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We know that sanctions undermine economic and financial freedoms and hinder human development. Three, we believe in respecting the rights of nature; that is the only way in which we can duly consecrate human life. Four, equally, the institutional failure of global trade is today patently clear, because no nation can thrive in supranational systems which do not promote national industry and which prioritize outsourcing and award that strategy. Five, international stability means that we must resolve our three-pronged energy-like dilemma: we must, at the same time, guarantee security of supply, affordable prices, and environmental sustainability.
Created in the aftermath of the Second World War, the immediate focus was obviously on peace and security but the UN system has evolved significantly over the decades to expand its scope and sphere of influence within the confines of its charter. However, the UN must now look to the future, building on its record of achievements as well as from lessons learned from what it could not achieve. As we look to the next 80 years, we must ask ourselves a searching question is the UN fit for the purpose for the 21st century, not the world of 1945, but the world of today and beyond? We are entering a new era of international relations defined by unprecedented technological developments, often absent from the table where the rules of tomorrow are being adopted, developing countries risk being left further behind. The same exclusion afflicts the international financial architecture, which remains skewed against the Global South. Developing nations must have a seat at the table as equal stakeholders. We all acknowledge that the three pillars of the UN charter are peace and security, development and human rights. The twin institutional pillars provided in the charter were and still are, the Security Council and ECOSOC as the apex bodies for achieving these purposes. However, over the years, optimal use has been made primarily of only one of these organs. We need to enhance and accelerate the revitalization of the General Assembly and that of ECOSOC so that they are not merely forums for debate, but engines of action. This must be done as we bring about the reform of the Security Council, the historical injustice regarding the composition of the Council was acknowledged in action 39 of the pact for the future, but the process for reform is still stalled. Mauritius fully supports the Common African Position, the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration calling for no fewer than two permanent and five non-permanent African seats on the council. Mauritius also supports the call for SIDS to have a seat on a reformed council. On the question of the veto, Mauritius aligns itself with the position of a growing number of states that, in the event the veto is retained, any new permanent member must have the same rights as the original permanent members. Mauritius also supports the Franco-Mexican initiative on the suspension of the veto in cases of mass atrocities. We support the positions of the G4 and the L69 on council reform, and we reiterate our support for India's candidature for a permanent seat commensurate with its constructive role in global affairs. Mr. president, Mauritius welcomes the increasing recourse to the International Court of Justice as a mechanism for the peaceful settlement of disputes and determination of issues of international law. We call upon Member States which have not yet done so, to accept the compulsory jurisdiction of the ICJ. We welcome the landmark unanimous advisory opinion of the ICJ on the obligations of states in respect of climate change. This was a vindication of the tireless advocacy of Vanuatu and the core group of states. Mauritius was proud to stand among them.
His place in the history of this institution is assured not merely by the office he has occupied, but by the principles he has steadfastly upheld, the courage and profundity with which he has spoken. When silence would have been easier, and his rare ability to hold before the world a clear mirror of the perils that confront our age and the possibilities that still beckon beyond them. Mr. president, one year ago I stood at this very podium and reminded this Assembly that if the United Nations is to remain humanity's surest hope for a just and peaceful world, it must have the courage to confront aggression and the will and the will to engage fully with the defining question of our age. I also argued that we must be bold enough to undertake the institutional reforms necessary to strengthen the organisation, enhance its credibility and enable it to meet the challenges of a changing world. Indeed, I am pleased that the theme of this year's assembly, and I quote, Restoring Trust, Managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all. End of quote. Acknowledges the need for this organisation to be fit for purpose, to respond to the challenges, and to seize the possibilities of our time. Today, we confront a climate catastrophe, an energy crisis, food insecurity, biodiversity loss, armed conflicts, and geopolitical tensions. The horror of genocide, a spiralling cost of living crisis, a mounting debt crisis, widening inequalities within and among nations. And, perhaps most troubling of all, a weakening of multilateralism itself. Yet if history has taught us anything, it is that when it is that even when the world seemed to stand at the precipice, humanity has never been entirely without the means to draw it back from the brink. We have ended wars that seem without end. We have confronted economic calamities that threaten the foundations of societies. We have overcome dangers that presented existential threats time and again. It has been our inventiveness, our courage, and above all, our willingness to act together that have opened a path where none seemed to exist This is why I do not wish to linger or lament further upon the difficulties before us. I wish instead to turn our gaze toward the possibilities that lie beyond them. For within every crisis lies a summons to solutions. Within every disruption and opportunity. For renewal. And within every uncertainty, the possibility of shaping a better future.
Ladies and gentlemen, without identifying the causes of the crisis facing contemporary humanity, we cannot solve its problems. The politics of force cannot bring progress to humanity. Instead of force, we need respect and strengthening of the existing international norms, rules and institutions that we have built over more than 80 years. The multilateral system today faces a serious challenge a crisis of institutional trust. Trust is weakening because some actors in the international community undermine the values enshrined in the UN charter. The future of humanity does not lie in policies of violence and human rights violations. Conflicts and wars are not the purpose of our civilization. Let us build a culture of dialogue, cooperation, and peace. In this context, I believe it is of utmost importance to reaffirm the importance of the UN charter, revitalize the role of the UN as the Global Center for Coordination and Cooperation, support the reform process and strengthen the credibility of the United Nations, consistently implement the Sustainable Development Goals, build mutual trust, inclusiveness and democratic vision of leadership, and strengthen preventive diplomacy at a time of numerous tensions and conflicts.
We also call for sustained international support for Haiti to restore security, constitutional order and democratic governance. Suriname supports solutions that place the Haitian people at the center. The UN80 process rightly emphasizes mandate rationalization, institutional coherence and efficiency. Reform must protect and improve the United Nations capacity to deliver and also make the system easier to navigate. It should not reduce support where it is most needed. Equally important is the overdue reform of the Security Council. Hence, Suriname reiterates its call for making it more representative, more accountable and more capable of acting. Africa, the Republic of Suriname supports your demand for just permanent representation.
The election took place under special circumstances of external information manipulation and a number of external and internal forces had developed and were implementing a plan to seize the state using mass disinformation, hybrid and other tools, and applying also the distribution of mass voter bribes. But the democratic and institutional reforms we have implemented in recent years proved their strength. Armenia's state institutions demonstrated high resilience, preventing state capture, and giving the people of Armenia the opportunity to have their say. The people of Armenia owned up the peace, and we must consistently engage in the further strengthening and institutionalization of peace.
And I'm here not to sell you a product or a policy, or yet another declaration. I am here to sell you an idea. An idea conceived and spearheaded by His Majesty King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck, an idea embraced by the people of Bhutan. An idea already being built. That idea is Gelephu Mindfulness City, GMC. And my sales pitch is simple. Come and build it with us. Now, the world has built new cities before financial centers, freeports, technology hubs, special economic zones. But GMC is different. You see, Gelephu Mindfulness City is a special administrative region, an SAR. Under its Royal Charter, GMC exercises full autonomy in governance, legislation and the judiciary. Think one country, two systems. Think of the agility of a microstate. But GMC was not inherited from history. It was not created to manage a transfer of sovereignty. It is being deliberately created by Bhutan within Bhutan on sovereign Bhutanese territory for the future. GMC covers more than 4000km². That is more than five times the size of Singapore. But its greatest opportunity is not its size. Its greatest opportunity is an institutional blank slate. GMC was given something extraordinarily rare the freedom to design an entire city and its operating systems from first principles. So we asked if you could begin again. How would you govern? What laws would you write? How would we regulate business? How would we guarantee an independent judiciary? How would we attract the best talent? How would we use technology and especially artificial intelligence? How would we create wealth while protecting nature? And ultimately, what would all that prosperity be for? These were not theoretical questions. We answered them. And we are making full use of that institutional blank slate. If Singapore has legal principles that work, we learn from Singapore. If Abu Dhabi has financial regulations that work we learn from Abu Dhabi. If leading jurists from the United Kingdom can help us build an independent judiciary, we learn from them. And if international experts can strengthen our institutions, we learn from them. The principle is simple. Search the world for what works. Take the best, adapt it, and make it work for GMC. The result is a core operating system that is now in place, designed to give investors clarity, familiarity, and predictability. But GMC's operating system was designed around a deeper conviction that prosperity and values should reinforce one another. That means rejecting the assumption that we must choose between enterprise and well-being, between technology and humanity between development and nature. At GMC, we believe a balanced approach can deliver substantial profits while protecting the values that make prosperity worthwhile. Balance is not the enemy of profit. It is the foundation of lasting profit. And at GMC, balance is not a slogan. It is built into the operating system. And this matters deeply to Bhutan. You see, Bhutan is peaceful and stable. Our forests are intact. Our culture is alive. Our people are educated. But our economy is small. It cannot yet create enough opportunities for our young people. So too many of them leave home to find opportunity elsewhere. For a country as small as ours, this is not only an economic challenge, it is an existential one. We cannot simply tell them to stay. We must give them a reason to stay and a reason to return. Jobs. Opportunities. Enterprise, a future. So Bhutan must transform. But we refuse to believe that transformation requires us to become somebody else. We want economic growth. We want investment. We want technology. We want successful companies. We want our people to become wealthier. But we also want to protect what makes Bhutan Bhutan. That is the driving force behind His Majesty's vision for GMC. And that is why His Majesty is personally spearheading its development. GMC is not a project on the margins of Bhutan. It is at the heart of our national transformation. Our people have embraced GMC as a people's project and investment in our children, our economy and our shared future. Bhutan is not waiting to see whether the world believes in GMC before committing to it.
Conflicts, geopolitical tensions, declining resources for development and the fragmentation of spaces for dialogue are testing the principles that have guided coexistence among nations. At the same time, democracy faces a twofold challenge the resurgence of authoritarian tendencies that seek to undermine the will of the people, and the spread of organised criminal networks that infiltrate institutions, corrupt justice systems, capture economies and territories, and erode public trust. Transnational organised crime is more than just a threat to public security. It is a direct threat to democracy the rule of law, and the ability of our peoples to freely determine their future. Criminal networks do not recognize borders. They are linked through drug trafficking trafficking in persons, illicit arms trafficking, smuggling, extortion, money laundering, environmental crime and other illicit economies. They exploit institutional weaknesses, inequality, and a lack of opportunities. Wherever the state is weakened, these structures seek to replace it, intimidate it, or bend it to serve private interests. In the face of these realities, the fundamental principles that must guide our collective action have lost none of their relevance. Preserving peace, combating hunger and poverty. Ensuring equal rights and opportunities, strengthening justice, protecting our planet, and consolidating democratic institutions remain shared responsibilities. The Sustainable Development Goals continue to provide an essential roadmap.
The absence of education, health care, decent employment, and the loss of homes and livelihoods to climate change leave communities as vulnerable as conflict itself. Our understanding of security must therefore extend beyond the absence of war to include the conditions that allow people to live with dignity, opportunity and hope. Mr. president, in The Gambia, this understanding has guided our democratic journey from 2017 to date. We have undertaken the difficult work of rebuilding institutions, strengthening the rule of law, expanding access to justice and confronting the legacy of past human rights violations. Our transitional justice process continues through implementation of the recommendation of the Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission. We have strengthened institutional accountability, established the Special Prosecutor's Office to advance investigations and prosecution arising from the TRC process. We are proud of the progress we have made, but we remain conscious that democracy is never a finished project and requires continuous institutional strengthening, adherence to the rule of law, constitutional order, dialogue and consensus building on issues. On the 5th of December 2026, the government people will again exercise their sovereign democratic right to choose their president. This will be another important milestone in our democratic journey, and we need the support of the international community in this regard. Our government is committed to ensuring that the elections are peaceful, transparent, credible and inclusive, and conducted in accordance with our Constitution, national laws and democratic standards. This is the Democratic Party. Government remains committed to pursuing a path in which institutions are strengthened, citizens are heard, differences are resolved peacefully, and democratic gains are consolidated for future generations. Mr. president, on development, the government's recovery focused National Development Plan provides the framework for accelerating our socio economic transformation. We are investing in roads, energy, schools, healthcare, agriculture and digital infrastructure while promoting economic diversification, private sector investment and value addition. We are expanding opportunities for women and young people, improving lives, uncertainty, human capital upon which our future depends. I seize this opportunity to thank all the bilateral and multilateral partners of The Gambia for your continued support and partnership.
I would also like to commend the memory of the late General Sadio Camara, Minister of Defense of Mali, whose ultimate sacrifice will forever be associated with the history of the Confederation of the States of the Sahel. May Allah grant him eternal Paradise. Amen. Ladies and gentlemen, we remain open to any security cooperation, of course, which takes into account our strategic interests, mutual interests and respect for our sovereignty with Burkina Faso and Mali. Niger, within the Confederation of Sahel states, is developing cooperation that is focused on defense and security, diplomacy and development. This responds to a requirement for solidarity between peoples that face common challenges. On the 16th of September 2023 in Bamako, Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso signed the Liptako-Gourma Charter, giving birth to the Alliance of Sahel States on the 6th of July 2024 in Niamey. Our three heads of state, President Assimi Goita of Mali, President Ibrahim Traoré of Burkina Faso and President Abdourahamane Tiani of Niger took the historic step of creating the Confederation of Sahel states. Two years later, the institutional structure of this confederation is practically complete. A unified force of 5000 men is conducting the coordinated fight against the mercenaries afflicting our three territories on our borders. This force can be mobilized to a ceiling of 15,000 men. That must be underscored. A confederation investment and development bank has been created. It finances our projects and programs using our own resources. A Confederation biometric passport has been in use since the 29th of January 2025. A television channel, a press agency and a shared radio carry the voice and the message of the AES. More recently, from the 26th to the 29th of August 2026, the first meetings of the Confederation Parliament were held in Niamey, thus completing our institutional architecture. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Niger is a country of peace. Truly a country of peace.
As an integral part of Europe, our country plays a significant role in ensuring the welfare and security of the European continent. The NATO Ankara summit, which we successfully hosted in July, was a concrete manifestation of our commitment to our common security. A Europe that excludes Turkey from its security architecture cannot. And let me say this clearly it cannot possibly be stronger or safer. We are shaping our future with the European Union precisely through this strategic vision, and we expect the same vision from the European Union as well. The Balkans is a region with which we have strong historical cultural and human ties. Within the Balkans Peace Platform, we are taking joint steps to deepen our cooperation with them, and our position on the South Caucasus is also quite clear. Namely, we hope for the establishment of lasting peace between Azerbaijan and Armenia. We commend and support the commitment to a solution demonstrated by President Aliyev and Prime Minister Pashinyan. We are also advancing with determination the normalization process between our country and Armenia. I would also like to express with pleasure the following. The Organization of Turkic States has become an exemplary model of regional cooperation that is growing in strength year by year. The 13th Leader Summit, to be held in Ankara on the 30th of October, will, we hope, open new doors and new horizons for the organization. The fourth Turkey Africa Partnership Summit, which we will organize in Libya in December, symbolizes the institutional partnership we have been building for more than two decades now. In South Asia, it is important that all disputes, including the Kashmir issue, be addressed through dialogue within the framework of the United Nations Charter and of relevant resolutions. Provided that constructive action is taken, all issues can possibly be resolved, and the same Applies to tensions on the African continent also. We fully support efforts for a ceasefire and for lasting peace in Sudan, as well as efforts to strengthen security, development and institutional capacity in Somalia. Meanwhile, maintaining stability and tranquility in Libya is our priority. It is imperative that the ongoing reconciliation process is led and owned by Libyans themselves. As Turkey, we continue to support the success of this process. Now, also through our Asia Anew Initiative, we continue to strengthen our relations with our partners in the Asia Pacific region. We regard the elevation of our relations with ASEAN to the level of dialogue partnership as a concrete outcome of this approach. Likewise, we are developing our relations with the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean on the basis of mutual respect, partnership and a win win approach.
Furthermore, we firmly reject unilateral coercive measures that violate international law and inflict disproportionate hardship on innocent populations. Yet our global architecture is failing to enforce these principles because its key organs remain outdated. The Security Council's inability to act decisively in moments of global crisis undermines its very purpose. Its composition reflects a bygone era, not 21st century geopolitical realities. Reform is no longer a matter of political convenience. It is a matter of institutional survival and legitimacy. Seychelles, therefore reaffirms Africa's unified position. Our continent must hold no fewer than two permanent seats on the Security Council, with full prerogatives, including the veto for as long as it exists. Mr. President, this past June, Seychelles proudly celebrated 50 years of independence. Half a century of self-determination has taught us a fundamental lesson. Size does not define sovereignty, and geography does not diminish dignity. We may be a small island developing state but we sit as an equal participant in this hall.
Multilateralism. Equipped to address the defining challenges of today peace, the climate emergency, economic insecurity and artificial intelligence on artificial intelligence and its governance. We need an accountable, transparent and regulated architecture. We need an AI that serves humanity, not controls it. We must always be in the driving seat, setting a safe and secure pace of innovation and development. The artificial intelligence industry cannot be regulated by a few major global companies, and the United Nations must play a central role in setting global standards through the United Nations Global Digital Compact, the Independent International Scientific Panel, and the Global Dialogue on AI governance. Excellencies, the United Nations must remain at the center of the multilateral system. The United Nations is under pressure from geopolitical polarization, financial constraints, and institutional shortcomings.
We already have knowledge. But what we need now is the will to use them. This year, the United Nations will choose its next Secretary-General. Slovakia supports a transparent and inclusive process based on merit, with due regard to regional diversity and gender balance. And I would also like to thank Secretary-General António Guterres for his dedicated service and leadership during these difficult years. The next Secretary-General will inherit an organization under serious security, geopolitical, institutional, and financial pressure. But the future of the United Nations will not depend on one person alone. It depends on all of us, on our will, courage, and determination.
An efficient, effective, nimble and well-coordinated UN is urgently needed. Sweden strongly supports the Secretary-General's UN80 initiative and expects all UN entities to engage fully with a clear focus on improving delivery at country level. We also expect Member States to give the UN adequate resources. Assessed contributions must be paid in full and in time. As members, we also need to carefully consider institutional reforms and align mandates with available resources. UN80 is an opportunity to strengthen the UN's impact across all three pillars and to reinforce the international system firmly grounded in the UN Charter and international law. Sweden remains firm in its defence of the UN's normative mandates on human rights, gender equality, and sexual and reproductive health and rights. Everyone has the right to live freely and with dignity, to be who they are and to love whom they choose. Sweden will always stand up for that freedom and for equal rights of all. Mr. President, a balanced expansion of the Security Council would strengthen its credibility and the legitimacy of its decisions. Sweden would like to see permanent and non-permanent seats added, and a fairer representation of all continents on the council. Africa, home to 1.3 billion people and the largest regional bloc in the United Nations, has no permanent seat. This is neither logical nor fair. Further, the veto should never be used to prevent the UN from acting against serious violations of international law or in humanitarian disasters. Mr. President, we must continue to strengthen our United Nations to make the organisation stronger and better equipped to prevent conflict and meet the challenges of tomorrow. We must continue to find common agreements based on the fundamentals. Every country's sovereignty and territorial integrity, prohibition of the use of force, respect for international law, human rights and humanitarian principles. It is our shared responsibility to ensure that the UN remains relevant, effective and resolute. That it becomes greater than the sum of its parts. To show once again that we can turn the page on conflict and chaos and move towards peace and prosperity. Mr. President, this year also marks 65 years since Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld died. His integrity, conviction and commitment to the vision and values of our organisation are still remembered. Sweden continues to support the UN investigation aimed at clarifying the circumstances surrounding Secretary-General Hammarskjöld's death, and I would like to conclude with the words of Mr. Hammarskjöld. It is no news to anybody, but we sense it in different degrees that the world of today is more than ever before one world. The weakness of one is the weakness of all and the strength of one, not the military strength, the real strength, the economic and social strength, the happiness of the people is indirectly the strength of all.
The solution to Haiti lies in Haiti itself, and the obligation of the international community is to make it possible there, in their country, for children to be able to go back to school and for Haitian youth to be able to have a future in their own country, and as soon as the conditions allow it, for the Haitians to be able to vote for the first time in a decade. Mr. President, the Dominican Republic has worked to fulfill the essential commitments for our people, and we have been able to show results. We've reduced monetary poverty by 25.8% from 25.8% in 2019 to 14.6% in the first 6 months of this year. And just two months ago, the FAO confirmed that my country was taken off the hunger map, being the fifth country in Latin America to achieve this. We have committed to achieving the zero hunger goal by 2028, but we managed to achieve this before that. For 4 consecutive years, we've received more than $4 billion per year in foreign direct investment, and in 2025, for the first time, more than $5 billion. And we are forecasting to receive more this year. Our exports reached a record of close to $16 billion. These results are a reflection of our legal certainty, institutional stability, and trust, inspired by the trust that different actors have in the Dominican Republic. Peace, investment in new infrastructure, as well as the hospitality of our people, have led us to receive 7.5 million visitors in 2019, and this year is projected to exceed 12 million, and this figure is only rivaled by Mexico in Latin America. However, a country's progress shouldn't— progress in a country should not mean that a country is penalized. Middle-income countries host 3 in every 4 people on the planet and 2 in every 3 people in extreme poverty, and nevertheless, GDP continues to be used exclusively for concessional financing.
We are moving our relationship with our strategic partners to a new phase moving from military cooperation to economic and development cooperation in service of our common interests In this manner, we add to Iraqis victory over terrorism, a redoubled determination and momentum to finish building our military and security capacities in order to protect our country, our people, and our sovereignty. In order to sustain integration with our international friends, we call on all partners to exercise border control, address gaps and remain constantly vigilant in order to prevent the formation of an environment conducive to extremism. Ladies and gentlemen In the context of institutional reform, our government is fighting a battle against corruption and for the protection of public funds. We are moving forward with sustainable core solutions in order to increase performance efficiency and improve providing services.
Mr. President, excellencies, at the outset, allow me to extend my warm and heartfelt congratulations to you on your election as president of the 81st session of the General Assembly. Your election reflects the confidence of Member States in your steadfast commitment to multilateral system and your vision for a United Nations that is responsive, effective, and capable of delivering for humanity. As you embark on this important journey, my delegation reaffirms its unwavering commitment to working closely with you and all Member States to ensure a productive and successful session. I also pay tribute to your predecessor, Her Excellency Ms. Baerbock, president of the 80th session of the General Assembly, with whom my delegation had the honour to serve as Vice President. Her dedicated leadership, zeal and tenacity of purpose in strengthening multilateral cooperation during a period of profound global uncertainty gave us hope that the future of this organization can be secured when all nations work together for the common goal of leaving no one behind. To the secretary general, Antonio Guterres, whose tenure is approaching an end, my delegation commends his exemplary leadership and commitment to the ideals of the United Nations. During his term the world confronted unprecedented challenges from the COVID-19 pandemic to the eruption of new conflicts, the catastrophic effects of climate change, and unstable trade regimes. Throughout these crises, he remained the moral force and steady anchor of the organization. We salute him for his distinguished service and will fondly cherish his historic visit to the Mountain Kingdom in December 2024, during which he witnessed firsthand the dividends of the UN's contribution to Lesotho. Mr. president, the theme for this session Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: A United Nations that delivers for all, resonates deeply with Lesotho's aspirations for a more inclusive, transparent and result oriented multilateral system capable of advancing respect for international law, maintaining global peace and security, accelerating sustainable development, protecting human rights, driving climate action, and implementing long overdue institutional reforms.
And as the world transforms, so must the United Nations. The UN80 Initiative is an opportunity to reduce duplication, improve accountability, and focus resources on results. But efficiency must not be measured simply by what we cut. It must be measured by what we deliver. And the United Nations must not retreat from the countries that need it most, in the name of efficiency. Reform must preserve a meaningful UN presence on the ground, particularly in SIDS. The UN Development System must respond to the needs of programme countries and remain guided by relevant international frameworks. The reform process must be Member State-led. It must be inclusive and transparent. This is how reform will restore trust, by bringing the United Nations closer to the people and the countries it serves. Reform must also confront one of this Organization’s oldest weaknesses: unequal representation. The Security Council cannot reflect the world of 1945 while deciding for the world of today. It must be expanded in both permanent and non-permanent categories. SIDS must have a rotating seat. Africa must receive the representation long denied to it, and the veto must be abolished. After all, representation is not merely symbolic. Who sits at the table shapes what the table sees. Small States understand how closely climate, finance, trade, supply chains and security are connected. We also know that international law is our strongest safeguard against unequal power. That principle must remain at the heart of the international system. The Maldives will take its seat on the Economic and Social Council for the 2027 to 2029 term. We are seeking election to the Human Rights Council for the 2028 to 2030 term. And we seek the support of Member States for a seat on the UN Security Council for the 2033 to 2034 term. We do so because small States must be decision-makers, not decision-takers. Representation matters not only within the bodies of this Organization, but also in its leadership. As Secretary-General Guterres approaches the end of a decade of service, the Maldives thanks him for his leadership and commitment to international cooperation. The process to choose his successor must be transparent and based on merit. It must draw from the full breadth of talent available to this Organization. For more than eight decades, every Secretary-General has been a man. It is time for a woman to lead this Organisation. A leader who will defend the Charter, without exception, who can turn reform into delivery, and who will listen to all Member States, including the smallest. The task ahead is immense. The choice we make must meet it. So, what should this Assembly do? The Maldives proposes a simple test for a sovereign future. When we act on conflict, climate, finance, technology or institutional reform, let us ask: Does this decision expand a State’s freedom to choose? Does it build national capacity and reduce dependence? Does it protect sovereignty and independent decision-making? If the answer is no, we must change course. And we must hold every State to the same standard. Let this be the measure of international cooperation, not what we promise, but what we make possible. That is the measure of a United Nations that delivers for all. In 1989, the Maldives asked this Assembly to protect small States from external threats. Today, we ask it to protect something just as fundamental: Every State’s freedom to choose its own future. A future chosen by its people, a future grounded in international law, a sovereign future for every State.
Nigeria's prolonged struggle against Boko Haram, Iswap and other armed groups has taught us that military victories require enduring foundations in education, economic opportunity accountable governance and communities whose rights and dignity are protected. Development cannot take root, while violence repeatedly uproot livelihoods and peace cannot endure, while injustice and exclusion replenish the ranks of those who threaten it. Our common security therefore, demands cooperation equal to the reach of the threats before us. We must exchange intelligence, strengthen institutional capacity, interrupt the financing of violence, and prevent weapons from crossing borders that are responses too often failed to cross. The turmoil in the Sahel illustrates how insecurity in one territory can imperil its neighbors, displace populations and frustrate commerce. Regional integration and democratic governance as a founding member of Nigeria, upholds regional solidarity and African leadership in resolving these challenges. Reinforced by principled international partnerships, no country can claim less than safety. While the force is capable of destabilizing, it retains sanctuary resources and recruits elsewhere.
Mr. president, restoring confidence in collective security requires the Security Council to move beyond the outdated geopolitical realities of 1945. The long standing position of Africa is outlined in the Ursuline Convent. Consensus and the City Declaration should be granted. Africa is united, sovereign and independent. Africa is rising. The horse and rider mentality has no place in the contemporary international discourse. Zimbabwe reaffirms the. Institutional legitimacy depends on the consistent application of international law, sovereign equality and the inalienable right to self-determination of all within the comity of nations. Unilateral coercive measures as a manipulative foreign policy tool are outdated in a global era, which should be encouraged on solidarity, mutually beneficial partnerships and shared prosperity. I urge us to use this defining epoch in the history of our August organization to protect the United Nations Charter. The tendencies where our resolutions and international law are ignored should no longer be excused. Mr. president, peace cannot endure without development.
Mr. President, Secretary-General, Excellencies. There is an idea that has accompanied Andorra for more than 270 years, and that continues to shape the way that we understand politics. The Manuel Digest, one of the great works of our institutional heritage through which António Guterres condensed and recounted the essence of Andorran identity, reminds us that the legitimate exercise of power only makes sense when it places the common good above any other interest. This idea, written in 1748, long before modern international organizations came into existence, remains remarkably relevant today because multilateralism is nothing more than the application of this same principle to relations among nations: the understanding that the common good of the international community is inseparable from the well-being of each of our countries. In Andorra, this approach toward politics has enabled us to preserve more than seven centuries of peace, dialogue, and coexistence in harmony, not because history has been easier for us, but because we have learned the best way to protect freedom is to build trust, seek balance, and make compromise a form of governance. Perhaps it is precisely this experience that a small country such as ours can share with this great Assembly today.
Azerbaijan's commitment to international solidarity and cooperation is equally reflected in our development and humanitarian assistance. In recent years, Azerbaijan has significantly expanded the scope of its international aid with particular attention to small island developing states and African partner countries. Since 2020, we have provided humanitarian, economic and technical assistance worth approximately USD 400 million to more than 140 countries. As we mark the 40th anniversary of the declaration on the Right to Development, Azerbaijan reaffirms its commitment to partnership based approaches founded on solidarity, mutual respect and shared development priorities. Ladies and gentlemen, as we inch closer to 2030, it is becoming even more apparent that the world remains off track in implementing the Sustainable Development Goals. Azerbaijan is firmly committed to the 2030 agenda for Sustainable Development. Having integrated the SDGs into its national development strategies institutional frameworks and voluntary national review processes, while placing particular emphasis on connectivity, green growth, digitalisation and sustainable urban development. In less than two decades, Azerbaijan's GDP has increased threefold, while the poverty rate has declined from 49 to around 5%.
Its declaration, Environmental Solidarity of Central Asia, provides a strong foundation for advancing regional cooperation on environmental protection and sustainable development. On the same day, the heads of states of the founding countries of the International Fund for Saving the Aral Sea declared an International Day of Aral Sea, and Amudarya and Syrdarya Rivers, with the aim of raising global awareness of the region's environmental challenges and mobilizing greater international support for their preservation. We are grateful for the support of UN Member States and partners for President Tokayev's proposal to proclaim 22nd April as the International Day of Greening of the planet, aimed at amplifying global efforts to restore ecosystem. Kazakhstan pursues a human centred approach to contemporary challenges, emphasizing peace building, dialogue and cooperation as an essential response to the complex global challenges of our time. This approach is underpinned by broader mental shift toward environmental stewardship, civic engagement and care for the public good. It's reflected in nationwide efforts to improve public spaces, advance large scale greening, and promote the values of respect for the rule of law, active and responsible patriotism, volunteerism and compassion as an integral element of everyday life and civic culture. This brings us to another critical topic of our days. Healthy ecosystem depends on water. Water security is fundamental to the well-being and the resilience of our societies. Water underpins public health, food and energy security, climate resilience and peace. Yet despite its fundamental importance, global water governance remains fragmented. The recent devastating floods in the mountainous regions of Nepal and China remind us of the growing risk associated with water and climate related disasters. In this context, President Tokayev has proposed the establishment of International Water Organization under the auspices of the United Nations. The purpose is to make international water governance more coherent, accountable and capable of effective implementation. Kazakhstan's calls for inclusive, member state led process to explore options for strengthening the institutional architecture for water within the United Nations. We will continue to advance this discussion in the lead up for the 2026 United Nations Water Conference in Abu Dhabi. Kazakhstan stands ready to work with all member states and partners to advance this common agenda. Distinguished delegates Artificial intelligence and rapid technological change present another area where urgent international cooperation is needed.
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No. 25
Sierra Leone09/22 · first at about 13 min1 mention
Efficiency matters and reform must preserve the capacity to act. Mr. president, the choice of the next Secretary General offers another test of institutional effectiveness and equality. In 80 years, every Secretary General has been a man. The women put forward for this office have placed their competence beyond dispute. What remains is the will of the organisation to live by the equality it asks of others and entrust a woman with its highest office. Mr. president, our insistence on a capable United Nations comes from experience. For Sierra Leone, this organisation is part of our living history. It stood with us when our country was broken and helped us make peace durable. In this hall, a small state has the same vote as a great power. Imperfect as it is, that equality remains one of humanity's boldest promises. Sierra Leone will continue to contribute personnel to United Nations peace operations, uphold international law, support mediation and peace building, defend the right of women and girls, and serve as a bridge wherever member states seek one. We will also continue to support the institutions of international justice. In this regard, Sierra Leone has nominated Professor Charles Chernor Jalloh, a distinguished international jurist, endorsed by the African Union and ECOWAS for election as a judge of the International Court of Justice. We respectfully seek Member States support on the 3rd of November. Mr. President, the United Nations was created in a world of unequal power, yet it rests on a radical idea: nations differ in size and strength, but their people do not differ in human worth. United Nations that delivers for all makes that equality felt beyond this hall. Nearly 25 years ago, Sierra Leoneans placed their trust in peace because they believed tomorrow could be different. People around the world are asking something similar of us now. They need reason to believe that cooperation still works, that law still matters, and that promises made here will be honoured in their lives. Let this session give them that reason. The words for all should not remain at the end of this year's theme. They must become the measure of our work.
It's worse. This initiative has been drowned in new crisis. In the incompetence and ignorance of the individuals and institutions responsible, and in the double standards that have further marked the behavior of our United Nations. And sadly, today we are even further away from the goal we tried to achieve 14 years ago. The theme of this year's season therefore actually wear is actually very well chosen. Restoring trust. A United Nations that is here for everyone. Because trust begins with a simple question do we apply our principles consistently or only when it is politically convenient? The United Nations was founded on universal principles serenity, equal dignity, the rule of law, the peaceful settlement of disputes, and the protection of human rights. But principle lose their meaning when they are applied selectively. So, Mr. President, distinguished delegates, let us be concrete. For decades, the United Nations has devoted significant institutional attention to the question of Palestine.
Chile understands that in a multipolar world, institutional stability is not a luxury, it is a need. For example, we are a pioneer in the energy transition. Chile possesses around a quarter of global lithium reserves, and we are the largest producer of copper on the planet. Chile has a lot of sunlight, the heat of the sun, a long Pacific coast, lakes, rivers, volcanoes that can create vast stores of energy. Chile also has the Strait of Magellan, a crucial alternative route for global trade. Our nation will become the bridge and the port for the bioceanic corridors that will unite America with Asia. This richness, this wealth is not only fortune that we have in our coffers, it brings with it responsibility. Responsibility to you. Chile will never renounce its sovereignty. Neither will it cease to exploit its own minerals. We have our sovereignty, of course, but at the same time, we say that the energy of the future must serve humankind, and energy must not be held hostage by monopolies or actors that do not abide by the rules. Please make no mistake here it is possible to reconcile growth and sustainability. The two are inseparable. Chile understands that environmental protection and economic progress form part of one single development strategy one in which investment and innovation are linchpins when it comes to improving the quality of life of our people. Sustainable development requires robust institutions, clear rules, timely decisions and effective administration able to turn commitments and diagnoses into tangible results for both people and the environment. President, I now wish to turn to a discussion of our continent, Latin America, because I sincerely believe that the coming decade can be ours.
And it is precisely because I recognize the value of that cooperation that today I want to speak frankly about the UN. I've been critical about this, of this organization. I was critical of it before I became president, and it would be inconsistent to address this Assembly today and conceal my attempt to seal my convictions. This criticism isn't born out of whim or hostility towards the United Nations. It's based in political, institutional, doctrinal considerations. I believe in the UN as an organization, and it is precisely for that reason that I believe it's legitimate to ask whether the institutions that we've been building are effectively responding to the problems that that it was created to address. The charter itself is very clear here. This organization was born to maintain international peace and security, to foster friendly relations among nations, and to promote cooperation in resolving the major common problems. Eight decades on, the question cannot be whether those purposes remain valid. Of course they do The questions have completely changed, though. Is the UN fulfilling those purposes with the effectiveness demanded by today's world? Are there bureaucratic structures that have become excessively cumbersome? Are we dedicating too many resources, too much energy to administering procedures and or too little to resolving problems? Are we measuring our results rigorously enough? Another matter that I wish to address is human rights. Colombia defends human rights and will continue to do so.
Freedom of navigation and uninhibited passage through international straits, as guaranteed by international law must be championed globally, and it is our collective responsibility to uphold these principles in practice and to safeguard commercial shipping. And as a leading maritime nation, Greece actively contributes to maritime security through the operation of the European Union that speeds in the Red sea, and this topic will remain a high priority when Greece assumes the presidency of the Security Council next month. We intend to place particular attention to the challenges posed by emerging technologies. Ladies and gentlemen, Greece's geography grants it the natural role of serving as a bridge between Europe and its wider neighbourhood to the east and the south. We literally sit at the intersection of the shrinking space between the east and the West. My country is a pillar of stability, connectivity and peace across the Eastern Mediterranean, the Middle East and the Gulf region Greece has developed strong strategic partnerships with key countries in the region, including Israel, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Bahrain and Qatar. We are a bridge builder. We are not a troublemaker. Yet putting this vision into practice is rarely simple. At a time of tectonic geopolitical changes in the Middle East, the Gaza peace plan agreed last year must be effectively implemented. It is of paramount concern to ensure that Hamas surrenders its arms. It can have no role, I repeat, no role in Gaza's future. At the same time, reconstruction needs to move forward, with Palestinians themselves taking ownership of Gaza's future. Greece will continue to advocate for a two state solution, with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace and security. However, developments in the West Bank remain a source of deep concern Actions that are illegal under international law and undermine the viability of a future Palestinian state cannot be allowed to continue. We strongly argue that this is also to the benefit of the long term security of Israel itself. Greece has established a durable and deep strategic partnership with Israel, while at the same time maintaining strong ties with the Arab world And it is precisely. It is precisely the strength of this partnership that allows us to engage in an open and candid dialogue. In Lebanon, there is now a real opportunity to lay the foundations for a lasting peace. The US facilitated negotiations with Israel are an important step forward and should be sustained. Greece strongly supports a sovereign, resilient and united Lebanon and the government's efforts to restore the state's monopoly over arms. Ultimately, a stronger Lebanese state will serve both domestic security and regional stability. Therefore, we will continue to deliver concrete assistance to the country, including to the Lebanese armed forces with a unifil's mandate. Ending joint action is crucial to avoid a security vacuum and maintain an effective international and European presence. Syria is another key player in the region. Lasting stability in the Middle East requires a stable Syria, a Syria that is inclusive, a Syria that is free from foreign interference and regional rivalries. A Syria where every citizen can and should feel secure. The new Syrian authorities have taken steps in this direction. Get. Further concrete progress must be demonstrated, particularly when it comes to protecting the rights and security of all religious and ethnic communities. And this, of course, includes the Orthodox Christian minority, which unfortunately continues to face the violence of Islamist extremists. The search for stability extends to Libya, a neighbour with whom we share many common interests. We praise all reunification efforts. A stable Libya free from foreign interference, would benefit not only the Libyan people, but our entire region. And Greece is ready to support Libyan institutions in border protection and migration management. And we remain fully committed to reaching an agreement on the delimitation of our maritime zones. Ladies and gentlemen, let me now turn to our relations with our neighbour, Turkey. Over the past three years, we have made a sustained effort to improve our relationship, rebuild trust and keep channels of communication open in order to prevent the escalation of tensions that could lead to unwanted crises. It is a delicate relationship. It's a relationship that carries the weight of history. And indeed, given broader and regional challenges, the situation calls urgently calls for a common understanding on how we move forward and understanding grounded in full respect for international law and the principles of good neighbourly relations. After all, as I've said repeatedly, we cannot change our geography. We are destined to live side by side. And I repeat that the UN convention on the law of the sea provides the only institutional framework to solve our only long lasting dispute concerning the delimitation of our continental shelf and our exclusive economic zones. Dialogue is essential for peace and prosperity, but meaningful dialogue cannot coexist with unilateral actions. The challenge the international legal order. Nor can meaningful progress be made when faced with threats of war in response to the exercise of lawful rights, according to international law. Such actions do not resolve differences. They end up by only deepening them, and they risk undermining the stability of our wider region, a region which we should not forget, still bears an open wound. The unresolved Cyprus issue 52 years, 52 years have passed since Turkey illegally invaded Cyprus and continued to occupy it, a flagrant violation of international law whose consequences persist to this day for the United Nations. Cyprus remains a litmus test of its credibility, of its ability to uphold its own resolutions and the principles of the charter, and Greece fully supports the recent efforts of Secretary General Gutierrez to create the appropriate conditions for the resumption of substantive negotiations, and we sincerely hope that progress can be achieved during his remaining time in office. And we expect we expect these efforts to continue under his successor with the same objective the reunification of Cyprus, free of occupation forces in accordance with the relevant UN Security Council resolutions. The principles at stake in Cyprus are being tested elsewhere to today. Two other major conflicts continue to challenge our ability to defend the values upon which this organization was founded. The war in Ukraine is now in its fifth year, five years since Russia's full scale aggression brought back war to European soil, the Ukrainian people have shown extraordinary courage defending their freedom and Greece continuously stands with them. We strongly, strongly condemn attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure. Diplomacy must now deliver an immediate cease fire and a lasting peace anchored in the principles of the United Nations Charter. Ukraine must have a decisive say in its own future, and Europe cannot be absent from these negotiations. Against this backdrop, another devastating war demands our urgent attention. In Sudan, the nearly four year conflict has resulted in a staggering humanitarian catastrophe. Reports of atrocious war crimes continue to emerge, while the conflict is fuelling instability way beyond far beyond Sudan's borders. We should not permit this tragedy to endure. Foreign interference must also cease with no impunity for war crimes. Ultimately, the way forward lies in a credible, Sudanese led political process that reflects the aspirations of the citizens Sudan. The European Union ought to leverage its capacity to play a more active role in supporting that process and assisting in bringing this destructive conflict to an end. After all, it has real skill in the game. Should the devastating war continue, our continent will be the first to suffer from a possible massive new migratory wave. Ladies and gentlemen, Greece has confidence abroad, rests on a profound transformation at home At a time when the effectiveness of governments all over the world is being challenged by populists and extremists, and public trust is being eroded in the echo chambers of social media, Greece serves as an example that sound reform oriented policies can deliver real results for people and improve their lives.
Madam president, since the end of the Second World War, Japan has built the peace and prosperity it has today, through the tireless efforts of our predecessors and the goodwill of a large number of countries. In the course of these efforts, Japan itself has consistently acted in the spirit of multilateralism towards addressing challenges facing the international community. However, these challenges cannot be solved by any single country acting alone. Now more than ever, the flag of the United Nations must be held high and under that banner, Member States must mobilize the collective strength of the membership to elaborate new rules and build a framework for cooperation. I am convinced that the United Nations is the only organization capable of taking the helm on a global scale. To this end, as well, reform of the United Nations is essential. The United Nations is a vessel, and the responsibility for determining its contents lies with us, namely the Member States. Rather than lamenting the institutional fatigue of the United Nations, member States should unite with one heart, vigorously advance reform of the United Nations and transform the organization into a more resilient and effective United Nations. Let us move forward, building on the achievements of the current Secretary-General António Guterres. At the same time, the charter of the United Nations, which is now 81 years old, should also be reviewed. Regarding the so-called enemy states clauses, a United Nations General Assembly resolution was adopted in 2005 to delete references to enemy states from the charter of the United Nations, expressing the resolve of the Heads of State and Government of all Member States. In accordance with this resolution, these clauses must be deleted. I would like to strongly emphasize this position, as Japan takes pride and honor in its significant contributions to the efforts of the United Nations for the last 70 years. Furthermore, as a matter of utmost importance, reform of the Security Council is urgently needed. The current structure of the Security Council, whose mandate is to maintain international peace and security, reflects the international situation as it stood in 1945. We need to transform it without delay, into a structure that truly reflects the current realities of the international community. To this end, it is essential to expand the number of both permanent and non-permanent members in order to ensure the legitimacy and representativeness of the Security Council. A majority of member states support the expansion of both categories. Japan is determined to fulfill its solemn responsibility in these UN reforms. Madam president, in the 70 years since we became a UN member state, Japan has consistently contributed to the peace and prosperity of the international community, as a peace loving nation under its exclusively defense oriented policy. Furthermore, we have worked hand in hand with the United Nations on the two indispensable tasks of establishing rules and institutions and providing support on the ground. This policy will remain unchanged in the future. In light of this history, Japan feels a sense of responsibility to safeguard the ideals of the United Nations as our beacon of hope, and to carry that light forward into the future. To that end, with its renewed commitment to the United Nations and multilateralism, Japan will continue to steadily take actions. Now, at a time when the world is in turmoil, the United Nations itself must be reborn as a more resilient and effective United Nations and regain the trust of the international community. Together with this more resilient and effective United Nations, Japan is determined to create peace and prosperity by making the Indo-Pacific and the international community more resilient and prosperous. Thank you so very much.
Today, Central Asia is becoming an example of constructive inter-state cooperation as well as economic, infrastructural and technological development. In this regard, we are ready to share the experience we have accumulated along this path. Distinguished heads of delegations. For the first time in its history, Kyrgyzstan has been elected as a member of the United Nations Security Council for the 2027 2028 term. Taking this opportunity, I would like to express my profound gratitude to all countries that supported our candidacy. The support of 142 member states not only confirms Kyrgyzstan's readiness to contribute to international affairs, but also demonstrates the growing role of the Central Asian region in international relations. This achievement is clear evidence that even small states can make a meaningful contribution to addressing global challenges. We fully understand that membership in the Security Council is not a privilege or reward. It is a great responsibility. One year ago, standing at this stage, I stated with confidence that Kyrgyzstan is among those states whose experience enables them to put forward substantive issues for consideration by the Security Council. We do not forget the promises we have made and will make every effort to implement them fully. Therefore, I would like to reiterate Kyrgyzstan firmly adheres to international law, justice and the protection of human rights and supports the multilateral system based on mutual respect, balance of interest and responsibility towards future generations. We intend to work closely with every country and remain committed to productive cooperation. Distinguished colleagues as you all may know, since the establishment of the United Nations in 1945, its member states and leaders have attempted to undertake systematic reforms. Reforms have ranged from expanding the membership of the Security Council to modernizing mechanisms of governance, peacekeeping and the protection of human rights. These initiatives continue to be actively discussed at the international level. However, despite numerous efforts and years of discussion, the institutional structure of our organization continues to face various challenges. Therefore, I believe that expanding the membership of the Security Council is one of the reforms that the international community expects. I consider it fair to grant two permanent seats to the African continent, with a population of more than 1 billion people and one permanent seat to Latin America. Today, the world has changed. At the same time, a number of developed countries have also expressed their aspiration to become members of the Security Council. I believe that the request of this country should be also considered. Another issue, in my view, the weakness of effective mechanisms for ensuring the implementation of the decisions of the organization. The systematic failure to implement the organization's decisions undermines the legitimacy of multilateralism concept, creates the impression that international law is not binding and encourages disregard for international obligations. Therefore, we must expand and strengthen the authority of the United Nations. In this regard, we propose to develop the United Nations mechanism for the implementation of decisions and accountability. First, it is necessary to establish, within the framework of the General Assembly, the permanent Public registry of the implementation of resolutions and obligations by Member States. This registry could include the following information and ensure the implementation of such mechanisms as. First, systematically record and verify the level of implementation of adopted decisions. Second, establish the obligation for Member States to regularly submit report in accordance with the agreed standards. Third, provide analytical reviews on sectors and regions. Fourth, ensure transparency and equal access to information for all states. The registry could be administered by the United Nations Secretariat with the support of independent experts. If decisions of the organization are systematically not implemented, I propose the gradual response mechanisms. The first stage an official notification to the concerned state, followed by consultations with the relevant bodies of the organization. The second stage deployment of a monitoring mission to the country concerned to assess the objective obstacles, preventing the implementation of the decision and to prepare recommendations. The third stage consideration of the case right here at a plenary meeting of the General Assembly to determine the status of the concerned state in terms of its systematic implementation or non implementation of United Nations decisions. The fourth stage, the initiation of appropriate procedures under the charter of the United Nations with regard to states that fail to comply with the requirements. In particular, the matter could be referred to the United Nations Security Council for consideration of restrictive measures provided for under international law, including the first temporary restriction on participation in United Nations programs. The second, recommendations to review existing formats of cooperation and other diplomatic measures, where appropriate. Distinguished colleagues, I believe that when cases of systematic non-implementation of United Nations decisions are considered, the permanent members of the Security Council should voluntarily refrain from using the veto. If a mechanism designed to ensure the implementation of the organization's decisions is systematically blocked by permanent members through the use of the veto, such practice would no longer be consistent with the spirit of the UN charter and the principle of equal responsibility of Member States. Therefore, we should once again consider the possibility of voluntarily restraining to use the veto in matters related to the implementation of the organization's decisions. This approach could promote universality, the equality of all states, regardless of their size, the primacy of diplomacy, and avoid the double standards. In order to implement this initiative, I propose establishing to open a working group within the General Assembly with the participation of the interested Member States. The working group could conduct inter-governmental consultations and prepare a report on possible models for the proposed mechanism. Following these consultations, the General Assembly and the Security Council should consider adopting the relevant resolutions and decisions. The strategic objective of this initiative is to ensure that the decisions of the organization are treated not merely as political recommendations, but as genuine international obligations. Improvement of their implementation would strengthen the rule of international law and reinforce confidence in the United Nations. Kyrgyzstan is ready to initiate interstate discussions on the development of such a mechanism. Starting from the 1st January 2027, as a member of the United Nations Security Council, we intend to formally submit all these proposals to the relevant committee. Distinguished colleagues, I would like to address separately the issues of sanctions. As we have all observed today, sanctions are in some cases, used by individual countries as an instrument to interference to the internal affairs of sovereign states.
After years of political division and polarization that have drained the state and society, Libya no longer needs more crisis management, but rather the will to end the crisis. Our goal is clear: a unified sovereign state whose institutions derive their legitimacy from the will of its people. The path to that goal is a return to the people through constitutional and legal mechanisms, referendums, and free and fair elections. The people are the source of legitimacy, and it is they who can give institutions their unity and stability. Temporary deals cannot do so, nor can fragile settlements that collapse whenever the balance of power shifts or loyalties change. Here, we welcome the effort and intention of every state sincerely seeking to end the political and institutional division. We also appreciate the role entrusted to the United Nations support mission in Libya and its responsibility for facilitating the political process. Nevertheless, past experience obliges us to be clear. Any sustainable political process must not violate four governing principles. First, respect for legitimacy and for the constitutional and legal frameworks enforced, without circumventing them or creating political arrangements outside established frameworks and procedures. Second, the principle of national ownership is a red line. International mediation must not turn into custodianship or into solutions crafted from abroad. The will of Libyans is the foundation, and the inclusion of all the different parties without exclusion or imposition is the true guarantee of the sustainability of any solution. Third, ensuring equal opportunities for all parties, as well as rejecting the use of force, influence, or effet accompli to impose predetermined political outcomes. Fourth, commitment to transparency in understandings and agreements. This requires defining the phases of implementation, their timelines, and the entities responsible for them. It also requires establishing clear mechanisms for oversight and accountability so as to ensure outcomes that are implementable, legally sound, and capable of producing legitimate and stable institutions. Experience has taught us that fragile settlements can begin to unravel as soon as the balance of power shifts or their outcomes emerge. Any arrangements that disregard national legal frameworks expose themselves to challenge and dispute. They reproduce the crisis rather than end it. Sustainable legitimacy and legality are not created by effet accompli, nor are they protected by shifting balances of power. They are created by the will of the people and protected by the law. In translating these principles into national responsibility and concrete action, we announce from this rostrum the launch of work on a national committee for de-escalation and confidence building. The committee will draw on national and local initiatives. It will aim to prevent conflicts, contain escalation, and prevent its recurrence. This is in addition to supporting reconciliation and creating a safe environment for the political and electoral process. Here, we call upon all Libyan parties to engage in this framework. We also call upon the UN and Libya's partners to support and facilitate it with full respect for sovereignty and national ownership.
Somalia stands firmly with Palestinian people and their legitimate right to self-determination and statehood. We reaffirm our support for a just and lasting peace based on two state solution with an independent and viable Palestinian state, along with the 1967 borders, a just resolution of the Palestinian question remains essential to the lasting peace and stability in the Middle East and beyond. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, UN political reform must be accompanied by institutional, administrative and operational renewal. For nearly two decades we have discussed the need to make United Nations operations more agile, coordinated, cost effective and capable of delivering measurable results.
And the lifting of the financial and economic restrictions and the blockade imposed on our people and our institutions in accordance with the Paris Economic Protocol, which was agreed upon following the Oslo Convention. Mr. president, ladies and gentlemen one year after the International Peace Conference and the adoption of the New York Declaration, I say to you today with full confidence and responsibility, we have fulfilled our pledge. We have fulfilled our pledge. We completed the National Reform programme to which we had committed before our people and the international community. We strengthened institutional governance, public financial management, transparency, accountability, anti-corruption measures and the rule of law. We established a unified, needs based national system for social protection and social welfare. Abolished the previous laws and regulations on this matter. And obtained an independent international audit confirming the validity of our measures. We also continued to reform the education system and develop criteria. And curricula in accordance with international standards and in cooperation with Unesco in a manner that promotes the values of peace, tolerance and respect for others while preserving our national identity and the rights of our people. We also proceeded along the path of democratic revival and the empowerment of women and youth. We have held local council elections and elections for the General Union of Palestinian Students. We are headed towards our legislative elections on the 28th of November of this year. And this will be followed by the completion of the renewal of the institutions of the Palestinian National Council, followed by the Palestinian presidential elections. On behalf of the State of Palestine, I reaffirm the commitments in which we believe we seek security and peace for all. We reject attacks against civilians by any party whatsoever.
That is the only way that we will manage to find paths to progress on the all too many, all true, all too intractable conflicts blighting our world today. In Malta, the smallest member state of the European Union, we have always been a bridge between Europe and the Middle East. So allow me to focus on two of those conflicts on our doorstep. Firstly, Ukraine. It is all too easy and all too great a mistake for us to fall in the trap that repelling the invasion of Ukraine becomes another never ending conflict, a grinding tragedy on the corner of our continent about which we can do nothing. Malta will never accept that despair. Europe must never accept that despair. The world must never turn its head away in despair. Malta remains as adamant in our condemnation of that invasion today as we were on day one in February 2022. And Malta is equally as adamant that a just and lasting peace must guarantee Ukraine's sovereignty within its internationally recognised borders. That will only come about through a diplomatic process that the Ukrainian people can have full trust in. They will only have such trust if the process follows a full and unconditional cease fire and the full participation of Ukraine and its people in the subsequent peace talks. Rightly the Ukrainian people will never have trust in any search for a settlement which involves their government being frogmarched to the table, one arm tied behind its back, whilst the guns still blaze. The issue of trust is clearly also central to the very worrying situation in Gaza The people of Israel need to have trust that Hamas will be disarmed, and that they will play no future role in the governance or security structures of Gaza. But the people of Gaza need to have trust that there is a path to a just peace. It is impossible to build that trust with a humanitarian situation as acute as that being experienced in Gaza right now. Malta's voice remains unwaveringly with the global calls for safe, sustained and unhindered humanitarian access throughout Gaza in accordance with international law. We firmly believe that the Gaza peace plan provides the best path towards ending the conflict and advancing credible political progress. To achieve that progress, all parties and I emphasize all parties must fully respect and implement the objectives and commitments set out in the plan. And naturally, no progress can be made. If there is any question of the forced displacement of any of the Palestinian population. Indeed, it is incumbent on each and every one of us in the international community to rebuild the trust needed to underpin the conditions where genuine progress can be made towards a negotiated and lasting two state solution. That is the only solution. Nobody, however, is under any illusion how out of reach? Unfortunately, that seems at the moment. But nor is this the moment to shy away or run away from the only goal that will guarantee the people of Israel and Palestine living side by side with the peace, prosperity and stability that they both deserve. Sadly, any progress towards a long term solution is being endangered by the situation in the West Bank settlement expansion, running directly counter to the resolutions of this General Assembly and designed to undermine the Palestinian territorial integrity, must stop and stop now. So too, must the violent settler attacks on Palestinian communities increasing at an alarming rate. Behold, they must be halted. These are all essential preconditions to a just and lasting peace, as is a credible and reformed Palestinian Authority that can demonstrate to citizens of both Palestine and Israel that it has the transparency, the accountability, the institutional effectiveness, and, above all, the democratic legitimacy to be a truly effective partner for peace. Malta stands ready to play its part in building the capacity of both a renewed Democratic Palestinian Authority and the robust civil society that must underpin it, not just in Ukraine, Gaza and Israel, but across the world. Be it the conflict in Sudan, the ongoing violence in Myanmar or the instability across the Sahel. It is evident that diminished trust means diminished chances of finding solutions. You could put it as starkly as no trust equals no peace. Of course, no matter the conflict, each with its own individual and particular circumstances, there is no easy way of building trust. But equally, there is no easy way of avoiding the need to build trust. We all know from our lives as much as from the experiences of our own countries, just how hard it is to rebuild trust when it has evaporated. Yet we also know the consequences if we give up trying, and the rewards that can come. If, however, slowly and however tentatively, we can start. If it is hard enough to build trust human to human face to face, it can be, of course, infinitely harder to build trust.
It applies to the international system and it applies to Europe. We will not abandon the European idea because the European path has been difficult. The European Union remains for us our natural political, economic and institutional home, and we have work to do at home. We must strengthen the rule of law, build more effective institutions, build a more competitive economy and strengthen our citizens' confidence in their own state. That is our responsibility, and we will not shift it to Brussels. At the same time, we expect European integration to remain a merit based process based on measurable criteria, not a process in which bilateral issues can continually move the goalposts. We are not asking for an easier path. We are asking for a path governed by rules. We are not asking for lower standards. We are asking for standards to remain standards. This is equally important for Europe's credibility at a time when its geopolitical weight will increasingly depend on its ability to translate its commitments into tangible political outcome, and on its resolve to uphold the values it espouses and to remain steadfast in advancing them despite the many challenges it faces. Excellencies, the future international order will not be shaped only on battlefields or in diplomatic halls. It will be also shaped in laboratories, in schools, in factories, in energy grids, in data centers, and in the ability of societies to make sense of the changes that technology is bringing. Artificial intelligence is no longer a subject of the future. It is infrastructure for today, for the present. Today, the world is once again recognising the value of resilience, of reliable energy, of infrastructure, of diversified transport routes, of nearby and trusted supply chains. For us, the intensified development of Corridor VIII and Corridor X is a part of broader European vision to better connect the Adriatic, Ionian, the Black Sea, the Aegean and Central Europe to provide goods, energy and people with more routes and greater connectivity, and to ensure that the region becomes interconnected in the infrastructure rather than remaining on the geopolitical periphery. Our geography does not have to be our destiny. It can be our advantage if we build the institutions and infrastructure that transform our geographical position into connectivity. At the same time, we must also approach migration differently. Migration begins where there is no security, no employment, no education, no access to water, no prospects or no confidence that tomorrow will be better than today. It is not simply a matter of borders. Responsible policy must bring together security, human dignity, development and the real needs of labour markets. Climate policy, too, will have to become more grounded in reality. The green transition is essential, but if we make it socially unsustainable, we will lose the political support that is necessary to implement it. If we make it technologically dependent on a handful of sources, we will create new challenges while addressing old ones. If we expect poorer countries to move at the same pace without providing them with equal access to capital and technology, we will create injustice instead of a transition. That is why future climate policy must at the same time be environmental policy, economic policy and social policy. Mr. president, all of this brings us back to the central theme of this session: trust.
Solomon Islands reaffirms that maritime boundaries, once established and deposited in accordance with UNCLOS, together with the rights and entitlements that flow from them, shall continue to apply notwithstanding any physical changes caused by climate change related sea level rise. Sir, the ocean is not simply a resource. It is our identity, our heritage and our future. It sustains our livelihoods, our culture and our economy. We do not own the ocean. We belong to it. We hold it in solemn trust for generations yet to be born. Yet our ability to benefit fully from our own ocean is undermined by illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing, which costs our region US$300 million every year. Solomon Islands is fighting back, working with the Forum Fisheries Agency and partners including Australia, France, New Zealand and the US to strengthen surveillance and enforcement across our waters. Mr. president, the SDG 14 remains among the least funded of all the Sustainable Development Goals. With just four years left until 2030, the fourth UN Ocean Conference must raise the bar on ocean finance and secure the ocean's place in the development agenda beyond 2030. Solomon Islands welcomes the entry into force of the agreement and the preparations for the first conference of the parties in January. We look to that conference to establish, without delay, the Secretariat and the institutional arrangements to implement the agreement. Plastic pollution is poisoning our ocean and our food. As negotiations resume in Bangkok, Solomon Islands calls for an ambitious, legally binding treaty that addresses the full cycle of plastics from production to disposal. Mr. president, our people are our greatest asset. With more than half of our population under the age of 25, my government is prioritising legal frameworks that empower young people, advance gender equality and strengthen the protection of women and children against domestic violence. We welcome global progress in advancing the rights and full participation of women and persons with disabilities in the economy, and Solomon Islands is committed to accelerating that progress at home. There can be no sustainable development without equal opportunity for all. Mr. president, our development partnerships play an indispensable role in expanding infrastructure, maritime connectivity, health and education, and in improving the lives of Solomon Islanders. I thank the governments and peoples of Australia, China, Japan, New Zealand, the Republic of Korea and the US, as well as the EU for their contributions to our national development.
