction. Shield humanitarian personnel without fail.
Ladies and gentlemen, until recently, Central Asia was often mentioned against the backdrop of unresolved border disputes, water resource management issues, and many other conflicts. Thanks to the initiative of the President of Uzbekistan and the political will of the Central Asian heads of state, the situation and atmosphere in the region have completely changed. We began to view each other as partners, not as sources of threat. The same is true of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev's approach to the Afghan issue. Viewing Afghanistan solely as a source of danger will not solve the problem, nor is it a way out to leave multi-ethnic Afghan people alone with their problems. They must be given hope and confidence to achieve a peaceful life. Dear friends, the reforms being implemented by the head of Uzbekistan are primarily based on the criterion of whether people's lives are improving. We measure the results by this very criterion.
In many regions, climate-related challenges are threatening homes and livelihoods. They are putting pressure on public health, food and water security, increasing living costs, and, in some cases, contributing to instability and conflicts. The most vulnerable are often hit hardest. The Czech Republic has offered its support and stands with those working to rebuild their communities. But support after disaster is not enough. We need concerted global action, both to limit further damage and to adapt to changes that are already affecting our lives and will shape the lives of future generations. Mr. President, let me finish with a message that has not changed over the past year. Most of the challenges we face are global. No nation can meet them alone. That is why we need more dialogue, more cooperation, and more collective action. And that is why we must make multilateralism work. It is our common goal.
Mr. President. Mr. Secretary-General, Excellencies, Distinguished Heads of State and Government. Ladies and Gentlemen, in the name of the Almighty God, in whom we place our trust, Kam na bane ni Mauri. On behalf of the Government and people of Kiribati, I extend our warmest congratulations to you, Mr. President, on your election to preside and lead the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly. Kiribati assures you of our full support and cooperation as you undertake this important responsibility. Mr. President, we meet today at a difficult moment. Conflicts continue to claim lives and displace communities.
Restoring trust and United Nations will depend on its ability to deliver on the commitments already made, and to demonstrate that multilateralism can make a meaningful difference in the lives of people. Mr. president, the Secretary General, UN initiative to make the organisation more efficient and better equipped for the future is necessary and timely. Indeed Today, as we listen to President Trump. Honourable president shared with us some of the initiatives for reform that was taking place and will take place here at the UN. Reform should reduce duplication, strengthen accountability, retire mandates that no longer serve their purpose and direct scarce resources towards measurable results. At the same time, reform should preserve the organisation's ability to deliver across its three pillars of peace and security, development and human rights, and should not make it more difficult for small states to participate meaningfully in its work. Mr. president, as the UN begins its search for its next Secretary General, I take this opportunity to convey our deepest appreciation to His Excellency Antonio Guterres, whose term as the ninth Secretary general of the UN concludes at the end of this year. Secretary General Gutierrez will be well remembered for leading this organisation through a period of extraordinary global strain and for advancing important initiatives on UN reform, climate change, superintelligence and the risks posed by nuclear weapons. We also recognise some of the important initiatives advanced during his tenure, including the UN initiative. Efforts to achieve greater gender parity in senior positions in senior UN leadership positions, and his efforts to bring superintelligence and the risks posed by nuclear weapons more firmly into the international agenda. Mr. president, as I close, I see the Trinidad and Tobago's long standing commitment to multilateralism and a United Nations has been anchored in delivering results and adding value to the lives of citizens everywhere. As we chart our way forward, it is important for us all to remember that trust must be earned and built on the principles of mutual respect and cooperation.
Restoring trust, mutual respect and equality before the law is our collective responsibility. During this 81st session. Mr. president, distinguished participants, a year ago, we called in this very hall for peace to be the foundation of development and human rights. 12 months later, we must acknowledge that the gap between our commitments and reality remains evident everywhere around the world, from the Middle East to the Sahel, through the Great Lakes region, in Eastern Europe and Latin America, civilian populations continue to pay the high price of conflict, driven by interests that are often hidden. The devastating war in the Middle East, marked by massive civilian losses and destruction of critical infrastructure. Has spread to Syria and Lebanon As a result of Israeli military operations and has had major global economic consequences. In addition to its worldwide impact. The conflict threatens the food and energy security of vulnerable countries, such as the Union of the Comoros, which remain highly dependent on imports and whose population face declining purchasing power And this demands greater international solidarity. Given this shared insecurity. Mr. president, ladies and gentlemen allowing the conflict in the Middle East to continue directly weakens the United Nations by calling into question its ability to maintain world peace and by undermining its credibility amongst the peoples we represent. The theme of this 81st session acknowledges that something is broken, and that is why confidence must be restored. Through concrete actions that uphold the rule of law and collective security. It is time to move beyond power politics and establish a new human ethic that transcends divisions of race, color and belief. Whilst safeguarding our shared ecosystems. Created in 1945 from the ruins of the Second World War, our organisation was founded to guarantee peace, security and sovereign equality of states in strict respect for international law. Without these principles, it would be little more than an empty forum Since our last meeting here in September 2025, the genocide in Palestine has continued. Hundreds of thousands of Palestinian civilians, women, children and elderly have lost their lives and entire populations stands on the brink of extermination. The international community will regain its credibility first by taking urgent action to silence the guns to protect civilian lives. Whether Israeli, Palestinian, Lebanese or Syrian And ultimately implementing United Nations resolutions, including the two state solution. With Israel and Palestine coexisting peacefully This is a prerequisite.
We expect his successor to have the vision, courage, and leadership skills to restore trust, overcome divisions, and to act for change. Your Excellencies, peace and security are among the main responsibilities of the international community. In light of conflicts that have taken thousands of lives and caused immense destruction, we must step up our efforts to prevent and end hostilities. The main challenge remains the war against Ukraine, the consequences of which have spilled far beyond the immediate combat zone. Can we resolve this problem? Can we find a solution? Of course we can. I am convinced of this. Is it not time to rethink European security policy? Bulgaria, as a member state of the EU, calls for the holding of a debate on this topic and on the broader goal of the future of a post-war Europe, as well as the Europe before the war. And to begin this debate, it is high time to transfer this conflict from the military sphere to the political and diplomatic realm. This involves negotiations which require dialogue and a minimum level of trust, supported by the appropriate guarantees. Europe, however, cannot be a simple mere observer. It must be a real participant in negotiations on the post-war security architecture of the continent after the end of the war. Europe must be able to guarantee its own security. Military security must be complemented by the second pillar of security. That is to say, the contractual and legal pillar, which must guarantee that defensive capacity building provides more security rather than a new arms race. For the security of Europe, we must add robust diplomacy to military and economic security, because we cannot, dear colleagues, negotiate without the participation of two countries, Ukraine and Russia. It would be irresponsible if, after the end of the war in Ukraine, we were unable to offer anything better to European citizens than a new cold war, or worse. We need a vision for tomorrow, in line with the concept of a Europe of peace, thanks to dissuasive defense and shared security. From this lofty platform, we call for Europe to move toward this goal. Bulgaria believes that security and stability in the Black Sea region is an integral part of its national security in all of its aspects. But it is not only our national security that is at stake; it is global security. The war in Ukraine and other territories has expanded beyond the territories of the conflict parties and directly affects Bulgaria today.
Distinguished guests. Ladies and gentlemen, the world is undergoing a profound shift in the international order, with many risks and uncertainties. The tendency towards the threat or use of force, and the arms race, especially the modernization of nuclear weapons and the development of new technology weapons, are heightening the risk of confrontation, miscalculation, conflict, and even of large scale wars. At the same time, the global economy is becoming increasingly fragmented amid mounting barriers to trade, investment and technology, supply chain disruptions and economic instability, and narrowing development opportunities for many countries. Climate change, natural disasters, pandemics and emerging technological risk continue to pose direct threats to the lives of the people and their livelihoods, and to the development and stability of many nations. The shift in the balance of power and development inequalities are placing growing strains on international relations.
The rule of force, such as witnessed by Croatia during the brutal aggression and occupation of more than one quarter of our territory in the 90s in the war which claimed nearly 20,000 lives, and after which, more than three decades later, Croatia continues to search for 1725 missing persons a poignant example that the consequences of war do not end when the weapons fall silent. Instead, peace requires courage, credible institutions and rules that apply equally to everyone. Russia's ongoing war of aggression against Ukraine is a direct assault on those rules. Croatia will continue to support Ukraine's sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity and a comprehensive, just and lasting peace based on the UN charter. Peace cannot reward conquest and recovery cannot be separated from justice. The same compass must guide us in the Middle East. Protection of civilians, unhindered humanitarian access, respect for international law and a credible political horizon are essential to breaking the cycle of violence. Croatia supports a negotiated two state solution in which Israelis and Palestinians will live in peace and security. From Sudan and Myanmar to the Sahel and the Great Lakes region, civilians bear the highest cost when rules are ignored and diplomacy fails and no crisis remains local for long. War disrupts food and energy supplies, while insecurity from the Strait of Hormuz to the Black Sea affects shipping prices and livelihoods across continents.
And yet the continent remains a global strategic partner in the world stage. The question is: how many more years should African leaders travel to New York and stand before this Assembly to call for a fair representation in the UN Security Council? Mr. President, we are being deprived of the opportunity to contribute to global security issues. We meet at a time when multiple wars and armed conflicts continue to claim lives, destroy infrastructure, and displace communities across various regions of the world.
the people of Palestine should be allowed their own state and full membership of the UN alongside the State of Israel. We also speak today about Haiti. Member states of this organization must act in a manner that will restore the trust of the people of Haiti in the United Nations. Some member States have failed to meet the commitments and pledges to the gang suppression force in Haiti whose one year mandate ends this month. The Security Council is urged to renew the force's mandate and member states to provide the necessary resources to operate effectively and successfully. While gang violence is the main factor to be resolved in Haiti, the crisis in this country is multidimensional. The international response must include long term social and economic assistance that will help restore an acceptable quality of life for the people of Haiti. This is why the Caribbean community has been actively engaged in Haiti, a Caribbean country, a Caribbean community member state, to assist with a solution to the political and governance dimensions of the crisis. Through its Eminent Persons Group comprising three Prime ministers, it will continue to facilitate dialogue amongst Haiti's political and civil society stakeholders as they work towards holding the first round of general elections this year. Trust in the United Nations will be restored if the daily lives of the people of Haiti are transformed and enhanced. It is in a similar quest for trust and transformation that Saint Lucia believes there should be dialogue and the removal of obstacles that hinder the true development of the people of Cuba. Cuba has long been celebrated for its continued contribution to health, education and development across our region and beyond. Saint Lucia stands with the Cuban people in their hope for a better future, supported by the friendship and solidarity of the international community. In the same spirit of transformation and consistent with our commitment to the right of all people to self-determination, Saint Lucia supports Taiwan's full membership in the United Nations.
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No. 34
Sierra Leone09/22 · first at about 7 min2 mentions
Of course, nations have legitimate security needs, but the speed with which the world finds resources for war compared to prevention and development, reveals a grave disorder in our priorities. The credibility of international law also depends on who has the voice in applying it. The credibility weakens when institutions entrusted with the law preserve an unequal distribution of power. The Security Council still reflects the world of 1945. Africa, home to more than 1.6 billion people and the subject of most of the council's work still has no permanent seat. That's not fair. Africa seeks its rightful place because the council cannot be fully legitimate or effective while an entire continent remains permanently absent from its highest level of decision making. No durable global solution on peace, climate, food, energy or technology can be built without African leadership. The common African position espoused in the Ezulwini Consensus and Sirte Declaration calls for no fewer than two permanent seats, with all the rights and privileges of permanent membership, including the veto if it is retained, and five non-permanent seats. As coordinator of the African Union Committee of ten, Sierra Leone will continue to advance that position. Years of intergovernmental negotiations without realizing the reform has tested the credibility of the process. Before this session concludes, member states should have a consolidated model, which we committed to in the pact for the future. Sierra Leone speaks with the authority of service. During our time on the Security Council in 2024 2025, we worked as a voice of reason and a bridge across Division. We convened the Security Council's first high level debate on redressing historical injustice against Africa, placed conflict related food insecurity at the centre of its agenda and with Guyana, Co-drafted unanimously adopted resolution 2807 on youth, peace and security, strengthening young people's role in conflict prevention and peace building. Mr. president. Representation becomes meaningful when it changes decisions and improves lives.
Allow me to begin my speech by quoting the sentences that I delivered, uh, 14 years ago on this rostrum on behalf of Slovenia and also on behalf of vast number of current and former heads of states at that time who signed our declaration for. And, uh, allow me to quote This was, uh, 14 years ago, this year's team of the United Nations Assembly is peaceful resolution of disputes. Last year, we celebrated the 60th anniversary of the entry into force of the convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. The convention was the fruit of the tireless effort of the Polish jurist of Jewish descent, Raphael Lemkin. I would like to remind you that since the end of the Second World War alone, there have been more than 80 countries witnessing mass atrocities. At least 53 million innocent people lost their lives. And behind these numbers are concrete men and women as well as children. They had a future, but they were not allowed to leave that future. For this reason, I call on the member states of the United Nations, regional organizations and the United Nations system to develop a new approach and a strategy for the prevention of genocide and other mass atrocities. In addition, an intergovernmental forum of like minded states should be established in order to propose a United Nations resolution that would give a clear mandate for preparation and adoption of an appropriate legal mechanism, legal mechanism that would give the concept of the responsibility to protect a new tool, a legal mechanism that will enforce the prevention of crime, a mechanism that will enable a faster and more effective response to acts of genocide and other mass atrocities. I would like to inform you that this initiative also comes from international civil society. The Institute for Cultural Diplomacy has gathered thousands of supporters and inter international non-governmental organizations among lawyers, lawyers, students, journalists and others. As early as 1960. 1946 Raphael Lemkin declared our heritage is the result of the contribution of all nations, all nations, as well as the United Nations, as we all have great responsibility, as well as an enormous opportunity to prevent atrocities in the future. We cannot escape history, but we can learn something from it. I firmly believe that the mistakes we made yesterday, we do not want to repeat tomorrow. We talk. We. We took responsibility for this word from our fathers, and we have a great responsibility to make it better for our children. I call on you to improve it by joining all our efforts for a world free from genocide and other mass atrocities. End of quote. This was 14 years ago, after 14 years. I know that despite the great initial support, our initiative has not been realized. And we can all say that today world is not better.
These are not the actions of a country interested in peace. Russia could halt its brutal attacks at any time, yet it refuses to do so. Russia's actions have already had direct global impact in increased food and energy costs. This time last year, a bushel of wheat was just over $5. This year, it's more than $7. The fact that a permanent member of the Security Council is seeking to change borders by force, in clear violation of the UN charter is utterly unacceptable Sovereignty and territorial integrity apply equally to all states. The international community must remain steadfast in our response. In support of the UN charter and of a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. Ireland stands in solidarity with Ukraine and will continue to do so. We will continue to support efforts to hold Russia accountable for its actions. There can be no impunity for war crimes, not in Ukraine, not anywhere. And that is why Ireland is a steadfast supporter of the International Criminal Court. Ireland strongly opposes efforts to undermine the court. All measures against it should be immediately withdrawn. The international legal order, founded on our agreements to make the world a safer and more secure place, is being challenged. International law represents the collective lessons drawn from conflict, suffering and atrocity. The rules and institutions that we have built over generations exist to protect the rights, security and sovereignty of all states and all peoples. When these principles are disregarded, the consequences extend far beyond any single conflict. We all become less secure. Mr. president, 20 years ago, the Commission on War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity in Darfur saw the international community come together to fulfil our collective responsibility to protect. Despite the extraordinary efforts of the Sudanese people, the cycle of violence has continued. The conflict has been inflamed and prolonged by harmful outside interference. All states and external actors must cease arming, financing and enabling the war in Sudan. 15 million Sudanese people are displaced from their homes. Over 19.5 million face crisis levels of hunger. 33 million need urgent humanitarian assistance. Violations of international law including targeting on the basis of ethnicity, deliberate destruction of the means of survival, killing, torture and sexual violence are again being used as weapons of war. We need to act decisively to support the people of Sudan to end this conflict. We must support their aspirations for democracy, justice and development. Sudan has become a forgotten war despite its devastating impacts We must not allow the absence of daily headlines to become a license for inaction. The people of Sudan deserve the same attention, urgency and solidarity that we rightly extend to crises elsewhere. Mr. president, despite its prevalence, we cannot ever allow ourselves to become indifferent to conflict and human suffering it brings. To do so would deny the shared humanity of its victims. The peace plan on Gaza agreed last October was welcome, but it has not fundamentally changed the reality on the ground. Israeli strikes continue, humanitarian aid remains blocked. Civilians continue to suffer. We, the collective international community, have failed Palestine. Ireland, like most gathered here, believe that the only viable solution to the decades of conflict, misery and wasted human lives is a situation where a state of Palestine and a state of Israel live side by side in peace, security, and dignity. There are modest signs of progress. More countries have recognised the state of Palestine, and overwhelming majority of UN member states has endorsed the New York Declaration. More of us have taken steps to push back against the illegal and violent settler occupation of Palestinian land in the West Bank. But time is running out. What we are witnessing on the ground is a deliberate attempt by some to make the prospect of a two state solution impossible This is not some mad conspiracy theory. It is the stated intent of the Prime Minister of Israel who said clearly that, and I quote, we are going to fulfil our promise that there will be no Palestinian state. This place belongs to us on court, as he permitted the E1. Illegal development in East Jerusalem and the situation in Gaza remains an affront to all that is decent. How can we tolerate a situation where civilians are so desperate for shelter that they have to make their homes in war damaged and unsafe buildings where eight children died because one of them collapsed? Where the most basic humanitarian aid, food and shelter is deliberately impeded When the full truth of what has happened, what is still happening in Gaza is finally known. When the evidence is gathered, when the testimonies are heard, when the true horrors are finally and fully revealed. It will shame the world. Nobody will be able to say that we did not know. Let it not be said that we did not act in the West Bank. In the West Bank. The relentless expansion of settlements have reached a scale without precedent, further eroding, eroding the prospects for a just and lasting peace. Violent settlers continue to act with near-total impunity, while Palestinian communities face a sustained campaign of displacement and destruction amounting to ethnic cleansing. Entire villages have been razed, homes and vital infrastructure demolished, and thousands of Palestinian families driven from the places they have called home for generations and exposed to intimidation and violence. The United Nations reports that this year there have been almost 200 attacks against Palestinians every month, a stark reminder of a reality that is deepening conflict, suffering and despair. The International Court of Justice has been clear. Settlements in occupied Palestinian territory are illegal. Ireland has acted alongside others to prohibit the import of settlement goods. It is never too late to uphold international law. Mr. president, the conflict in the Gulf remains deeply concerning and is having a serious impact around the world. We need to get back to meaningful, good faith negotiations by all sides Ireland has consistently stated that Iran must cease its attacks on its neighbours and also end its destabilizing activities across the region, including strikes on ships in the Strait of Hormuz. Vessels must be allowed to transit the strait safely and without tolls in line with international law. If we are to build greater stability, Iran must never have a nuclear weapon. Iran's destabilizing influence across the region must cease. We need dialogue to achieve a negotiated settlement. Mr. president, since 1978, Irish soldiers have served with distinction in Lebanon in the Unifil peacekeeping operation. Ireland will continue to work with Lebanon, European Union and international partners to support Lebanon's future peace and security. We have consistently condemned Hezbollah's attacks on Israel, which must cease immediately. Israel must withdraw its military presence from southern Lebanon and bring an end to its military operations there. Israel's response has been wholly disproportionate. We honor the courage, professionalism and dedication of all peacekeepers who have served under the United Nations We remember with particular respect, those who lost their lives in the cause of peace. We welcome the Secretary-General's report on the Future of Peacekeeping, and Ireland will work with others to ensure that this essential capacity adapts to the 21st century. Ireland also welcomes wider reforms in efforts in the United Nations system. These are necessary if we are to meet the challenges of our rapidly changing world.
We also recognize the work carried out by your predecessor, Her Excellency Annalena Baerbock, in the service of this organization, whose contribution we greatly value. Mr. President, the topic chosen for this session—"Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: A United Nation That Benefits All"— invites us to return to the opening words of the United Nations Charter: simple words, yet perhaps amongst the most powerful ever inscribed in an international treaty. We, the people, together, have the most comprehensive expression of our collective responsibility toward humanity. Eighty-one years ago, in the face of devastation caused by war, humanity chose cooperation over confrontation; the law of force and hope over fear. That promise has shaped generations; it has protected millions of lives in the whole world, and it gave voice to those that, during many times, remained on the margin of international decisions. Today, however, the promise that we face is one of the toughest tests, as we live in a world marked by protected worlds, growing geopolitical rivalities, persistent humanitarian crises, severe weather events, and other highly complex challenges in the world. At the same time, Your Excellency, the digital revolution, the demographic changes, and the organization of the value chains are transforming our economies every day and society at an unprecedented pace. Never has the world been so interconnected and, at the same time, so fragmented like today. And it is precisely in this context that the theme of this session takes on important significance:" Restoring Trust" requires consistency between the principles we proclaim as leaders and the decisions we make. It requires the fair application of international law and concrete results that translate into improvement in the lives of the people in the whole world. In short," restoring trust" means renewing the promise made eighty-one years ago. I repeat: we, the people. Mr. President, Mozambique knows from its own experience the value of multilateralism and the value of the United Nations, this organization. This organization has stood by our people at decisive moments of its history, on the path to our national independence as a people, in the pursuit and building of peace in Mozambique, and in the national reconstruction, in the responding to natural disasters, and in the promotion of sustainable development. Today, in the process of the national dialogue, thank you so much, UN. The trust of Mozambique is a result of a living memory of the Mozambican people. It is in this period that Mozambique would like to commend the leadership of the Secretary-General, António Guterres, whose tenure coincided with a period marked by enormous global challenges, and in which the limits of multilateralism were put to the test. He leaves behind a robust organization that is prepared to better respond to the challenges of our time. His legacy is, in our point of view, unquestionably positive and marked by transformative achievements of this organization. Thus, the best tribute we can pay to his legacy is to continue the work of strengthening this organization, because no generation is going to inherit the United Nations as a finished legacy.
Excellencies, we are drawing close to the end of the tenure of the current Secretary General and the appointment of the next one, an act of greater importance, given that the person must possess the qualities of independence, integrity, competence and courage to build consensus, uphold the charter, promote conflict prevention, lead the necessary reforms, and seek solutions to address the organisation's financial crisis. The Republic of Angola reaffirms its commitment to the United Nations, convinced that only at the level of this institution will it be possible to safeguard the achievements of the recent decades in terms of respect for international law. Only within the framework of the United Nations can we make progress in seeking peaceful solutions to the conflicts ravaging the world within a framework in which multilateralism serves as the mechanism for bringing together ideas, political wills and initiatives conducive to global peace. We, political leaders and rulers of today will be judged in the future by our ability to replace confrontation with dialogue, predatory competition with cooperation, exclusion with solidarity, and the force of arms with the force of law. Only in this way will we build a more just, peaceful and inclusive international order capable of ensuring progress and wellbeing of humankind, leaving no one behind. No weapon is more powerful than diplomacy, since all others are used only to destroy lives, infrastructures, dreams, and life plans, whereas diplomacy is the only weapon that exists to unite, repair, build and save lives, peoples, nations, and humanity itself. For this reason, the United Nations organization must equip itself with appropriate tools and means to fulfill the theme of this 81st session of its General Assembly, namely restoring trust, managing transformation, empowering it to become an organization that delivers for all. Thank you very much for your kind attention.
I'm welcome for this opportunity for Bolivia to be with you and to express our concerns, I will conclude. By talking about man and Santa Cruz, two departments, and Cochabamba as well, which in September, this is the anniversary of those, um, nine departments. But I would also like to express my my fond affection to young Bolivians, young Bolivians, just like the the young people in all of the nations of the United Nations needs to find the meaning or and purpose of their lives. Our nations need to give our young people that purpose. There will be the United Nations, Bolivia and countries in the future. If we give that meaning to our young people a meaning and a purpose in their lives, the very reason for being. I am and I am here to be part of building a society. That is why in these difficult moments that we are experiencing now, we are working in particular to ensure that young people have a purpose. They want to build the fatherland. They want to build our nation and want to be part of the United Nations as a concept of United Nations, so that we can cooperate, work together. And to be firm in that conviction, to be able to carry out a form of transformation and bring change to our work as a nation. I believe we need to build a new agenda, an agenda of energy critical minerals, industrialization, infrastructure, digitalization, water, biodiversity, food security, education, health, gender science, technology, connectivity, and other things. A new agenda for humanity. And we must debate that and discuss it. Because changes. Digitalization is changing things very rapidly and changing our ability to understand what is happening in our countries. I am the product of digitalization. I conducted my campaign on social networks alone. I didn't use campaign experts. I didn't use millions of dollars for my campaign. It was only networks. Um, and that is why urgent responses are needed to the challenges facing our nation. Thank you very much for this opportunity given to Bolivia, Bolivia today in this assembly. As I said, not everything has been resolved. We're just getting started. But Bolivia will never be on its knees. It will always stand tall. It will always stand up and be ready to walk forward and move ahead. I would like to thank. Each of the departments in my homeland and tell you that Bolivia is the homeland that never abandons us. The United Nations should also be the space that never abandons our homelands. This is the space for consolidating our democracy.
Patent disregard for international law and the principles of a charter, reinforced by the sense of impunity, too often dominates over adherence to the rule of law and cooperation between countries for a better future. Mutual dependence has come to be treated as a critical vulnerability. Aggression, wars, and conflicts are becoming the new normal. Millions of people are suffering in Ukraine, Gaza, Sudan, Haiti, Myanmar. Sometimes we tend to forget that behind the numbers, there are always human beings: families separated, children affected, homes destroyed, and lives disrupted by conflict. Over the past three years, more than 1,000 humanitarian workers have lost their lives. And beyond ongoing wars and conflicts, there is a looming crisis brought on by climate change, one in which time is running out for us to act. Indeed, the time to act is now. Estonia, for example, is contributing its share. We have reduced our emissions by 66 percent over the past 35 years while transforming our energy system. Yes, the world is on fire, troubles and problems mounting before our eyes. The cooperative spirit in international relations that emerged after San Francisco and was clearly present after the end of the Cold War is fading away.
There can be no sustainable peace in a world of widening economic disparities, where some states spend more on servicing their debt than on the health of their citizens and education of their children. This does not absolve developing countries of their responsibility to undertake reform, combat corruption and build institutions. But those efforts require a fairer and more equitable international economic order, one that offers them genuine opportunities to advance. Mr. president, our shared responsibility is equally evident in the face of the profound transformations our world is undergoing. Climate change threatens the lives and livelihoods of millions. Those countries that have contributed least to it bear its gravest consequences. This calls for equitable adaptation, finance and technology transfer. At the same time, the artificial intelligence revolution is opening unprecedented horizons for progress across every sphere of life.
AI can be a powerful accelerator of human progress; therefore, we must not close the door to innovation. At the same time, we must address AI’s potential harms, including job losses and widening of the digital divide. We cannot also rule out the possibility that AI, particularly artificial general intelligence, or AGI, could affect human survival. That demands prudent and reliable guardrails, based on scientific evidence, to safeguard the global public interest, while allowing innovation to go forward. Governments must remain at the heart of this endeavour. But governments do not have a monopoly on expertise, capital, technology, innovation or influence. Much of that experience and capacity already lies with businesses, innovators, civil society and others. We need to unlock the doors of the United Nations to those developing and using AI. Not someday. Now. We are falling further behind each day. AI differs from earlier proliferation challenges in one critical respect: it is already embedded in nearly every facet of our lives, in our water systems, electricity grids, health records, economies and militaries. We cannot allow an arms race for control of AI to carry us over the precipice. There is clear precedent for United Nations engagement with world-changing developments. We did so on nuclear non-proliferation; through the Montreal Protocol to protect the ozone layer; and with the United Nations Declaration on Human Cloning in 2005. We need experts, innovators, industry leaders, scientists, civil society, and academia all working together on the issues of our times. (PAUSE) Excellencies, Ladies and gentlemen, We have an opportunity in this session to show that we have learned from what works; that we are prepared to confront what does not; and that we can build a United Nations capable not simply of surviving change, but of shaping it. To seize that opportunity, we must be realistic enough to confront hard truths, bold enough to reform, and inclusive enough to bring the right people to the table.
Humanitarian needs are rising, while the resources available to meet them are rapidly declining. Nationalism, intolerance and political polarization are weakening the spirit of international cooperation. At the same time, the climate crisis continues to destroy lives, livelihoods, and public infrastructure, particularly across the developing world. According to the United Nations over 40% of the global population are vulnerable to the destructive effects of climate change, and governments in developing countries spend over 10% of their GDP to respond to this. This painful fiscal trade offs come at the expense of investment in the education and health, which should never be the case for millions of vulnerable people. Global development can sometimes appear to be moving from one framework to another framework. One set from one framework to another. One set promises to the next.
Equipment is needed, and one needs to resolve to see the effort through. However, there is another security challenge that should compel us all collectively to act. The illicit trafficking in weapons and ammunition. These are weapons that are killing Haitians, that are sowing terror in our neighborhoods and cutting down innocent lives, and they're not being produced in Haiti. They are arriving here through transnational criminal networks that are fueling insecurity and strengthening the capacity of gangs to act, while threatening stability of our entire region. For as long as this traffic prospers, violence will find ways to perpetuate. Dismantling this traffic is a shared responsibility. We therefore need to move beyond advocating for Haiti.
It helped Namibia achieve independence, supported Cambodia's transition from conflict, disarmed combatants in Sierra Leone and Liberia, and helped Timor Leste take its place among sovereign nations. More than 2 million peacekeepers have served under the UN flag, proving that peace can be built, protected, and sustained. Its impact reached further into the lives of ordinary people. The United Nations system helped eradicate smallpox, vaccinated generations of children, fight hunger and disease, expand access to education and bring clean water and humanitarian assistance to communities across the world. Since the year 2000, deaths among children under 5 have fallen by more than half. These achievements matter. They changed borders, ended wars, defeated disease, and transformed lives. They tell us that multilateralism works when nations summon the will to make it work. The United Nations has not fulfilled every promise of its charter, but without it, our world would have been poorer, more dangerous, and less free. That is why Kenya speaks today, not from despair in this institution, but from conviction in its possibilities. Yet conviction in what this institution can be requires us to confront what this institution has become. Distinguished delegates, last year the world recorded 65 state-based armed conflicts, the highest number of documented incidences in eight decades of global conflict data.
It is now ten years since Brexit. My country has lived through the disruption it brought, and it has given us a unique perspective that I want to share with you today. Britain is back. We are restoring our stability, building a more dynamic economy a nation that wants to trade with the world and work together to solve the shared problems we face. But we have also learned that we need to adapt to meet the challenge of these times. We need to rebalance power in our country and bring it closer to people. We need to work harder to fight the forces of division and instability which threaten us not just through hard power, but through softer, slower means that sow fear and despair. We need to do more to help people with the everyday cost of living, and seize the opportunities that give them hope for the future. And we need to embrace the incredible potential of technology to improve people's lives.
When member states approach negotiations with political will, mutual respect, and a sense of responsibility. Mr. president, the stakes are perhaps greatest in international peace and security. One of the foremost purposes for which this organization was created. If diplomacy can bring countries together to find common ground on difficult questions on global development, then surely we can summon the same political courage to prevent conflicts, resolve wars, and build lasting peace. The Gambia speaks on this not merely from principle, but from experience. In 2017, our country stood at a moment of acute constitutional uncertainty. The democratic choice of the Gambian people faced a grave challenge at that critical moment. The preventive diplomacy of the United Nations working in partnership with African Union and ECOWAS, helped uphold the will of the Gambian people and support a peaceful democratic transition. We have not forgotten that solidarity. It taught us that preventive diplomacy is not an abstract concept. It is a practical instrument for preventing confrontation, creating space for dialogue and protecting institutions. Sometimes it can change the course of a nation. That experience also gives us an obligation. If the international community could stand with The Gambia at a moment of fragility, then countries facing similar moments should be able to count on the same solidarity. Across the world, however, conflicts continue to destroy lives, displaced populations and reverse decades of development. Civilians bear the greatest costs, while humanitarian workers operate under increasingly dangerous conditions, and the resources available to respond to crisis remain far below what is required. The protection of civilians, respect for international humanitarian law and humanitarian access are not political conveniences. They are legal obligations and expressions of a shared humanity. We need stronger early warning systems that enable us to act before crises escalate. Timely mediation before positions become entrenched, and peace building that addresses the conditions that allow conflict to take root. The question before us must therefore not only be how to end the ongoing wars, but how to prevent the next war from beginning. Prevention should not have to wait for a crisis to become sufficiently destructive to attract international attention. It is infinitely less costly in human political and financial terms to prevent conflict than to manage its consequences after violence has begun. We therefore welcome the Secretary-General's continued good offices and in preventing diplomacy and call for these efforts to be matched with predictable and sustained resources. Mr. president, peace must be built and nurtured through institutions that command public confidence. Societies in which trust can be restored and justice pursued, and a future in which women and young people have a meaningful voice and economic opportunity is within reach. The government has experienced the value of peace building firsthand since our democratic transition. The Peace Building Commission and the Secretary-General's Peace Building Fund have been steadfast partners in our nationally led efforts to strengthen institutions, advanced transitional justice and consolidate peace. We therefore support a stronger and more responsive Peace Building Commission, adequately resourced to support countries emerging from conflict or navigating delicate political transitions. The implementation of the outcomes of the Building Architecture review must translate into stronger prevention, greater national ownership and closer coordination across the United Nations system. We also reaffirm our support for United Nations peace building operations, and pay tribute to the men and women who serve under the UN flag, including government, military and police personnel who have contributed with distinction, international peace and security. There are. Safety and security must remain a priority, alongside performance, accountability and strict adherence to international law. Partnerships between the United Nations and regional organisations, particularly the African Union, must also be deepened with sustained and predictable funding. Mr. president, the ongoing conflict in Sudan remains a matter of profound concern to The Gambia, together with continued instability across part of the Sahel. It reminds us that peace cannot be separated from development and governance. The suffering of civilians in the affected conflict zones globally demands sustained international attention and renewed diplomatic efforts towards the escalation, dialogue and a durable political settlement in the Sahel and other conflict zones. Our response must be comprehensive and holistic. Security measures are necessary but they must be accompanied by increased support for democratic governance, institution building, education job creation, development and climate resilience. Mr. president, for millions of people around the world, poverty, lack of human rights, democratic governance, etc. continue to pose greater insecurity.
And nowhere is this crisis of credibility more painful than in the ongoing persecution of the Palestinian people in Gaza and the West Bank. Mr. speaker, Mr. President, sorry, I was an MP before. Mr. president, the time has come for us to stop using diplomatic euphemisms to reveal the human carnage that is taking place in Gaza. How many more lives must be lost before the world acts with decisive moral authority, authority? The blood of five year old Rajab and the more than 2000 children that have been killed in this brutal conflict, cries out to the conscience of the world. Collective punishment and forced starvation and mass displacement are flagrant violations of international law Ghana remains unwavering in its recognition of the sovereign state of Palestine and its steadfast support for a viable two state solution, where Israel and Palestine will live side by side in peace. Security with guaranteed borders. At the same time, we condemn all acts of terrorism by Hamas that triggered this conflict, and we insist that all parties unconditionally respect international humanitarian law. Our Moral standards cannot be selective. In that spirit of international legality. In that same spirit, international legality and human solidarity. Ghana reiterates its call for the immediate lifting of the decades long economic, commercial and financial embargo that has been imposed on Cuba. The world must support Cuba's new economic and social program measures that inflict collective economic hardship on ordinary citizens, run counter to our shared commitment to human dignity and international law. We must likewise elevate our global response to the catastrophic conflict in Sudan, which is reported to be the world's worst humanitarian crisis. We must also exercise solidarity with nations that are facing the terrorist scourge, especially our neighbors in the Alliance of Sahel states. The current Middle East crisis is having a deleterious effect on the world economy. We call for a return to the negotiating table. And let me add that no human civilization deserves to be annihilated, and certainly not a member of the United Nations. I believe that dialogue can resolve even the most intractable of global problems. Across every conflict, whether in Europe, the Middle East, Africa, the standard must remain uniform respect for sovereign integrity, protect civilians and ensure unhindered humanitarian access and hold perpetrators of war crimes accountable.
Wars can disrupt food, fuel, energy, trade, supply chains far from the battlefield. Economic decisions made in the world's largest economy can reach an ordinary family in a small developing country. A mother buying food can feel the consequences. A farmer buying fuel can feel the consequences. Our small businesses facing higher transport costs can feel the consequences. And the developing countries trying to build roads, schools and hospitals can feel the consequences. This is why leadership in powerful nations carry responsibilities beyond your national borders. With great power comes great responsibility. Papua New Guinea respectfully asks leaders of the world's major powers to remember the ordinary people whose lives can be affected by decisions made far away from them. When wars disrupt food, fuel and trade, families far from the battlefield can experience higher prices and economic uncertainty. When climate changes, communities that have contributed little to global greenhouse gas emissions can nevertheless face rising seas, extreme weather, threats to food security, and damage to lives livelihoods. Mr. president, my appeal to leaders everywhere is really simple. Put human welfare ahead of war. Put humanity ahead of narrow geopolitical interests.
It's one that I wholeheartedly endorse. But let's be frank, dear friends: people don't want slogans anymore. Our people want solutions to their problems. That is why I have not come to this rostrum to recite beautiful phrases full of grandiose words that do nothing to improve the lives of our citizens. I have come to speak about concrete problems and to suggest solutions. I have come to speak on behalf of a country that rose from the most devastating war in the Western Hemisphere, the War of the Triple Alliance, which brought mourning to no fewer than four sister nations. One of those, the country that I represent, is one of the fastest-growing countries in the world nowadays. Paraguay's contribution is not merely theoretical; it is based on experience.
Transnational criminal networks are using our ocean as a highway for illicit drugs, undermining our sovereignty and national security, destroying young lives and tearing at the fabric of our communities. Behind every statistic stands a family, a community, a young life robbed of its promise. We will not allow criminal networks to profit from the vulnerability of our people. We are amending our Dangerous Drugs Act to introduce stiffer penalties as a deterrent, and we are strengthening law enforcement to prevent and detect these crimes and to hold perpetrators accountable. In August this year, Solomon Islands acceded to the UN Convention Against Transnational Organised Crime, a clear demonstration of our resolve to confront this threat. These are costly and demanding undertakings, and no Pacific country can win this fight alone. We call for stronger international cooperation, greater information sharing, sustained investment in the capacity of our law enforcement agencies, and the support for prevention and rehabilitation. Our vision of a peaceful and secure Pacific extends beyond transnational crime. As enshrined in the Ocean of Peace declaration, our region must remain free of nuclear weapons and free from destabilizing external influence.
These ambitions are underpinned by Georgia's strong economic performance. Over the past five years, our economy has grown by an average of 9.3% annually, and this momentum has continued in 2026, with growth reaching 7.9% in the first seven months of the year. As the International Monetary Fund projects, Georgia will deliver one of the fastest growth rates in the medium term among regional and European countries averaging 5.4%, with one of the fastest growing economies worldwide. We are actively building an innovation oriented business friendly environment that supports both local and foreign enterprises. Despite the global uncertainty, Georgia's FDI to GDP ratio is one of the highest among peer countries and averaged over 6% of GDP in 2021 2025, highlighting the confidence of investors in the country's growth potential. Georgia's FDI outlook is supported by a pipeline of large, multi-year investment projects across transport and logistics, energy infrastructure, tourism, and real estate. Yet, the true measure of success is how it improves people's lives. Strong economic performance must translate into tangible social outcomes higher output per person, rising real wages, declining poverty, better employment opportunities, and greater economic resilience.
Many citizens see a gulf between what we agree on here and what people experience on a daily basis. Closing this gap is the task of our organization. A lot of citizens realize that this is the task that our generation must take up. And as a founding country, Ecuador believes in the United Nations, and it's precisely for this reason that we want an organization that's able to respond to the challenges of the world today, not of 1945. Supporting the organization, the United Nations, also needs to involve a willingness to transform the United Nations. And that's why we support the UN80 initiative and pose an essential question: what United Nations of the world needs today? We need an organization that's more efficient, with the ability to prevent conflicts, resolve crises, and support states to challenges that didn't exist when the organization was created. An organization whose legitimacy depends not only on the decision that we adopt, but the way that they adopt. And we need the charter and international law to remain our common language. More than 80 years ago, countries understood that peace didn't depend on everyone's power, but rather is something that we built organizations to cooperate to achieve. This remains our main strength. The citizens of the world will not judge this organization by its declarations; they will judge it by its ability to turn commitments into peace and security, into respect for human rights, into real opportunities for development, and how many lives we really save. President, the criminal gangs already coordinate with each other. Now we need to do better. Ecuador has come to this Assembly to defend collective solutions, because no country can build a safe, prosperous, and sustainable future alone. And because when international cooperation works, we are all stronger for it.
In short, a United Nations that delivers for all. If multilateralism is to deliver, it must first secure the peace upon which all human progress depends. Without peace, sustainable development is an illusion. Conflict destroys lives, uproots communities, and diverts vital resources away from health care, education and climate resilience. We must reject the normalisation of perpetual conflict and the selective application of international law. International law must apply equally to all, without exception, bias or double standards. This principle is vital to maritime security. The oceans are the lifeblood of global trade. When maritime routes are threatened by piracy geopolitical friction or armed aggression, the shocks ripple far beyond regional waters, devastating vulnerable island economies. Freedom of navigation and maritime security must be preserved under international law. Small and vulnerable states like ours should never bear the collateral economic costs of conflicts in which they have no part.
The victims of the genocide and the employees of the Memorial Centre, Srebrenica, are facing unacceptable pressures from the police of the Republika Srpska. We must not allow that the police and other institutions of Republika Srpska, which committed the genocide against Bosniaks, today threaten the survivors and those that are preserving the memory of the victims of the genocide. Those seeking to destroy the Dayton Peace Agreement are attempting to create the conditions for the secession of the Bosnian entity, Republika Srpska. In the period ahead, they will intensify their activities primarily with the aim of weakening and abolishing the mandate of the High Representative of the international community, which is also envisaged by the Dayton Peace Agreement, weakening the institution of the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina and seizing the state property of Bosnia and Herzegovina, contrary to the national and international law. Ladies and gentlemen, Bosnia and Herzegovina is an unconquerable state. There is not a single map of Southeast Europe from the past 1000 years on which Bosnia or Bosnia and Herzegovina does not appear. Bosnia and Herzegovina is home to people who love freedom more than their own lives. Finally, as the chairman of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, I wish to emphasize that I am proud of the brave people of Bosnia and Herzegovina. These are people who have suffered injustice, yet they continue to fight for justice. These are people who have been victims of lies, yet they continue to fight for the truth. These are people who support the struggle for justice, freedom and human dignity throughout the world. These are the honorable and proud people of my homeland, Bosnia and Herzegovina. Thank you for your attention.
Excessive consumption of the few drives the emission that is currently choking our planet. Yet, delayed promises add a brutal toll on the loss of lives and the devastation of infrastructure. If we are to survive this crisis, we must act now, and act fast. Speaking of actions, my country, Ethiopia, will proudly host COP32 in November 2027. Ethiopia will help organize a vibrant and inclusive platform for the private sector and international stakeholders to pioneer tangible solutions to climate action. In this connection, I sincerely invite all world leaders to come to Ethiopia and leave their footprints at this important global climate summit. With regard to the digital revolution and artificial intelligence, Africa is compelled to ask a very defining question: will the age of the AI become another instrument of global inequality, or will it be a catalyst for our collective growth? We must ensure that the Global South leads this technological revolution, rather than remain a helpless spectator.
Mr. President, there is another challenge that no country can face alone: natural phenomena. Today we are weathering a severe drought, and we are taking tangible decisions to support our most vulnerable citizens. The hurricanes that have beset us in the past, and today's drought, have the same root cause: that is a climate which is operating at increasing extremes, and that will affect the entire world for decades. Our response is not simply to react to these disasters. Rather, we are taking action by preparing as best we can to mitigate the effects of climate change. We are investing our own resources in protecting lives, harvests, and access to drinking water. However, we want to go further. Honduras is opening its doors to anyone developing new solutions for water, agriculture, early warning, and the infrastructure that our country requires.
We witness geopolitical instability in Europe, the Middle East and elsewhere. It is made worse by growing nuclear ambitions in the Middle East and Asia, as well as the irresponsible transfer of military related goods, dual use items and sensitive technologies. In recent months, Iran has continued attacking neighboring countries, often through its proxies, while actively impairing the freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz. These actions constitute a serious threat to regional and international peace and security. We reaffirm our full solidarity with the Gulf Cooperation Council countries and Jordan. We call on Iran to halt its nuclear and missile programs, as well as its collaboration with armed groups across the Middle East. Lithuania commends all efforts to find a solution ensuring freedom of navigation. We will contribute with our demining capabilities to the international maritime missions in the Strait of Hormuz. As regards the situation in the Gaza Strip, my country supports international efforts to maintain and consolidate the cease fire. The Comprehensive plan to end the Gaza conflict, including the deployment of the Temporary International Stabilisation Force, provides the guidelines to follow. Lithuania reiterates the importance of full demilitarization of non-state armed groups. Humanitarian aid must also be allowed to reach those in need safely and without obstruction. To this day, the two state solution remains the only way towards a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. In this light, it is crucially important to abstain from any further actions incompatible with a credible political process. Ladies and gentlemen, the one conflict that poses the greatest threat to the world order is Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine, supported by its proxies. In the 12 years since the illegal occupation of Crimea, Russia has escalated from clandestine operations and limited warfare in eastern Ukraine to massive military operations, mass killings and ultimately the largest drone attacks against civilian infrastructure the world has ever seen. The current stage of the war, which began with the full scale invasion in February 2022, has already lasted longer than the First World War. In the last 55 months, Russia has suffered 1.5 million military casualties. In the last year, it has gained 0.3% of Ukraine's territory, at the cost of over 400 000 soldiers killed and wounded. Yet all these enormous efforts, all that blood and tears, basically came to nothing. Ukraine is still standing proudly as an independent state. The Ukrainian language, culture and national identity are alive and thriving. In all but name, Russia has already lost the war. Yet its leadership does not allow itself to admit defeat, fearing international legal accountability and possible revenge from its own people. As inevitable approaches, the stakes get higher and the Kremlin regime increasingly finds itself cornered. How much more Ukrainian civilian lives will be sacrificed on Russia's war altar? How many people will be tortured, sexually assaulted thrown into dark dungeons, never to see the sunlight again? How many children will be illegally separated from their parents and sent to Russia to suffer indoctrination? We do not know the answers, yet we must all feel the deep pain brought by this brutal and pointless war. And we all should join our forces to draw Ukraine's victory closer, for it is only Ukraine's final victory safeguarding its sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity that could ensure the global peace, security and credibility of the United Nations Charter. What we can not allow is the brute force prevailing over international law. We cannot tolerate any longer Moscow's colonial aspirations, which undermine global food security and driving up food prices. Russia's imperial ambitions reach far into Europe, Africa and Asia. No country should consider itself immune from this threat. Naturally, Lithuania witnesses many dangers up close. In recent months, Russia's war of aggression has led to numerous violations of our airspace by combat drones. Russia has also intensified hybrid attacks, disinformation and sabotage efforts. Where Russia advances, opening Pandora's box of new techniques for destabilisation, other hostile actors follow, learning new skills and ideas.
If AI is available only to a few, new divisions will appear. Entire communities may be left behind. The growing use of AI-powered weapons and autonomous systems also requires urgent attention. One principle must remain clear: machines should never be allowed to make life or death decisions on their own. Just as the international community developed rules for nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons, we also need strong international frameworks for these new technologies. The United Nations can and should play a leading role in this effort. AI is not only a potential threat on the battlefield; it is already having a negative impact on society, especially in education. An entire generation of young people is being affected. Recent assessments show declining test scores across the vast majority of countries. This is a concerning trend that deserves open and serious discussion on international platforms such as the United Nations. At the same time, we should not see AI only as a risk. It can be also a tool for peace. It can help us analyze information, identify patterns, and overcome language barriers in real time. It can support better decisions, faster responses, and more effective prevention. With responsible use, proper human oversight, and good governance, we can move this technology away from the battlefield and toward diplomacy, mediation, and conflict prevention. And prevention matters. Every conflict we prevent saves lives. It protects development. It preserves human dignity. Once violence begins, every solution becomes harder, more costly, and more painful. There is no need to reinvent the wheel when we reform international institutions. AI may be revolutionary, but we did not need to reinvent the personal computer in order to build it. The same is true in global politics. We should improve what already exists, not start again from zero.
One of the most urgent threats today is the loss of human control over weapons. Every Austrian, and I believe maybe a lot of people here, knows the Terminator movies about a machine sent to kill humans. This killer robot was played by a famous Austrian born Arnold Schwarzenegger. In the movies, Skynet learns to choose its own targets and starts a war. Well, in 1984, this was science fiction. Today it is not fiction anymore. Today, weapons with increasing autonomy or are already used on the battlefield. The direction is clear. Machines are gaining more freedom to find and strike targets. But a machine cannot understand surrender nor mercy. It cannot face a court or answer for a death. It must never have the final say over who lives and who dies. We therefore need international rules for autonomous weapons built around one clear principle no machine may decide to take a human life. Some will say that agreement is impossible when technology moves so quickly and major powers distrust one another. History says otherwise. Imagine this hall.
It is designed for both. Because the world's best people choose more than a workplace, they choose where to build their lives. Taken together, these advantages create the conditions for businesses to grow and investors to prosper. Lower uncertainty, abundant clean energy, access to growth. The ability to attract global talent, and the freedom to create the markets others will later enter. That is how GMC turns its values into commercial advantage. Now, you may reasonably ask.
Mr. President, this session is taking place at the time of a twofold need: to restore trust and to manage transformation, to understand the urgent need for action. Let us gaze upon the world as it is, first. It has been a long time since peace has seemed so fragile. On all continents, conflicts are multiplying, becoming entrenched, and fueling one another. Each has its reasons, its history, its instigators, but they all have one thing in common: they are costing civilian lives, destroying schools and hospitals, and displacing entire families. These crises never remain contained. Disruptions around the Strait of Hormuz are causing energy and fertilizer prices to skyrocket. Migration—forced migration—routes are growing crowded. Terrorism, trafficking, and armed groups are flourishing in zones beyond state control. However far they may be from the front line, no state is safe from the repercussions of these conflicts. At the same time, divisions within the Security Council— the body charged with protecting international peace and security— are paralyzing action where it is the most urgently needed. International law is supposed to protect the weak from the ambitions of the powerful, and yet it is increasingly being dismissed as optional.
One person out of 17 in my country is today a refugee. From this rostrum, I would like to solemnly reiterate and reaffirm Chad's position regarding the Sudanese conflict. Our country has observed since the very first day of the war strict, absolute and unchanged neutrality. I would like to say this very firmly my country does not support any of the parties to the conflict in Sudan, and in no way authorises the use of its territory or its infrastructure to their benefit Chad reiterates its commitment to peace in Sudan and reiterates its support for all initiatives, including those of the quad and the quintet, seeking to establish a ceasefire and to promote dialogue between the warring parties. Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, I cannot now remain silent regarding the serious nature of that which is directly affecting our sovereignty over recent days. The Energy East Province within our country has been the theatre of airstrikes linked to the conflict in Sudan. Chad condemns in the strongest possible terms these new incursions. They are an unacceptable violation of our territorial integrity, and Chad reserves the right to take all necessary measures in line with international law to protect its population and its sovereignty. If this occurs again. Mr. President, Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. I would also, from this rostrum, like to stress how concerned my country is with the crisis in the Gulf region and the repercussions of this on the global economy. Loyal to the principles of the charter, Chad rejects any act of aggression against a sovereign state and condemns. To this end the airstrikes against the Islamic Republic of Iran. And along the same lines. She very firmly condemns the Iranian attacks against the fraternal fraternal countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council and Jordan, as well as the drone attack on the 29th of July in the Egyptian port of. We would urge all parties to demonstrate restraint and to promote dialogue regarding the Middle East. Chad remains seriously concerned by ongoing violence and humanitarian suffering in Gaza, sticking to its unwavering position, my country reiterates its unfailing commitment to the right of the Palestinian people to have their own state in the 1967 borders, alongside a state of Israel that lives in peace and security. As we do each year on this same occasion. We call once again for the lifting of the economic and trade embargo imposed on Cuba and on its people. Mr. president, Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the theme Restoring Trust, Managing transformation.
Where writing and law were born. And one of the founding members of the United Nations. I stand here to renew my country's commitment to the United Nations Charter and principles, and to present Iraq's vision for its future, its region, and the world at this critical juncture. Iraq, perhaps more than others. Has experienced wars and the damage they cause. We have lived through the conditions they create, along with the siege and terrorism imposed on us. Our people have paid a hefty price and lost the lives of their children, their resources and their development opportunities. Despite these difficulties that have made our country over several decades an arena of war and conflict. Today we are confidently presenting our vision for the future. Iraq aspires to exercise its influence and have an impact as an effective economic power in the region. And as a bridge for dialogue and cooperation among the peoples of the region.
And we must move from ad hoc responses to a culture of preparedness. Let us finance resilience and invest in insurance and innovation. Let us build stronger infrastructure and institutions. Let us reduce fossil fuel dependence. Let us build systems that warn, alert, and save lives. Let us reform the order that leaves the weakest with least power. And when the next warning comes from the rooftop of the world, let us be ready to hear it and ready to act. Bhagwan Prajapati Nath Leh, Bishwako Kalyan Karun, Yogeshwar.
This purpose binds our national advancement to our continent's progress, and to our responsibility to contribute to a peaceful, equitable and prosperous world. We understand that governments and multilateral institutions and trusts, when their decisions improve lives. Yet none of these gains will matter if we turn a deaf ear to the trace gathering around our borders and further appeal, we inhabit the only planet known to sustain human life. And as long as that scientific park holds, we cannot pretend that we are insulated from complex as well geography or personal exemption from the consequences of a fractured world. Mr. president, we reject the false choice between development and climate action. Developing countries, most industrialised, eradicate poverty and expand energy access through low carbon pathways supported by technology transfer, capacity building and climate finance. Africa Contributes less than 4% of the greenhouse gas emissions yet via disproportionate consequences. Nigeria remains committed to the Paris Agreement and an equitable energy transition that reflects historical responsibility and capacity. While protecting people's right to development under our Energy transition Plan, we are working towards net zero emissions by 2060 while expanding access to affordable, reliable and sustainable energy. This approach combines renewable energy, clean cooking and gas as a transitional fuel with climate, smart agriculture and nature based solutions. Finance must be governed by equity and shared responsibility rather than charity. With international commitments translated into accessible, predictable and adequately funded mechanisms that enable developing countries to pursue climate action without compromising development objectives.
Her efforts led to the formal request to the UN Secretary-General to initiate a WHO review of nicotine as a psychotropic substance. Globally, nicotine claims over 7 million lives annually, and more than a billion trap in addiction. Protecting our future requires expanding prevention, enhancing cessation support, and enacting strong policies to diminish the appeal and affordability of these harmful products. No country should have to choose between the health of its children and the commercial interest of an industry that is built on addiction. We call for stronger international cooperation to protect young people from nicotine dependence and to put public health before profit. Resilience must also transform into how we power our homes, move our people, and connect our islands. Energy security is climate security and national security. Through the Mana Bara Call to Action, the Pacific reaffirmed a shared vision of 100 percent renewable energy and a just, inclusive, and equitable transition away from fossil fuels.
And finally, we need a transnational water governance regime informed by the outcomes of the various water conferences held over the last eight years. Excellencies. Samoa remains a peaceful country, steadfast in our commitment to human rights and justice. We remain concerned by the ongoing wars in Ukraine, Casa and Iran, the terrible loss of civilian lives, displacement of people as well as the destruction of infrastructure and the environment, is something we do not condone. The continued supply of weapons to fuel conflicts must end. We also reiterate our long standing call for meaningful reform of the Security Council to ensure that it remains effective, credible and representative of today's realities. It is imperative that the UN resolves disputes peacefully and strengthen international peace and security. The world needs a stronger commitment to peace, not more division, not more conflict and not more suffering Excellencies.
Mr. president, as mentioned before, the international community is experiencing profound uncertainty, including energy and food security crises, leading to intensified displacement of many people globally. Armed conflict continued to claim innocent lives while geopolitical tensions escalate. Children are living through unimaginable horrors. The United Nations has not been able to prevent this or to end the continuation, and we have to ponder on that. Other developments, for example in the Strait of Hormuz, demonstrate how quickly wars can affect energy markets suddenly and steeply, increasing the cost of energy, adversely impacting economic and social development in our countries. Common people suffer when food and energy prices rise, so the quality of life of our people is directly threatened, even by wars in regions far from their homes. And we as government, we have to make sure that we try to protect them. Suriname, therefore, calls for a renewed commitment to the purposes and principles of the UN charter, namely, the peaceful resolution of disputes. Dialogue is paramount for safeguarding a solid and proven UN system. The people of Cuba, a Caribbean country, are adversely affected by the current situation in their country. Suriname calls on the parties involved to remain committed to dialogue and negotiation to end the economic commercial and financial embargo. We plea for continuing negotiations in order to prevent further escalation and to reach a resolution that will benefit the people of Cuba.
We need institutions capable of dealing with issues that transcend national borders. We need multilateralism. But multilateralism will only retain its credibility if it is also able to evolve. Switzerland therefore supports efforts to reform the UN system as part of the UN80 initiative. This reform must make the UN more coherent, more effective and more results oriented, while respecting the powers and responsibilities of member states. The UN must focus its efforts where its action brings real added value: when problems transcend borders, when national or regional capacities are insufficient, or when a universal institution is needed to provide a common framework. The key question is therefore a simple one how can we ensure that the resources, expertise and energy invested in the multilateral system yield better results for those it is meant to serve? Because our institutions do not exist for their own sake, they exist for the people, for those who live in fear of conflict, for those who have lost their home following a disaster, for those seeking work or building a future for themselves, for the children whose lives depend on access to education and the new opportunities we are creating today. It is on this scale that the value of multilateralism is ultimately measured. Ladies and gentlemen, Your Excellencies, we cannot make the diverging interests of our countries disappear. We cannot erase disagreements, rivalries, or borders, nor can we remove all of the mountains that stand between us. But we can determine how we wish to tackle them. We can preserve open dialogue rather than erect more barriers. We can keep the channels of communication open rather than resign ourselves to silence. We can ensure that technological progress creates more opportunities rather than new divisions. And we can reform our institutions rather than accept their gradual demise. Switzerland will continue to play its part, using the means at its disposal by upholding international law, promoting dialogue, providing its good offices, supporting effective multilateral institutions, and by remaining a country where the world can continue to come together and engage. We do not claim to have all the answers, but our experience in the Alps has taught us one simple thing. While a mountain might separate us, it can just as easily be crossed. Crossing it brings people together. Coming together encourages dialogue, and dialogue fosters trust. Perhaps this is where our shared responsibility begins: to keep open the pathways that allow us, in spite of our differences, to continue moving forward, hand in hand.
While we are a few years away from 2030, progress towards attainment of the SDGs is still unimpressive. Given this situation, we need to improve our execution and ensure that every cent invested delivers results. Tanzania remains committed and has made strides in implementing the 2030 Agenda. Tanzania Vision 2050, aim to build an inclusive and competitive economy that ensures quality of life for all. We are investing in our people, productive infrastructure, technology and innovation, while creating greater opportunities for women and young people. Our ambition is to transform economic growth into lasting improvements in people's lives. These ambitions may not be realized if the international financial architecture is not made to work for development. Currently, when developing countries are accelerating progress, they are restricted by high borrowing costs, rising debt burdens, and limited access to affordable longterm finance. Tanzania stresses that improvements must be made to ensure the expansion of concessional financing, mobilization of private investment, improved access to development and climate finance, and giving developing countries a stronger voice in global financial decisionmaking. It is without a doubt that political commitment is paramount in undertaking focused investment. In that respect, Tanzania has made significant strides in reducing maternal and child mortality by expanding facility delivery from 51 per cent in 2015 to 81 per cent in 2022.
Andorra experiences them from its mountains. Our geographical realities are very different, yet we share the same certainty: climate change is no longer a scientific projection, it is a reality that has already transformed people's lives. This year, Andorra has had the honor of hosting the global meeting of the Mountain Partnership, culminating in the adoption of the Andorra Declaration, which highlights the importance of improving connectivity in mountain areas, narrowing the digital divide, and strengthening resilience to natural hazards. We undertook this effort, convinced that mountains can no longer remain a peripheral element of the international climate agenda. They are far more than landscapes; they are freshwater reserves on which hundreds of millions of people depend, havens of exceptional biodiversity, and a privileged indicator of the effects of global warming. This very summer, we experienced temperatures that exceeded all known records. We have witnessed with concern the major wildfires that have affected regions very close to our country, and the catastrophe in Nepal has highlighted the dramatic effects that rising temperatures are having on glaciers and, consequently, on mountain regions. And we have once again confirmed that climate change is not a challenge for future generations; it has been part of our present for a long time. And the voices of mountain territories will be heard in major international climate negotiations. Our contributions may be modest in scale, but ambitious in commitment. We are moving toward a more resilient energy model, increasing, year after year, our renewable energy production, and preparing for a third voluntary national review on the SDGs. Ladies and gentlemen, artificial intelligence represents one of the most profound transformations humanity has ever known.
Mr. president, ladies and gentlemen, in conclusion, I wish to reiterate that our shared challenges demand renewed global solidarity, more effective and trusted multilateralism grounded in international law and a reinvigorated system of cooperation. Trust, however, must be restored through concrete actions. Peace must be built on the ground. Commitments must be translated into real outcomes, and sustainable development must deliver meaningful improvements in people's lives. Azerbaijan has consistently upheld the purposes and principles of the UN charter and demonstrated its firm adherence to international law, including respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, non-interference in the internal affairs of states, sovereign equality, dialogue and cooperation, as well as the faithful, consistent and non-selective implementation of agreed commitments. This is the multilateral prism we believe in principled, inclusive and, above all, capable of delivering tangible results.
Our history has taught us that democracy, peace and respect for the law are not permanent achievements. They are built collectively and each generation must preserve them. A democracy rests on free elections, legitimate institutions, the separation of powers, freedom of expression, public participation, transparency and accountability But it also requires independent and effective institutions committed to the Constitution, the law and the popular mandate. Public institutions must not serve criminal networks, private agendas, personal loyalties, or political or economic interests that are at odds with the common good. They must serve the people, the constitutional order and society's democratic interests. When an institution strays from that purpose, it does more than simply lose legitimacy. It weakens the democracy it is meant to protect. Democracy also earns its legitimacy in everyday life When a family is protected from poverty, when a child learns in a decent school, when a woman lives free from violence, when a community is no longer isolated, and when a young person can envision a future without being forced to leave their country.
It requires us to draw on the strength of our values, to engage with others, build partnerships among equals, and mend the fabric of an international system that risks descending into chaos. The European Union, the G7, and the West, of which we are proud to be part, must not be perceived as walls. They must be bridges. This is the purpose of IMEC, the Economic Logistics Corridor designed to connect Europe with the broader Indo-Mediterranean region. The same principle guides our relationship with Africa, a strategic priority for Italy and a major partner for our century. The Mantei Plan now involves 18 countries and is built on a simple idea: not to decide for Africa, but to decide with Africa. It is not aid handed down from above, but a partnership among equals in agriculture, in energy, education, and training, infrastructure, and in the pharmaceutical sector. Producing vaccines in Africa saves lives, strengthens health systems, creates jobs, and supports growth capable of generating stability.
Your excellencies, we see the cost of that neglect every day. In my region, from Lebanon to Yemen to Sudan, protracted conflict is deepening humanitarian suffering. And if anyone had any doubt that a crisis in our part of the world stays there, just look at the energy and grocery bills of ordinary families, from Mumbai to Madrid to Minnesota. The Iran war has shown how quickly instability can disrupt trade, investment and lives beyond the region. And then there is Gaza. For decades, I've stood before this assembly and warned of the dangers of leaving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict unresolved. But the international community chose to manage the conflict, not confront it. And every new Israeli violation was treated as temporary, diverting attention from the reality being created on the ground until temporary became permanent and permanent became policy. Of course, this is not the world's only injustice, but one of the world's longest running occupations forces a basic question if international law can be ignored for decades, then what exactly is that law worth and how can we enforce it if we won't even call out its violations? In Gaza, the evidence is overwhelming. In the first 300 days of the so-called cease fire, at least 300 Palestinian children were killed. Jordan's field hospitals have also been targeted. President Trump has pushed hard for peace and a path to end this war. But this Israeli government keeps moving the goalposts, continuing its attacks and destruction of civilian infrastructure, refusing to withdraw and squeezing Palestinians into barely a third of Gaza. This can no longer be dismissed as temporary military measures or a consequence of war. Accountability begins when we call things for what they are, an attempt to erase Palestinian life and impose a new territorial reality in Gaza. And while the world has been focused on Gaza, something extraordinarily dangerous is unfolding in the West Bank. Some may think we have seen this before settlements, violence, displacement, more of the same, but it is not. Nor is it simply an escalation. This is a fundamental shift. What was once a creeping process has exploded into something far more aggressive. Settler violence is rampant. Palestinians are being beaten, shot and terrorized, homes torched, property destroyed, families driven from their land and Israel is tightening its grip on more of the West Bank, seizing land, expanding settlements and pushing the Palestinians out. It is time to see what is happening for what it really is, because when the language is sanitized, the actions become normalized. Demolishing Palestinian homes to expand illegal settlements is not law enforcement. It is forcible transfer. Appropriating occupied land is not land registration. It is de facto annexation. A choking network of checkpoints and barriers is not security infrastructure. It is a system of subjugation. Systematic attacks on Palestinian communities are not settler unrest. The Israeli government criticizes the violence before the international audiences. They call those responsible a handful of rioters. They assure us that Israel is a country governed by law. Yet what's happening on the ground says otherwise. Israeli soldiers stand by as settlers attacked Palestinians, often protecting the attackers or joining them. They have blocked ambulances from reaching the injured. They have targeted international journalists who are trying to say the truth. And when soldiers watch, enable and sometimes even participate in violence against civilians, this is no longer about a handful of rioters. And the question is no longer whether a few extremists are breaking the law. The question is, is this the behavior of a democratic state governed by law? What is unfolding across the West Bank is not a series of isolated acts. It is elements of a single policy to compel an entire population to leave their land. And there is a name for that forced displacement, and that is a war crime. Your excellencies, if we are to resolve the Palestinian Israeli conflict, the world must abandon some illusions. The first is that Gaza and the West Bank are separate stories. They are not. They are two fronts of the same Israeli strategy. In both, Palestinians are being killed. In both, the reality on the ground is being remade. Gaza through destruction. The West Bank through de facto annexation. The objective is the same to make a viable Palestinian state impossible. Another illusion is that this Israeli leadership's rejection of Palestinian statehood is a position that might yet change. It is not. It is cemented on the ground. This government has been accelerating settlements and land seizures, but it began long before. Since Oslo, the map has changed piece by piece, settlement by settlement, and the most dangerous illusion that the Arab world never sought peace. The Arab Peace Initiative of 2002 offered Israel normalization with 57 Arab and Muslim states, including Iran and Iraq at the time, in exchange for peace and Palestinian statehood. For over 20 years, that offer has stood. The obstacle hasn't been the absence of a partner for peace, but the absence of an Israeli government willing to accept it. This Israeli government understands the power of attention, and lately it has not liked the attention it's been getting. When confronted with evidence of wrongdoing, rather than change the course, it opts for distraction, discrediting its critics. It has also tried to cast this conflict as a war of religions Islam on one side, Judaism and Christianity on the other. It is not. This is about whether Palestinians, Muslims and Christians are entitled to the same rights as everyone else. Distractions will not fly anymore. People across the world are paying attention. The question now is, will we act? Because the world's political inaction is not for lack of options. So let's call it for what it is a choice. We have tools, sanctions, asset freezes, embargoes, diplomatic isolation, and we have a record of using them elsewhere. Yet with Israel, resolutions end where they began on paper. The result is a state without restraint. This government's sense of impunity has reached terrifying levels. It no longer feels compelled to ask, can we get away with this? It already knows the answer, and that is precisely why no one in this assembly should assume its ambitions stop at Palestine. This Israeli government's expansionist appetite is now a regional threat. And today Syria is the warning the international community is choosing not to see. Repeated incursions, creeping territorial expansion, new facts imposed on the ground, including around vital water resources, step by calculated step, Israel is testing how far it can go, and every time the international community looks away, Israel learns that it can go even further across borderlines and legal limits. For Jordan, there is no ambiguity, any threat to our northern border or our water security is a threat to our national security. Jordan will not look away. We will protect our security, our water and the interests of our people. And the question here is, if Israel continues its antagonistic approach in southern Syria, will the international community stand by and let that happen?
We remain deeply concerned about Ukrainian crisis, which continues to take lives, erode global trust, and undermine international security. Even the most difficult conflicts must ultimately be resolved through diplomacy and negotiation. Beyond the tragic loss of life, Kazakhstan strongly condemns the repeated drone attacks against Kazakh crude oil export infrastructure, including against commercial vessels in the Black Sea basin. Such incidents endanger civilian navigation, disrupt international trade and threaten the stability of global energy supplies. We call on all parties to uphold international law and take all necessary measures to protect critical infrastructure and ensure the safety and continuity of civilian commerce. Political and diplomatic means remain the only viable path towards ending hostilities and achieving sustainable resolution of the Middle East crisis. The ongoing escalation carries serious implications for regional and international peace and security, as well as for economic stability, transport, connectivity and energy security. Just as lasting peace in the Middle East requires an independent, sovereign and viable state of Palestine, living side by side with Israel in peace and security. We support the New York Declaration as a framework for tangible, time bound and irreversible steps toward the two state solution. My country stands ready to support every effort aimed at maintaining unhindered humanitarian assistance, protection of civilians, and recovery of Gaza. Kazakhstan's calls for the full and good faith implementation Of the Comprehensive Plan to End the Gaza Conflict and Security Council Resolution 2803. As a member of the Board of Peace, President Tokayev has committed to contribute to the stabilization of Gaza by supporting civilian reconstruction, ensuring food security and providing digital government solutions. Kazakhstan's peacekeepers in UNDOF and UNIFIL reflect our readiness to assume practical responsibility and contribute to the international mandated stabilization forces in Gaza. Kazakhstan formally announced its intention to join the Abraham Accords. We see them as an additional platform to reinforce the UN brokered political process towards the two state solution. The long term stability of Afghanistan remains inseparable from the security and sustainable development of Central Asia. Humanitarian assistance remains indispensable, but it cannot by itself break the cycle of poverty, displacement and dependency. Kazakhstan supports pragmatic, coordinated and step by step international engagement with Afghanistan, with the UN playing the central role. Finally, we have watched with growing concern in recent years the erosion of protection of civilians in conflict zones.
From the offgoing and in the spirit of the charter for a United Nations that delivers for all, the UN has a responsibility to protect and facilitate the participation of its all members and observers in its work. Mr. President, the adoption of the United Nations Resolution on the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade in March 2026 is the beginning of a journey—a journey towards truth, acknowledgment, healing, and justice for millions of Africans and people of African descent whose lives were forever changed by slavery, colonialism, and other historical injustice. As we commemorate the 25th anniversary of the Debent Declaration and Program of Action, we are reminded that racial discrimination must not have any place in our societies, and that restorative remedies, including reparations, must be put in place to address those historic injustices. Mr. President, Namibia, congratulate the outgoing Secretary-General, Mr. António Guterres, as he nears the end of his tenure.
What has transpired in Gaza is genocide in every sense of the word and the stain of shame on the conscience of humanity as a whole. Future generations will be astonished by the enormous gap between the scale of the catastrophe and the level of the international response to stop it. Yet the catastrophe persists. And Israeli leaders have now begun to openly proclaim that the most appropriate solution is to displace the population, which they call migration. When the extent of global public revulsion at the practices of the Israeli occupation becomes evident, instead of looking in the mirror, they resort to hurling accusations indiscriminately in all directions, at times invoking accusations of anti-Semitism and at others resorting to conspiracy theories and accusing other powers and states of being responsible for creating their negative image. It's as though there were no means of communication, as though Israeli soldiers had not boasted, through both sound and visuals of their crimes, and as though images of the crimes against humanity committed in Gaza had not been circulated by an entire generation of young people across the world, East and west. From the very first day, the state of Qatar has done its utmost as a mediator to stem the bloodshed, to alleviate the suffering of civilians, and to release the prisoners and detainees until a cease fire was achieved. Today, we continue our efforts to consolidate it and to move towards lasting peace. As Palestinian factions agreed to arrangements for the collection of weapons as stipulated in the agreement, Israel, for its part must fully honour its commitments in their entirety: a definitive cessation of operations, withdrawal from the strip, lifting of the blockade and the unconditional delivery of humanitarian assistance. We fear that those who regard displacement as the solution will obstruct anything that could ease the lives of the population, because this would strengthen their resilience on their land. The international community bears a direct responsibility to press for implementation and to ensure that the agreement's implementation does not remain contingent upon the calculations of a party accustomed to reneging on its commitments whenever circumstances allow it to act with impunity on the ground. The continued persecution, apartheid and settler terrorism in the occupied West Bank, the desecration of Islamic and Christian holy sites, foremost among them the blessed Al-Aqsa mosque. Denying the Palestinian people their rights, most notably their inalienable rights to establish their independent state with East Jerusalem as its capital. All this remains an open wound. Israeli aggression, marked by arrogance and hubris, has expanded to encompass neighbouring countries affected the security of the region as a whole. Israel continues its blatant attacks against Syria and is occupying more Syrian territories and adding them to the Golan Heights, which it has occupied since 1967, without even bothering to provide any justification other than its own assessment of the nature of the political system that emerged there in Syria after the removal of the previous regime, as though it maintains tutelage over the countries of the region. It publicly declares that it is not bound by its understandings with Lebanon. It insists on continuing its occupation of Lebanese territories and seeks to assume a policing role there. Its destruction of entire villages in southern Lebanon in broad daylight is reminiscent of its history in Palestine. Dealing with Israel, putting an end to the harm it causes and restraining its unlawful conduct constitute the true test of the international community's seriousness in upholding values and the rule of law. The law must apply equally to all. When it binds the vulnerable but spares the powerful, it loses its meaning.
In the name of God, the most gracious, the most merciful, your Excellency. Doctor Khalilur Rahman, president of the United Nations General Assembly. Your Excellency, Mr. Antonio Guterres, Secretary general of the United Nations. Ladies and gentlemen, peace and blessings of God be upon you. Allow me to congratulate you, Excellency, on your election as president of the 81st session of the General Assembly. I wish you every success in conducting the work of the session. We would like to express the kingdom of Bahrain's appreciation to your brotherly country, the People's Republic of Bangladesh, as well as the Secretary General for his tireless efforts in the service of international peace and security and the Sustainable Development Goals. It is my honor to convey to this distinguished gathering the greetings of His Majesty King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa, king of the Kingdom of Bahrain and of His Royal Highness Prince Salman bin Hamad Al Khalifa, Crown Prince and Prime Minister and their best wishes for the success of this session. Mr. president, you have chosen for this session a theme that speaks directly to the challenges before us restoring trust, managing transformation, and a United Nations that delivers for all. Trust is not restored through statements or by repeating appeals. Instead, it is restored by upholding the law and translating the decisions of this organization into effective protection for people's lives, rights and livelihoods.
Here is the most uncomfortable thing I came to say. The hardest pill to swallow in my speech. This organization has not been commensurate with the challenges of our times. It's not only a leadership problem, one of the present or the future, but rather a problem in terms of action. For decades and for several reasons, the United Nations has not been part of the solution to the problems I've outlined. We cannot simply continue to play by the same rules of an order that was established in 1945 in 2026. What we've seen is the development of a UN architecture that holds too many discussions and is too quick to act. A Security Council that reflects the political arena of 1945 and the reality and not the reality of 2026. We have red tape that continues to proliferate, as is true for indeed many countries. We're seeing agendas that, however noble they might appear have ultimately postponed what this organization committed to do with its founding charter that is maintain peace, protect rights, life, and defend the freedom of its peoples. We believe in the United Nations, and believing in the United Nations means ensuring that the organization discharges its mandate. I propose three things reducing bureaucracy and focusing our resources where there are lives at stake. We must suspend agendas that are not priorities to return the spotlight to those that really are priorities. We must reform the Security Council, not as a symbolic gesture, but as a vital prerequisite to ensure that the council's decisions are once again respected and upheld. Chile signed the San Francisco Charter and has been present, ready and willing to defend all of its causes. We are committed to the High Seas Agreement known as the BBNJ, and we proposed Valparaiso as the headquarters of its executive Secretariat. That means that we now have the first UN body to ever have had a headquarters in Latin America and this is an agreement which brings together many different sectors in Chile to play this role, this housing of this headquarters is an expression of the multilateralism that we believe in a tangible, ambitious and able to yield results. There needs to be a multilateralism that is effective and efficient. And allow me to say that the reforms I talked about cannot wait.
Economic uncertainty, disrupted supply chains, and rapid technological technological change, and an information environment corroded by disinformation. These crises do not remain where they begin. Conflict arises or conflict raises the cost of the cost of fuel and food far beyond its borders. Carbon emitted from the Pacific takes our shorelines, our homes and our sacred places. For small island developing states, decisions are no longer insulated from the global shocks. Too often, it magnifies their cost. Trust, therefore, is not restored by declarations alone. It is restored when commitments are kept and when international law is applied consistently, and when institutions listen, and when people can see and feel the results of multilateral action in their daily lives. Mr. President, Fiji reaffirms an enduring principle. The international law is not optional and peace cannot be secured by power alone. For small states, the principles of the charter sovereign equality, territorial integrity and peaceful settlement of disputes are the safeguards against the world in which the size of military strength decides whose rights matters. When the world are small states to choose between competing power blocs, Fiji chooses principles and we choose the charter.
Freedom of navigation and uninhibited passage through international straits, as guaranteed by international law must be championed globally, and it is our collective responsibility to uphold these principles in practice and to safeguard commercial shipping. And as a leading maritime nation, Greece actively contributes to maritime security through the operation of the European Union that speeds in the Red sea, and this topic will remain a high priority when Greece assumes the presidency of the Security Council next month. We intend to place particular attention to the challenges posed by emerging technologies. Ladies and gentlemen, Greece's geography grants it the natural role of serving as a bridge between Europe and its wider neighbourhood to the east and the south. We literally sit at the intersection of the shrinking space between the east and the West. My country is a pillar of stability, connectivity and peace across the Eastern Mediterranean, the Middle East and the Gulf region Greece has developed strong strategic partnerships with key countries in the region, including Israel, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Bahrain and Qatar. We are a bridge builder. We are not a troublemaker. Yet putting this vision into practice is rarely simple. At a time of tectonic geopolitical changes in the Middle East, the Gaza peace plan agreed last year must be effectively implemented. It is of paramount concern to ensure that Hamas surrenders its arms. It can have no role, I repeat, no role in Gaza's future. At the same time, reconstruction needs to move forward, with Palestinians themselves taking ownership of Gaza's future. Greece will continue to advocate for a two state solution, with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace and security. However, developments in the West Bank remain a source of deep concern Actions that are illegal under international law and undermine the viability of a future Palestinian state cannot be allowed to continue. We strongly argue that this is also to the benefit of the long term security of Israel itself. Greece has established a durable and deep strategic partnership with Israel, while at the same time maintaining strong ties with the Arab world And it is precisely. It is precisely the strength of this partnership that allows us to engage in an open and candid dialogue. In Lebanon, there is now a real opportunity to lay the foundations for a lasting peace. The US facilitated negotiations with Israel are an important step forward and should be sustained. Greece strongly supports a sovereign, resilient and united Lebanon and the government's efforts to restore the state's monopoly over arms. Ultimately, a stronger Lebanese state will serve both domestic security and regional stability. Therefore, we will continue to deliver concrete assistance to the country, including to the Lebanese armed forces with a unifil's mandate. Ending joint action is crucial to avoid a security vacuum and maintain an effective international and European presence. Syria is another key player in the region. Lasting stability in the Middle East requires a stable Syria, a Syria that is inclusive, a Syria that is free from foreign interference and regional rivalries. A Syria where every citizen can and should feel secure. The new Syrian authorities have taken steps in this direction. Get. Further concrete progress must be demonstrated, particularly when it comes to protecting the rights and security of all religious and ethnic communities. And this, of course, includes the Orthodox Christian minority, which unfortunately continues to face the violence of Islamist extremists. The search for stability extends to Libya, a neighbour with whom we share many common interests. We praise all reunification efforts. A stable Libya free from foreign interference, would benefit not only the Libyan people, but our entire region. And Greece is ready to support Libyan institutions in border protection and migration management. And we remain fully committed to reaching an agreement on the delimitation of our maritime zones. Ladies and gentlemen, let me now turn to our relations with our neighbour, Turkey. Over the past three years, we have made a sustained effort to improve our relationship, rebuild trust and keep channels of communication open in order to prevent the escalation of tensions that could lead to unwanted crises. It is a delicate relationship. It's a relationship that carries the weight of history. And indeed, given broader and regional challenges, the situation calls urgently calls for a common understanding on how we move forward and understanding grounded in full respect for international law and the principles of good neighbourly relations. After all, as I've said repeatedly, we cannot change our geography. We are destined to live side by side. And I repeat that the UN convention on the law of the sea provides the only institutional framework to solve our only long lasting dispute concerning the delimitation of our continental shelf and our exclusive economic zones. Dialogue is essential for peace and prosperity, but meaningful dialogue cannot coexist with unilateral actions. The challenge the international legal order. Nor can meaningful progress be made when faced with threats of war in response to the exercise of lawful rights, according to international law. Such actions do not resolve differences. They end up by only deepening them, and they risk undermining the stability of our wider region, a region which we should not forget, still bears an open wound. The unresolved Cyprus issue 52 years, 52 years have passed since Turkey illegally invaded Cyprus and continued to occupy it, a flagrant violation of international law whose consequences persist to this day for the United Nations. Cyprus remains a litmus test of its credibility, of its ability to uphold its own resolutions and the principles of the charter, and Greece fully supports the recent efforts of Secretary General Gutierrez to create the appropriate conditions for the resumption of substantive negotiations, and we sincerely hope that progress can be achieved during his remaining time in office. And we expect we expect these efforts to continue under his successor with the same objective the reunification of Cyprus, free of occupation forces in accordance with the relevant UN Security Council resolutions. The principles at stake in Cyprus are being tested elsewhere to today. Two other major conflicts continue to challenge our ability to defend the values upon which this organization was founded. The war in Ukraine is now in its fifth year, five years since Russia's full scale aggression brought back war to European soil, the Ukrainian people have shown extraordinary courage defending their freedom and Greece continuously stands with them. We strongly, strongly condemn attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure. Diplomacy must now deliver an immediate cease fire and a lasting peace anchored in the principles of the United Nations Charter. Ukraine must have a decisive say in its own future, and Europe cannot be absent from these negotiations. Against this backdrop, another devastating war demands our urgent attention. In Sudan, the nearly four year conflict has resulted in a staggering humanitarian catastrophe. Reports of atrocious war crimes continue to emerge, while the conflict is fuelling instability way beyond far beyond Sudan's borders. We should not permit this tragedy to endure. Foreign interference must also cease with no impunity for war crimes. Ultimately, the way forward lies in a credible, Sudanese led political process that reflects the aspirations of the citizens Sudan. The European Union ought to leverage its capacity to play a more active role in supporting that process and assisting in bringing this destructive conflict to an end. After all, it has real skill in the game. Should the devastating war continue, our continent will be the first to suffer from a possible massive new migratory wave. Ladies and gentlemen, Greece has confidence abroad, rests on a profound transformation at home At a time when the effectiveness of governments all over the world is being challenged by populists and extremists, and public trust is being eroded in the echo chambers of social media, Greece serves as an example that sound reform oriented policies can deliver real results for people and improve their lives.
The possibility before us are immense. We have the possibility of silencing the guns through dialogue and diplomacy. The world does not need more sophisticated instruments of destruction. It needs a more sophisticated capacity for peace. In this regard, I reiterate Guyana's call for a just and lasting solution to the crisis in the Middle East, one that brings an end to the suffering of innocent civilians and recognises the Palestinian people's legitimate right to self-determination and to secure a homeland of their own. Reiterate our support for a two state solution. We call as well for an end to the Russia-Ukraine war and the war in Sudan, and for peaceful resolution of all conflicts that continue to consume lives, uproot families and extinguish the hopes of millions in other parts of our world. We reiterate our call for a viable solution for Cuba, one that is peaceful, people centred, development focused and allows for a full aspiration of the Cuban people to be realized. Guyana reiterates Caricom's offer to play a meaningful role in achieving this objective in Haiti. Resolving the multidimensional challenges remains central to achieving democracy, stability, peace and prosperity for the Haitian people. The sustained support of the international community through the provision of key financial and material resources, is critical to realising these objectives. Ultimately, the future of Haiti must be Haitian led and Haitian owned. Mr. president, turning to my own country, Guyana has always advanced the peaceful settlement of the controversy in relation to our border with Venezuela. Despite the historical truth clearly outlined in the arbitral award of 1899 that determined the full, perfect and final settlement of our border with Venezuela, we endured long and repeated provocations and aggression. The matter was referred to the International Court of Justice by the Secretary General, acting pursuant to the Geneva Agreement, and the court twice pronounced on its jurisdiction to hear the matter. Recourse to the ICJ came after decades of efforts to resolve the controversy bilaterally, including through a mixed commission and the good offices of the UN Secretary General. In full respect for international law. Guyana participated and encouraged Venezuela to participate in the proceedings of the ICJ. Now that we have both participated in the hearings, which were completed in May 2026, we urge Venezuela to abide by the forthcoming ruling in accordance with their obligations under the UN charter. As Guyana will do, we look forward to a new era of neighborly relations in the interests of our peoples.
Mr. president since last February, the state of Kuwait, the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan have been subjected to illegal Iranian aggression involving ballistic, ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and drones. All while we are not a party to the conflict in the region. These attacks are a flagrant violation of the international law, international humanitarian law and the UN charter. These brutal attacks have systematically and repeatedly targeted civilian objects and critical infrastructure, including Kuwait International Airport, power and water stations, oil facilities as well, revealing a hostile approach aimed at disrupting the foundations of life and critical infrastructure. These heinous attacks have claimed the lives of several martyrs and innocent civilians. They have also resulted in numerous injuries and have inflicted material and economic damage. And furthermore, to inflict harm on the economies of the region and the world, and to disrupt global trade and oil markets, Iran is obstructing maritime navigation and closing the Strait of Hormuz to use it as a bargaining chip in the war in violation of international law and the relevant Security Council resolutions. In this regard, the State of Kuwait expresses its deep appreciation to the brotherly and friendly nations who have stood by Kuwait and demonstrated solidarity. We also salute the countries that have sponsored Security Council Resolution 2017 and the other resolutions issued by the Human Rights Council and the International Maritime Organization, which have condemned the Iranian aggression as a threat to international peace and security. Demanding its cessation and affirming the inherent rights of states to self-defence, as per article 51 of the UN charter. They have also stressed the importance of guaranteeing freedom of navigation without restrictions or conditions and based on. Kuwait's belief that the security and stability of the Arabian Gulf region constitutes a fundamental pillar of regional and international security and stability, as demonstrated by the repercussions of the war and Iranian aggressions. We reiterate the support for all diplomatic efforts aimed at de-escalation and a peaceful resolution to the existing dispute, and we applaud the mediation efforts led by Qatar and Pakistan, while emphasizing the need to reach a sustainable regional understanding based on a firm commitment to the principles of good neighbourliness, respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs, as well as refraining from the use or threat of use of force. In addition to ceasing support for proxies and militias and addressing the security concerns of all countries in the region, including. The Iranian nuclear file, ballistic missiles and drones, while stressing the guarantee of freedom and safety of navigation and the right of passage through the Straits of Hormuz and Bab el Mandeb. In accordance with the international law and the 1982 UN convention on the law of the sea.
The issue concerns the unique high altitude Lake Issyk-Kul, which is part of the UNESCO Biosphere Reserve and is included among wetlands of international importance under the Ramsar Framework. Today, this invaluable natural water reservoir is under severe climatic stress. Over the past 170 years, the water level has fallen by almost 14m, while over the past five years the rate of decline has reached approximately seven centimeters per year. 101 rivers historically flowed into the lake, but today only 30 flow throughout the entire year. The main source of water for Lake Issyk-Kul is the glacier of the Tien Shan Mountains. Over the past 70 years, more than 30% of the region's mountain glaciers have melted. Nearly 20% of this reduction has occurred within the just past 7 to 10 years. This process poses a direct threat to the biodiversity of the region and economic stability of hundreds of thousands of people. As part of our efforts to preserve Lake Issyk-Kul, Kyrgyzstan is mobilizing all available domestic resources, in particular the state concept for the sustainable Development of the Issyk-Kul ecological and economic system until 2030 is being implemented. Strict environmental restrictions have been introduced and pilot projects have been launched to monitor the depths of the lake using the underwater robotic technologies. Large scale efforts to clean the lake bed and its waters are continuing on a regular basis. The scale and speed of climate change exceed the capacity of any individual mountain country and require consolidated international action. The loss of Lake Issyk-Kul would not be merely a local tragedy. It would become an irreversible environmental loss for the entire region. In order to understand the potential scale of this environmental challenge and the costs associated with preventing, it is important to look at the fate of the Aral Sea and Lake Chad, both of which have suffered severely over recent decades. Please take a look at. Not so long ago the Aral Sea and Lake Chad, just like Issyk-Kul today, were full and reservoir was full of water. Today they have largely dried up. For us, this example must serve as a clear warning. Taking this opportunity, I officially call upon the United Nations, international financial institutions and donor countries to support our initiative to establish under the auspice of the organization the Special Joint Trust Fund for the Preservation of Lake Issyk-Kul. In order to demonstrate our commitments through concrete actions, we are prepared to contribute 10 million USD from the state budget to this fund. In our culture, there is a concept known as Amanat. It means the duty to carefully preserve what our ancestors have entrusted to us and to pass it on to future generations. In this sense, it would be fair to state that Lake Issyk-Kul is our shared climate Amanat. We are not asking for help. We are proposing a joint global partnership to preserve this unique natural resource for the earth. Before it is too late, let us unite our efforts and resources within the framework of this Trust fund. Distinguished participants. Ladies and gentlemen, the challenges before us are shared. Therefore, our response to them must be also collective. We stand at the threshold of a new era of change. Safe, just and sustainable future can be built only through collective action. The destiny of our planet and future generations is the responsibility of each and every one of us. This year, Kyrgyzstan celebrates the 35th anniversary of its independence. Throughout this period, our country has faced many different challenges. Since then, we chose cooperation over confrontation, creation over destruction and embark upon the path of sustainable development. There is one thing we must all remember. Peace does not come about by itself. Therefore, let us turn our words into action, concrete steps that improve people's lives and protect nature.
Mr. President, Mauritius is committed to upholding the pledges made at the social summit in Doha last year. Nowhere is that promise to universal social protection more concrete than in our health services. As non-communicable diseases and a rapidly ageing population place growing pressure on our health system, we are strengthening public healthcare through major investment, improved service delivery, expanded specialised care and a greater focus on prevention. Mauritius will continue to offer free and quality public health care to each and every citizen. We thus welcome the holding of the 2027 high level meeting on universal health coverage, and Mauritius stands ready to contribute to that global effort. Today, the high level meeting on pandemic prevention, preparedness and response met at a decisive moment, and decisive moments demand more than mere intentions. Mauritius supports the conclusions of the terms of benefit sharing, guaranteeing vulnerable countries real access to affordable, safe, effective and quality medicines including generics, vaccines, diagnostics and health technologies. It is of crucial importance to widen pandemic financing eligibility, including the Pandemic Fund, to formally incorporate the Multidimensional Vulnerability Index. Mauritius also welcomes UN initiatives on road safety, an issue to which we attach the highest importance and which acts as a silent epidemic that continues to claim far too many lives disproportionately in developing countries. We call for greater international attention and resources for this critical issue.
We urge constructive dialogue between the governments of Cuba and the United States. Engagement, mutual respect, and cooperation offer the best path to improving the lives of the Cuban people and advancing peace and stability throughout our region. Mr. President, Saint Kitts and Nevis remains steadfast in its friendship with the Republic of China Taiwan and supports for its meaningful international participation. Earlier this year, we joined our member states in requesting Taiwan's observer participation in the 79th World Health Assembly.
Today, however, these ideas are not only being called into question; they are being attacked by political actors and governments that want to take us back to a dark past. And I don't need to point them out; we all know who they are and what their modus operandi is. They start by questioning the rules, then they break them, knowing full well that nobody will dare to hold them accountable. They cut their contributions to multilateral bodies like this one. They point to their leaders and officials. They obstruct these organizations' ability to act, to then write them off as useless entities that we can do without. What they're doing, nevertheless, is a planned and coordinated demolition attempt that is presented as something that we can't stop and that's necessary. However, the reality is that it runs counter to the structural currents of history and is based on three misguided pillars. The first of these pillars is selfishness, the absurd belief that the world is a zero-sum game, where some winning must imply that others losing. The second pillar is ignorance, disregarding scientific evidence and assuming that there are countries that are so powerful that they can abuse all of the others and they don't need anyone else to prosper. And the third pillar, the worst in my opinion, is cruelty. Cruelty that isn't even moved when it sees the ribs of a starving child or a hospital reduced to rubble. Over these 8 years, I've seen these selfish, ignorant, and cruel forces grow. I've seen how they took off their masks and seized power in many places. And then I saw them start illegal wars, massacre innocent civilians. I've seen them treat millions of human beings like livestock and take away aid from those suffering the most, from poverty and disease. I've seen them pollute the atmosphere and also the ocean as if it's their own property, and conspire to destroy this organization and everything it represents. I'm saying this because bearing witness to these things has changed the way that I understand the world. However, it hasn't led me to lose hope. Because also, over these 8 years, I've seen wonderful things that allow me to still have confidence in humanity. For example, I've seen millions of people mobilized to defend nature, peace, and civil rights. I've seen thousands of activists and public servants confront these reactionary powers, knowing full well that they're putting their professional careers and even their own lives at risk. I've seen scientists make progress that we thought was impossible. And I've seen many governments do things right, opting for cooperation, social justice, and environmental sustainability. All of this has taught me something that I want to share with all of you, and that is that humanity is not intrinsically good or bad. Humanity can actually be both. And every day, every year, and in each and every crisis, we must decide how to act. The United Nations is one of these spaces where these decisions are made at the highest level. And the UN doesn't always do it well. Of course, I myself, on several occasions, have called out the contradictions and lackings of this body. However, with the same belief, I must call out the fact that the majority of the voices that today insist on criticizing the United Nations are not describing its failure; what they're doing is trying to cause its failure. And I must also say that multilateralism is the best tool that humanity has to manage its diversity and its interdependence, especially in a globalized and multipolar world like the world we're living in today. And this is why what we need to do is up- ramp up our trust in this organization. We must renew it and strengthen it so that this century it can play the same key role that it played last century. And doing this will not be easy. However, the good news is that all of the guidance we need is right here, in the United Nations Charter. In this charter, they wrote the best chapters. Our forefathers wrote it, the men and women who saw the world burn, and even then, they died to imagine a better future. These men and women laid down their wisdom and their hope in this charter. And they didn't ask us to keep it in a glass case. They asked us to fulfill it. They asked us to defend it, and for us to turn back to it in times of uncertainty and extraordinary difficulty. And today is one of those times. And therefore, it's our duty to rise to the courage and the ambition present in this text, in the United Nations Charter. And this is why, ladies and gentlemen, we need to reform the Security Council so that all of the regions in the world have fair representation, and so that we can do away with the right of veto of the permanent members. Because as the UN Charter sets out, no country should be judged in its own case, no matter how powerful they are. We therefore need to strengthen all of the other main bodies and reorganize the agencies' funds and programs, and provide them with more resources and more executive capacity so that they can have a more decisive impact on the great challenges that beset humanity. We must strengthen bodies like the International Criminal Court so that they can investigate, prosecute, and punish those that break the rules.
Mr. President. Excellencies. Distinguished delegates. It is an honor once again to address this august Assembly on behalf of the government and people of Tuvalu. I congratulate His Excellency Khalilur Rahman of Bangladesh on assuming the role of the president of the 81st session. President Rahman, you can count on the full support of Tuvalu. I also congratulate the outgoing president, Her Excellency Annalena Baerbock of Germany, for an exceptional and exemplary leadership. Mr. president, Tuvalu extends its deepest sympathy and condolences to all communities worldwide that are affected by ongoing armed conflicts and recent natural disasters, including the devastating floods in Nepal and Myanmar, the earthquake in Colombia and the tragic loss of lives at sea in Vanuatu. Tuvalu reiterates its hope for peace, stability and the unimpeded humanitarian relief, and reaffirms its solidarity with all those facing violence, insecurity and loss. Mr. president, in less than a week, Tuvalu will celebrate its 48th anniversary of independence, a significant milestone as Tuvalu approaches its Golden Jubilee of Independence.
What we're witnessing here is a milestone in terms of the transformation of humankind. If it is employed properly, it will bring about unprecedented development in health care, the environment, productive processes, and in the lives of human beings in general. Governments, the technology sector, and the scientific community have the overwhelming responsibility to ensure that we do not stray from the constructive and vital purposes of IA—AI, rather—it must benefit the citizens. That is its overriding purpose, and we must not widen the digital divide and digital inequality throughout the world.
is not targeted against anyone. It is an expression of our will to rely on ourselves, to have total control over our resources, and also responsibility for our choices and our alliances. The Head of state, President Tiani has consistently said this. The only thing we are asking for is that we be left to manage our own destiny. We have never been driven out of a desire to trouble anyone else, so for us, it is simply a matter of moving towards the choice and supporting the choice that we have decided upon with our people behind us. Our organization must understand this truth. The sovereignty of our states is not negotiable. Our resources belong to our peoples. Our future will no longer be decided elsewhere. Ladies and gentlemen, this is an opportunity to commend the courage of our defense and security forces and to pay tribute to all of our civilian and military martyrs who have lost their lives in the struggle for our full and total liberty. I bow down before their memory. May their souls rest in peace.
There is no need to look too far. It's just enough to look at the picture that has unfolded over the last one year period. Consider this the past 12 months have gone down in history as one of the bloodiest periods of the last 30 years, marked by more than 60 conflicts and wars. From Gaza to Ukraine and Russia, from Myanmar to Darfur, from Iran to Lebanon, 250 000 people have lost their lives, and far more number of people have endured indescribable suffering. Hundreds of thousands of people have been forced to leave the lands where they were born and raised. In Gaza alone, over the past three years, we have lost 74000 of our brothers and sisters, most of them women and children. Mind you, we lost them to what we regard as acts of state terror by Israel. The people of Gaza are still searching for their loved ones beneath the rubble. They are recovering the bodies of their spouses, their children or parents. Innocent children who have lost their arms and legs in Israeli attacks are trying to return to school. They are trying to hold on to life with prosthetic legs made of wood. In Gaza's hospitals, more than 70% of power generators are currently out of service due to fuel shortages. Personally, as a father and as a grandfather who cherishes his children and grandchildren, I have to say the following from this podium with a heavy heart. Today, Gaza is not only the world's largest graveyard for children, it is also the place with the highest rate of child amputations in the world. Gaza has become the most inhumane and shameful concentration camp of our time. In fact, a cease fire was reached thanks to President Trump's efforts and with contributions of countries including my country, Turkey. But even after the cease fire, the number of Gazans killed exceeded 1500. Although the Palestinian Resistance movement has agreed to move to the second stage of the peace plan, the Israeli government refuses to stop the occupation. Meanwhile, the West Bank is witnessing the most severe period of what we regard as settler violence and terror. In Jerusalem, Muslims and Christians are being denied access to holy sites. There is an attempt to destroy UNRWA, which is our collective initiative. Now esteemed friends, today, once again I will speak from the heart with complete sincerity and without reservation. And I'll state straight some facts plainly. Please don't be offended or upset. I'm sorry, but this is not Tayyip Erdogan's personal matter. This is a humanitarian issue. It is a matter of conscience for all of us. We are faced with a genocidal mindset that can never get enough of killing. We are faced with an extremely serious situation. No one with a sense of humanity, mercy or compassion, no one guided by justice and conscience, can possibly remain indifferent to this picture.
Mr. president, excellencies, my friends, we meet at a time when the obstacles confronting human progress are multiplying, obstacles to peace, obstacles to food and clean water, obstacles to finance, medicine and education, obstacles to movement and opportunity. Obstacles to technology, to the knowledge and infrastructure needed to use it, and increasingly, obstacles between nations, between communities, and between people who no longer agree on the same facts or trust the same institutions. War continues to destroy lives and communities. Even though the international community possesses more tools than ever, ever before to prevent conflict and to facilitate dialogue. The climate crisis is accelerating. Even though the science is clear enough for us to act, and many of the solutions are already known. And despite unprecedented global wealth, millions remain without reliable access to food, water, health or shelter. These challenges, my friends, are creating the crises of which we constantly speak, and at the same time, new challenges are emerging. Artificial intelligence is opening extraordinary possibilities in health, education, science, and productivity while also creating new risk of exclusion, exploitation, surveillance and the distortion of truth. And yet, the cooperation needed to confront these challenges is under strain. It is why I believe the theme this year is so apt. Restoring trust. Managing transformation. A united nation that delivers for all. The theme reminds us that we have institutions created to preserve peace, to advance development, and yes, to protect human dignity. The institutions are these very United Nations. We have shared principles grounded in sovereign equality, and in the recognition that our responsibilities extend beyond borders. The reality is that we understand that there is, regrettably enough, for us to be able to invest in prevention rather than waiting to finance reconstruction. We understand enough about the climate crisis to reduce the emissions that are warming our planet, and take the necessary steps for our populations to adapt. We equally now understand enough about the rapid development of AI to know that as we welcome its promise, we must anchor its development in a universal, humanizing framework that does not imperil our existence as human beings. The failure, my friends, to address these challenges, therefore, is not one simply of knowledge or capacity. It is a repeated failure to convert what we know into what we do. To turn principle into practice and global capacity into solidarity So beneath our many crises lies yet another one. And yes, it is a crisis of responsibility. Mr. president, that responsibility begins here in these halls.
