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Artificial intelligence will transform professions, industries, and the ways in which decisions are made. Energy will be governed by a new configuration and a new logic of operation. Climate change will affect economies, agriculture, cities and the movement of people. Demographic change will reshape labour markets and social protection systems. Security will no longer depend on armies and borders, but also on power grids, data centers, cables, satellites, algorithms and trust in the information we receive every day. And yet today, as we prepare for the future, millions of people are living through war or under the threat of war. More than 100 million people have been displaced by force, more than 270 million children and young people are not in the school. This is the paradox of our time. Humanity has never possessed such immense scientific and technological capabilities, and yet it has never been more evident that technological capability does not automatically produce political wisdom. That is why the real question before this assembly is not simply how we will manage the crisis of 2026. The real question is this: what kind of international order will we leave to the generation that is entering school today? For a small size country like mine, this is not an academic question. It is a question of survival. 33 years ago, since we become a part of the United Nations, the world looked very different. The Cold War had ended. There was hope that a new era was beginning, an era in which cooperation would gradually replace confrontation. Our region, however, was living through a very different reality. Yugoslavia was disintegrating in bloodshed. Wars were being fought just beyond our borders. The fear that the violence might spread was real. And yet my country chose peace. It chose stability. It was in those circumstances on our territory that the United Nations did something it had never done before. It established the first preventive peacekeeping mission in the history of the organization. That experience left a profound lesson in our national memory, a lesson to which I will return towards the end of my speech. Peace does not begin when war ends. Peace begins when politics is wise enough to prevent war from beginning. Perhaps that is why small countries sometimes see international politics differently. Great powers have room for strategic shifts that small sized states simply do not have. For a great power, a mistaken geopolitical calculation may mean a change of strategy. For a small sized country, the same mistake can mean a lost decade. That is why we cannot afford to be indifferent to the rules, nor can we afford to believe that the rules will defend themselves. The world taking shape before us is a world of sharper competition. Power is being redistributed.
Mr. President, the theme of this session strikes at the core of our contemporary global crisis. Trust has eroded, yet structural transformation is urgently upon us. In a world increasingly fractured by geopolitical rivalry, the answer cannot be a retreat into isolationism. It must be a revitalised commitment to multilateralism. The United Nations must prove that dialogue can bridge division, that international law must prevail over force, and that collective action achieves what unilateralism never can. Seychelles approaches the world guided by an enduring fundamental principle we are a friend to all and an enemy to none. Our commitment to non-alignment is not a passive indifference. It is an active choice for peace. It is the conviction that principled diplomacy, mutual respect, and international law are the true foundations of global stability. Small states like ours do not seek strategic competition. We seek shared solutions. This requires a multilateral system that is principled yet practical, ambitious yet accountable and representative yet effective.
Mr. President. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. We must acknowledge that the challenges that we have faced for decades, namely food insecurity, disease armed conflict, or natural disasters are still with us. Thus for Madagascar, as for many other nations, the new emerging challenges must not overshadow the priorities that still require our attention. The theme of this 81st session calls upon us to assume our shared responsibility for our destiny, and for that of future generations, with clear vision placing collective action, the common good, and the welfare of humanity at the center of our responses to the profound transformations shaping our world. In light of these intersecting transformations and challenges, the question of trust in our collective action arises with renewed urgency. Indeed, we must admit, taking into account all the hopes and expectations that we, the peoples of the United Nations, have placed in our organization, that trust has gradually eroded over time. The most vulnerable populations affected repeatedly or continuously by health crises, food insecurity and hunger, the impacts of climate change and conflicts exacerbated by current geopolitical tensions sometimes come to feel a certain skepticism regarding our collective capacity within the United Nations system to respond to the scourges of our age. Mr. President.
Zambia continues to salute His Excellency Antonio Guterres for reminding us that the answer to a more divided and multipolar world is not less multilateralism, but a stronger fairer and more representative United Nations. The theme of this session Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all is both timely and necessary. Trust is the foundation on which international cooperation is built upon. Yet today, trust in institutions, trust amongst nations, and most importantly, trust between the institutions that serve the people is under strain. Trust means that the founding principles of the United Nations Charter must be respected. For Zambia, trust begins with keeping promises. Trust means that international agreements must be honoured. Trust means that development commitments must be financed. Trust means that the voices of developing countries matter in word and in deed. Trust means the global system must not protect the interests of the powerful at the expense of the vulnerable. And trust means that when the world agrees on a goal, we must have the commitment to implement it. The world is undergoing profound transformation. Technology is changing economies and societies. Climate change is reshaping livelihoods. Geopolitical competition is altering global trade and investment patterns. Conflicts are causing massive displacements and humanitarian suffering. And yet developing countries continue to confront a financing system that does not adequately reflect and respond to their development needs. The question before us is therefore not whether transformation will happen, but it is rather how we manage transformation, who benefits from it, and whether our multilateral institutions are capable of delivering meaningful results for ordinary people. For Zambia, the answer is clear we must restore trust by achieving results, and we must manage transformation by ensuring that no country and no one is left behind. Zambia's democratic journey and the 2026 elections. Mr. president,
And few examples are more powerful than the United Nations Convention on the law of the sea. With 172 parties, UNCLOS provides the binding legal framework within which disputes can be managed peacefully rather than through force. And from the Strait of Hormuz and the Red Sea to the Indo-Pacific, strategic maritime routes are increasingly becoming arenas of geopolitical confrontation. Commercial vessels are being targeted and vital trade routes are used as instruments of pressure, with grave consequences for supply chains, for energy markets and for future food security worldwide. Freedom of navigation and uninhibited passage through international straits, as guaranteed by international law must be championed globally, and it is our collective responsibility to uphold these principles in practice and to safeguard commercial shipping. And as a leading maritime nation, Greece actively contributes to maritime security through the operation of the European Union Aspides in the Red Sea, and this topic will remain a high priority when Greece assumes the presidency of the Security Council next month. We intend to place particular attention to the challenges posed by emerging technologies. Ladies and gentlemen, Greece's geography grants it the natural role of serving as a bridge between Europe and its wider neighbourhood to the east and the south.
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, Your Excellencies, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen, let me congratulate you, Mr. President on your election to preside over the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly. You assume this solemn stewardship at the time of intense geopolitical fragmentation, deepening inequality, and eroded trust in our multilateral system? Ghana is confident that your proven commitment to inclusive, consultative and principled dialogue will guide this assembly well, and you have our full support. I also wish to commend outgoing UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres for his dedicated service to our world body over the last ten years. Mr. President, Ghana's national anthem contains a profound petition. It asks God to make us bold to defend forever the cause of freedom and of right.
Over the course of your tenure, you have led United Nations through some of the most tumultuous periods in recent international history. You have stood consistently for multilateralism at a time when multilateralism itself was under enormous pressure. Vanuatu hopes that the next secretary general will carry forward that same commitment to all member states, large or small. Mr. president, Vanuatu comes to this 81st session of the General Assembly with a simple message the world needs the United Nations more than ever, and the United Nations must deliver for the people who depend on it. The theme of this session Restoring Trust, Managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all, therefore comes at an important moment. The 81st session opened against a backdrop of profound geopolitical uncertainty and rapid transformation. For Vanuatu, developments in international systems are never distant or abstract. The effects reach our villages, our markets, our schools, our hospitals, our oceans and our homes. Mr. president, the international political and security environment is becoming increasingly difficult. We are witnessing geopolitical competition, strategic rivalry and conflicts, growing military expenditures, economic fragmentation, technological disruption and weakening of confidence in the multilateral institutions. The rules that were designed to provide predictability and stability are increasingly being tested. The prohibition against the use of force is being challenged. The international humanitarian law is being tested, the peaceful settlement of disputes is being undermined, and the authority of international institutions is being questioned. For small states, this is deeply concerning. Small states do not possess the military, economic or technological capabilities of major powers. We do not have the ability to impose our will through coercion. Our security depends fundamentally on something else international law, multilateral institutions, diplomacy and the equal sovereignty of states. This is why Vanuatu has a profound interest in the success of the United Nations. The charter begins with a commitment to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, and reaffirms the equal rights of nations, large and small. It establishes sovereign equality, peaceful settlement of disputes and the prohibition of the threat or use of force as fundamental principles of international relations. These are not merely legal concepts for Vanuatu. They are our security architecture. When international law is respected, a small nation has protection. When the charter is respected, a small state has a voice. When disputes are resolved peacefully, a small state does not have to choose between submission and confrontation. And when sovereignty is respected, independence has meaning. We therefore cannot accept a world in which international law applies differently according to the size, military strength or economic power of a state. The charter must apply equally to all. Mr. president, the security environment is also changing in ways that are particularly important for the Pacific region. The Pacific Islands are increasingly viewed through the lens of strategic competition.
Multilateralism equipped to address the defining challenges of today peace, the climate emergency, economic insecurity and artificial intelligence. On artificial intelligence and its governance, we need an accountable, transparent and regulated architecture. We need an AI that serves humanity, not controls it. We must always be in the driving seat, setting a safe and secure pace of innovation and development. The artificial intelligence industry cannot be regulated by a few major global companies, and the United Nations must play a central role in setting global standards through the United Nations Global Digital Compact, the Independent International Scientific Panel, and the Global Dialogue on AI governance. Excellencies, the United Nations must remain at the center of the multilateral system. The United Nations is under pressure from geopolitical polarization, financial constraints, and institutional shortcomings.
The Russia-Ukraine war is a painful reminder of the tragic human toll that occurs when diplomacy gives way to conflict, and how challenging it is to de-escalate tensions once violence erupts. The Strait of Hormuz situation demonstrates how quickly disruption in an important waterway threatens international stability, energy security, and trade worldwide. Reaffirming the primary responsibility of the UN Charter to maintain global peace and security, we uphold the sovereignty of Bahrain, Jordan, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE, and condemn the actions of Iran to jeopardize maritime security and aim to obstruct, close, and interfere with international navigation through the Strait. At our Pacific leaders' meeting in Palau, leaders expressed deep concern that China's ballistic missile test overflew several Pacific nations without adequate notice. Let me remind you: our region must never be treated as an empty expanse for strategic competition or test of military power. The Pacific is home to peoples, communities, cultures, fisheries, and ecosystems. It is the foundation of our security and the source of our nourishment and lifeline for the global community. In the face of these risks, the Pacific way is to address tensions before they become crisis, make room for dialogue before disagreement becomes conflict, seek inclusion rather than isolation, and uphold respect, restraint, and international law. The Pacific is our home, not a theater for geopolitical competition. It must remain an Ocean of Peace where nations meet in cooperation, international law is respected, and the security of the Pacific peoples is never compromised. In Palau, we say we are a friend to all. We choose our partners based on our shared values of democracy, human rights, and a rules-based international order, principles that underpin our friendship with Taiwan, a trusted partner that can contribute even more fully if given the space to do so.
Managing transformation requires institutions capable of adapting to a rapidly changing world, and delivering for all requires us to move beyond declarations toward tangible improvements in the lives and livelihoods of our peoples. Ultimately, our declarations, communiqués, and resolutions must travel the difficult road from this assembly hall to the daily lives of the peoples we represent. Persistent conflicts, geopolitical tensions, and growing divisions have tested trust between nations. Concurrently, our world is undergoing transformation driven by technology, climate change, demographic shifts, and changing patterns of economic power. The pertinent question is how we strengthen multilateralism so that the United Nations can deliver meaningful results for all member states. Humanity has traveled far enough to know that, on the great challenges of our age, none of us can go it alone. Whether a nation of a billion people or, like Botswana with just over 2.5 million people, we share one fragile planet and one imperfect but irreplaceable United Nations. The choices we make will determine whether multilateralism restores trust, manages transformation, and delivers for all, or becomes a cautionary tale of promises made and forgotten.
Salve, om namo Buddhaya rahayu. May peace be upon all of us. 81 years ago, from the ashes of the Second World War, Indonesia and the United Nations were born. We emerge from a world devastated by war with a shared conviction that never again should humanity lose its future to war and division. And we shared a founding promise to build a future of peace. For eight decades, we have worked to turn that promise into progress. Nations freed themselves from colonialism. Globalization connected our economy, technology transform our societies and development improves the lives of billions. But progress has never been linear. We have lived through financial crisis, a global pandemic, climate disasters, geopolitical rivalries, and conflicts around the world. With every transformation and every crisis, one lesson remains clear for peace and prosperity to endure, multilateralism must be resilient. It must be able to adapt, to respond, and most importantly, to deliver. Because multilateralism that cannot deliver will lose people's trust. And without trust, multilateralism will never endure. Building resilient multilateralism begins at home, begins with resilient nations.
Our multilateral framework is fractured because its foundational architecture is obsolete. The institution, designed in 1945, no longer reflects the geopolitical and economic realities of 2026. Malawi reaffirms its unwavering commitment to multilateralism, but it must be a multilateralism that is inclusive, fair and democratic. We call for an urgent, comprehensive reform of the United Nations Security Council to correct the historical injustice done to Africa. Africa deserves permanent representation with full veto privileges as articulated in the Ezulwini Consensus. Furthermore, the international financing architecture, specifically the IMF and the world Bank, must be radically overhauled. The current system traps developing nations in cycles of unsustainable debt, forcing government to choose between servicing foreign loans or funding basic education and health care for their citizens. Mr. president, because Malawi strongly believe in multilateralism, we take responsibility when called upon by the international community to participate in causes that further the aims of this organisation.
And in this regard, the Republic of the Congo is following very closely the selection process for the next UN Secretary General. We believe that Africa a continent at the centre of many UN challenges and global geopolitical issues, must remain at the heart of the future Secretary-General's agenda. The next Secretary General must embrace a truly universal vision of the United Nations, one that leaves no continent at the margins and which fully takes into account Africa's place, responsibilities and legitimate interests. Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, for the Republic of the Congo, restoring trust and managing transformation of our international institutions is a collective imperative. The theme of this session, Restoring Trust and Managing Transformation, resonates as a call for clarity and courage in a world where trust is eroding, tensions are rising and double standards and relationships of force threaten to replace both the spirit and the letter of the UN charter. Humanity has never needed a renewed, inclusive and representative multilateralism more than it does today, a multilateralism that can reflect the realities of a multi-polar world in which Africa occupies its rightful place. This renewal requires a deep reform of international institutions, foremost amongst them the Security Council. Africa, strengthened by its history, its demographic dynamism and geopolitical importance, can no longer remain on the sidelines of decisions that shape its destiny. It must become a full and legitimate actor in accordance with the consensus. Africa's demand for two permanent Security Council seats with veto power is not a request, but a right, a legitimate right, grounded, which reflects the realities of the 21st century. The world has changed and our institutions must evolve with it. This is an imperative, and Africa is not asking for a favor. It is claiming its rightful place. The Republic of the Congo is a member of the Committee of Heads of States and Governments of the African Union on Security Council reform. The C10 Committee will not compromise on this shared demand. Your Excellency, ladies and gentlemen, the Republic of the Congo reiterates its willingness to serve the international community. With your support, we renew our aspiration to serve as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council for the 2030 2031 term. This candidacy of ours is rooted in a long diplomatic tradition, our sustained commitment to peace and a strong sense of international responsibility.
President, the triple crisis I have set out here is no less than an existential crisis for our United Nations. Yet, thankfully to counter this, we have concrete proposals for reform on the table, the UN80 initiative. The UN80 initiative is a test of our ability to build a stronger more robust UN. Norway supports the level of ambition that the Secretary-General has set out. We support the proposals across all workstreams, including structural changes. The UN80 process has already produced successes. The mandate resolution laid the foundation for better joint decisions. We all agree that we must rationalise mandates, streamline reporting and organise our work to allow for broad, effective participation. Norway is proud to play a role in this process, but we also do need structural change. We need to be better at delivering as one. Some UN organizations frankly overlap. They should be merged in order to serve our common interests. But unfortunately, colleagues too often member states show vested interests, engaged themselves in turf battles and become fearful of change. Let me be clear: reform will not succeed if we always keep protecting the status quo. Let us remind ourselves that we, the Member States, are the owners of this organisation, not the Secretariat. With that comes responsibility. The UN80 process needs to continue under the next Secretary-General. We need to see this initiative succeed. For an organisation of 193 states to function, we need a strong independent Secretary-General that firmly advocates the principles of the UN Charter with integrity and with authority. In a time of geopolitical tension, the Secretary-General's good offices function becomes more important than ever before. The next Secretary-General will face the formidable task of helping us lead the United Nations out of its current crisis. We need someone bold and transformative. She must be able to build trust to implement our decisions, lead meaningful reform and improve effectiveness. A true reform of this organisation must also address the composition and functioning of the Security Council. That is the common call of the majority of this room. The absence of Africa among the permanent seats of the Council is but one striking example. While striving to improve legitimacy, we must ensure that we do not reduce efficiency. We need a Security Council that is open, transparent and accountable in its deliberation.
These words of the second Secretary-General of the UN, Dag Hammarskjöld compelled us to ask ourselves. Is the United Nations today capable of saving humanity from war, poverty, and disaster? Is the United Nations living up to its promise of restoring peace and achieving sustainable development? Ironically, the geopolitical crisis brought on by the turbulence in international order has reminded us of the cherished value of multilateral cooperation and international norms. In an era of fragmentation marked by fierce competition for immediate survival, values such as cooperation, mutual prosperity and solidarity can sound like hollow outcries. However, like the founders who, having witnessed the ravages of war, conceived the United Nations, the deeper the crisis, the more we need to return to the basic principles of the UN. Last year I proudly announced from this podium that the Republic of Korea, which will be a beacon of light for global citizens, has returned to the international community.
For our part, Sri Lanka is on track towards achieving 70% renewable energy by 2030 and carbon neutrality by 2050. Mr. President, for three decades, Sri Lanka suffered a protracted conflict that caused enormous loss and suffering to all our communities. Although the guns fell silent 17 years ago, the deep wounds of that conflict remain, and much remains to be done to heal them. We are determined to prevent a recurrence of such a tragedy and to pursue a path towards national unity and reconciliation. In this regard, our government is strengthening national institutions to address outstanding issues. Throughout these two years, we have remained firm in our rejection of racism and religious extremism in all its forms and manifestations. We will continue to work tirelessly to build a nation that is more secure, inclusive and united, a nation made stronger by the full richness of its diversity. Mr. President in addition to the consequences of natural calamity, Sri Lanka, like many other countries, is experiencing the severe impact of conflicts in West Asia and elsewhere. As an island nation situated at the crossroads of the Indian Ocean and as a country with a large number of migrant workers in West Asia, these developments have direct security, economic and social implications for us. I am pleased to note that even during these challenging times, Sri Lanka has continued to uphold its commitments to international law and ensure sanctity of human life and human dignity. Mr. President, in March this year, amidst a highly volatile geopolitical landscape, Sri Lanka found a ship of a party to a conflict in distress close to our territorial waters, with many sailors life in peril.
My third observation is that a new economic world order is taking shape. Instruments once used for economic integration, such as trade, technology, energy investment and supply chains, have become instruments of geopolitical competition. There was perhaps, at times, a naive belief that interdependence would bring about stability and peace. Now the focus on opportunities has been replaced by the focus on threats. We've entered a world of coercion where dependencies are vulnerabilities. Countries seek choke points that can be weaponized to pressure others. But dependencies are complex. No nation, not even the biggest ones, can go it alone. All coercive actions come at a cost. And even if a mightier state dominates in one domain, a smaller state can respond in another. In the new geopolitical environment, the economic order of the post World War II era is seeking new forms. A new order must be based on a realistic understanding of the power balance in the world. We in the West must acknowledge that the global South and East are an expanding economic and political force. Many nations around the world have made remarkable advances in competence and know how. We should put this collective expertise to work for the global common good. Countries are right to be wary of dangerous dependencies, but our focus on the threats should not lead us to abandon cooperation. We should strive for an economic world order built on institutions and agreements. Multilateralism is also needed in the global economy. Now, this was the first part. It's all good and well to diagnose the problem.
Mr. president, one year ago I stood at this very podium and reminded this Assembly that if the United Nations is to remain humanity's surest hope for a just and peaceful world, it must have the courage to confront aggression and the will to engage fully with the defining question of our age. I also argued that we must be bold enough to undertake the institutional reforms necessary to strengthen the organisation, enhance its credibility and enable it to meet the challenges of a changing world. Indeed, I am pleased that the theme of this year's assembly, and I quote, Restoring Trust, Managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all, end of quote, acknowledges the need for this organisation to be fit for purpose, to respond to the challenges, and to seize the possibilities of our time. Today, we confront a climate catastrophe, an energy crisis, food insecurity, biodiversity loss, armed conflicts, and geopolitical tensions, the horror of genocide, a spiralling cost of living crisis, a mounting debt crisis, widening inequalities within and among nations, and, perhaps most troubling of all, a weakening of multilateralism itself. Yet if history has taught us anything, it is that even when the world seemed to stand at the precipice, humanity has never been entirely without the means to draw it back from the brink. We have ended wars that seem without end. We have confronted economic calamities that threaten the foundations of societies. We have overcome dangers that presented existential threats. Time and again, it has been our inventiveness, our courage, and above all, our willingness to act together that have opened a path where none seemed to exist. This is why I do not wish to linger or lament further upon the difficulties before us. I wish instead to turn our gaze toward the possibilities that lie beyond them. For within every crisis lies a summons to solutions, within every disruption an opportunity for renewal, and within every uncertainty, the possibility of shaping a better future.
Indeed, his successor will have extremely large boots to fill going forward. For generations, the United Nations has represented humanity's shared determination to replace conflict with dialogue, domination with cooperation and despair with hope. Yet today, many of the ideals and values we once collectively defended are being questioned and challenged. Respect for international law is becoming increasingly selective. Multilateral cooperation is weakening. Conflict, geopolitical rivalry and mistrust are becoming defining features of our time. Uncertainty, unfortunately, has become the new norm. I remember the sense of optimism that accompanied the transition from the Millennium Development Goals to the Sustainable Development Goals in 2015. There was genuine hope that we were beginning a new chapter, one in which no person, no community, no country would be left behind. 11 years later, we must have the courage to admit that the world is not where we expected it to be. Progress towards achieving the Sustainable Development Goals by 2030 stands at 36% only. This is far too low. Conflicts between and within the states are increasing.
Madam president, excellencies, the international order is experiencing a period of great instability. The free and open international order, based on the rule of law that we have fostered, is facing difficult challenges on multiple fronts. Amid a shifting balance of power and intensifying geopolitical competition, innocent civilian lives are being lost around the world every day. The stable post-Cold War era is now a thing of the past. The distribution of goods is stagnating. People across the world are suffering from high cost of living. Progress towards development goals is not on track, and human rights issues are rising in various places around the world. Against this backdrop, has the United Nations, now 80 years on since its foundation, been failing to fulfil its role in promoting peace and stability around the world? We are even hearing such concerns today. Madam president, despite these concerns, the United Nations has never been more important than it is today in bringing about peace and stability to the world and enabling the international community to overcome new challenges and prosper. Japan will continue to fulfil its significant responsibilities towards the United Nations, and I am here today to express that resolve. This year marks the 70th anniversary of Japan's accession to the United Nations. In this milestone year, I would first like to address how Japan has been tackling the challenges facing the international community, working hand in hand with the United Nations. Then, together with you all, I would like to take this opportunity to revisit the role of the United Nations in the international community.
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No. 21
Burkina Faso09/28 · first at about 10 min2 mentions
It's in light of this and what's taking place in the Sahel that we are taking part in these deliberations. For the Confederation, rebuilding trust must go hand in hand with the immediate interest of dealing with state support for terrorists, because terrorism must not continue to be a tool of foreign policy on the part of certain powers. The Confederation of Sahel States does not just face a simple sum of isolated terrorist groups. We face a persistent enterprise of destabilisation, supported by considerable means and focused against the right of our peoples to live in peace, to choose their leaders and to have control over their resources and fully exercise their sovereignty. The terrorist attacks, in particular the ones perpetrated on the 25th of April and 4th of July in 2026, in the Republic of Mali, on the 18th of June, and the 29th and 30th of August 2026 in the Republic of Niger, fully illustrate this phenomenon. And let us call a spade a spade and say things clearly. The supply chains, the technical capacities and coordinated use of conventional means do not come out of nowhere. Behind the murderous acts of these terrorists, there are structured support, including state support. And we call on the international community to look at this clearly, to investigate seriously, and to condemn without any geopolitical calculations, all actors that finance arm and provide intelligence to and protect terrorists.
Mr. President, Secretary-General, Excellencies, distinguished heads of state and government. It is my privilege to convey from this rostrum on behalf of His Excellency Mr. Félix-Antoine Tshisekedi Tshilombo, President of the DRC and Head of State, the Congolese vision of the future of our organization. I warmly congratulate His Excellency Mr. Khalilur Rahman on his election as President of this 81st Session of the General Assembly. I also pay tribute to Her Excellency Ms. Annalena Baerbock for the work she accomplished during the previous session. Lastly, I pay tribute in particular to Mr. António Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations, at a time when his mandate is coming to its end. During a decade marked by wars, the pandemic, climate emergencies, and exacerbated geopolitical tensions, he constantly defended peace, human dignity, and international cooperation.
Mr. President, Excellencies, Ladies and gentlemen, The faultlines in our world are widening. Cracks have become canyons. Over the last decade, wars erupted with devastating consequences and dragged on with despicable cruelty. Civilians were targeted. Human rights trampled. Hunger weaponized. Humanitarians killed. International law cast aside. Geopolitical divides have deepened. Inequalities have intensified. Trust has frayed. The climate crisis went from distant warning to daily reality. And artificial intelligence moved at a speed that has blindsided even those who created it. These are not separate crises. They are chapters of the same story. The story of power. Who has it. Who is denied it. How it is used. And how it is changing. Excellencies, Power is being reshaped in three fundamental ways. First, among States. New centres of economic, political and technological influence have emerged. Second, we are witnessing an extraordinary transfer of power away from governments to a handful of private corporations and individuals. Their reach now extends across politics, economies, information flows, technological development, and the civic space on which societies depend. And, third, humans are increasingly handing over power to machines – with Artificial Intelligence agents going rogue, and lethal autonomous weapons going from science fiction to military reality. Yet our institutions and systems of global governance continue to reflect the power realities and interests of a largely bygone age. That is the defining challenge before us. At the very moment when humanity faces an unprecedented convergence of threats, our mechanisms for collective action are under growing strain. Excellencies, We are clearly moving towards a multipolar world. And that movement is irreversible. But there are different ways that multipolarity can take shape. One possibility is a world of fragmentation and transactionalism. A world of rising tensions and deepening mistrust. Of fractured markets and weakened institutions. Of shrinking cooperation and zero-sum calculations. In many respects, that is the trajectory we are on today. But there is another path. A path towards networked multipolarity. A world built on interdependence – and sustained by a dense web of economic, political, social and technological connections. A world in which multiple centres of influence coexist within a common framework of international law and shared rules. Such a world can help us avoid hegemonic tendencies and what I have called the Great Fracture: The division of the world into two rival blocs with separate economic, technological and security systems. A networked world recognizes that no power can solve today’s challenges alone. Of course, competition will remain a permanent feature of international relations. But competition does not have to mean confrontation. Healthy competition can drive innovation, strengthen resilience, and expand opportunity. But only when it operates within frameworks that preserve stability and enable cooperation where cooperation is indispensable. Building a networked future begins with a recognition, especially by superpowers: That their power isn’t so super. That their power has limits. The events of recent years have made that unmistakably clear. Military power alone cannot secure peace. Economic power alone cannot command stability. And technological power alone cannot guarantee security. A networked multipolar world can create the conditions for more balanced and representative global problem-solving. But it requires a multilateral system centred in the UN that is balanced and representative. Strong, effective institutions that reflect the realities and the progressively changing relative weight of countries and economies in today’s world – not the power arrangements of 80 years ago. Fortunately, we are not starting from scratch. We already have a binding foundation: The Charter of the United Nations. And the principles that give it life. The primacy of international law. Upholding human dignity. And the pursuit of justice in all its dimensions. These are the backbone for the effective, legitimate and responsible exercise of power in the 21st century. Excellencies, It comes down to this: Will we act to ensure that power is governed by law or by force? By cooperation or coercion? By responsibility to young people and future generations or indifference to their fate? Because the defining challenges of our age are not separate from the question of power. They are expressions of it. And they will determine whether we drift deeper into division and instability – or move toward cooperation, justice and collective security. Looking ahead, our future will be shaped by how we address four great tests of power: The power over war and peace. The power that concentrates wealth and drives inequality.
It must be acknowledged, however, that in certain circumstances, the expectations that people have placed in it have not always been met with a response commensurate with their aspirations. This reality should not lead us to question the foundations of the multilateral system, but rather to strengthen the effectiveness representativeness and capacity for action of international institutions. It is incumbent upon Member States to renew their commitment to multilateralism that is more effective, more inclusive and more responsive to the aspirations of peoples. We also consider it urgent to reform the architecture of global governance, so that it reflects the geopolitical realities of the 21st century. It is essential that Africa have more adequate and effective representation in the international institutions that play a central role in shaping responses to the challenges of peace, security and development. The reform of United Nations Security Council must reflect the legitimate aspirations of the African continent and ensure fairer, permanent and effective representation. In keeping with the principle of a more inclusive, equitable and representative international order, Guinea-Bissau welcomes the efforts of the United Nations to achieve a lasting political solution to the question of Western Sahara. We welcome the adoption of Security Council Resolution 2797 of 2025 and view favourably the Autonomy Initiative presented by the Kingdom of Morocco as a basis for resolving this dispute. Ladies and gentlemen, on November 26th, 2025, during the electoral process, the constitutional order in Guinea-Bissau was interrupted and transitional bodies were established.
Distinguished Mr. President, Honorable Mr. Secretary-General, members of delegations, ladies and gentlemen. Today, humanity doesn't live in an easy time; wars continue around the world, geopolitical tensions are escalating, trust is fading, inequality is increasing. The times like these countries are faced with a choice.
This theme comes at a pivotal time in international history. Our world is beset by numerous profound and interconnected crises. Armed conflicts are becoming more protracted. Geopolitical tensions are intensifying, inequalities persist, climate change is accelerating, and humanitarian emergencies are multiplying. These challenges are compounded by the economic and social consequences of successive crises food insecurity, the forced displacement of populations, the risks associated with cybercrime, and the upheavals brought about by emerging technologies. These realities are severely testing the international community's ability to act together. In this uncertain environment, there is one value that can still guide us: trust. For Gabon, restoring trust among nations requires more than ever a return to the fundamental principles of international law in general, and of the charter of the United Nations in particular. In this spirit, my country reaffirms its commitment to the principle of non-interference in the domestic affairs of states and to the respect for their sovereignty and territorial integrity. Against this backdrop, Gabon once again welcomes the adoption of resolution 2797 of 2025, which has injected fresh impetus into the settlement of the regional dispute over the Moroccan Sahara, based exclusively on the autonomy plan under Moroccan sovereignty. Mr. President, restoring trust depends above all on concrete action that enables us to address together global challenges relating to peace and security, climate change, sustainable development and pandemics. Accordingly, in the face of human tragedies across the world, and particularly in Africa, greater collective engagement is essential.
Mr. Secretary General Antonio Guterres, to whom I pay tribute for ten years of tireless work in defense of the United Nations Charter, international law and multilateralism, heads of state and government, excellencies. Over the past few decades, the international order focused on promoting peace and stability has been essential to prosperity and socioeconomic progress in our societies. Wars and geopolitical tensions that characterize our times have had a terrible human toll, undermining international order and consequently, the chance of prosperity. That is why we must explore every opportunity for dialogue, diplomacy and peace. In the Middle East, the humanitarian tragedy must end, and we must move towards the two state solution, with Israel and Palestine coexisting as two sovereign states in peace and security. The aggressive actions by Iran and its associated armed groups must cease, including attacks on neighboring countries, merchant vessels and civilian infrastructures. Similarly, the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz must end and freedom of navigation must be guaranteed, including safe and toll free passage, including through the Red Sea. In Europe, we must achieve a just and lasting peace that puts an end to the brutal and illegal aggression of Russia against Ukraine. Ukraine is a partner that has the full support of Portugal and European Union. In Sudan, the most dramatic humanitarian crisis we face must come to an end. We must also remain resolute in combating the global threats of terrorism and nuclear weapons. And in the face of the new challenge posed by artificial intelligence, we must find together the right balance between innovation and regulation, one that allows us to harness its potential for the benefit of humanity while preventing it from distorting our very essence. Excellencies, the energy crisis, and the rising fuel prices we are facing due to international conflicts are affecting all our peoples.
Mr. President, 81 years ago, in the aftermath of the devastation of the Second World War, the nation that founded our organization made a solemn pledge to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. That commitment remains as vital today as it was in 1945. While the world has thus far been spared another global war, armed conflicts continue to inflict immense human suffering across many regions. Concurrently, geopolitical rivalries, climate change, widening inequalities, rapid technological transformation, and transnational threat are placing growing strain on international peace, stability and cooperation. At a time when international cooperation is more necessary than ever, trust among nations is being tested, while confidence in multilateral institutions and their capacity to respond effectively to common challenges is under increasing pressure. Our response cannot be retreat. The world needs the United Nations, not less, but more. But it is only a United Nations that commands trust, because it is principled, representative, effective, and capable of delivering the purpose and principle of its charter. Trust is not restored by declaration alone. It is earned through consistency: when commitments are honoured, international law is respected, disputes are settled by peaceful means. Sovereign equality must remain a fundamental principle of international relations. The charter does not prescribe one standard for the powerful and another for the less powerful. All member states, large or small, are equal before the charter and are bound by the obligations it establishes. Mr. president, Cambodia understands the value of trust from its own history. Our country endured decades of conflict, genocide, division, and immense human suffering.
Mr. President, colleagues, the world is witnessing intertwined changes and turbulence, protracted geopolitical conflicts, widening development gaps, and a growing number of global challenges. Five years ago, at the 76th session of the UN General Assembly, President Xi Jinping put forward the Global Development Initiative. Since then, he has proposed the Global Security Initiative, the Global Civilization Initiative and the Global Governance Initiative. These initiatives provide strategic guidance for the building of a community with a shared future for humanity. At a time when countries of the world find their future so closely linked, more and more of them want to join hands to shoulder the historic mission of addressing difficulties and challenges and advancing the well-being of all humanity.
Ladies and gentlemen, as Secretary-General António Guterres nears the end of his mandate, we commend his efforts to reform and modernize the United Nations. The next Secretary-General will face a defining task: adapting the United Nations to a world of growing geopolitical rivalry and fragmentation. We expect her or him to carry forward the UN80 agenda and turn reforms into results. The success of UN reforms will be judged not by new structures or new language, but by whether the multilateral system can deliver, uphold international law, and make its rules matter. The future legitimacy of the United Nations will depend on it. Nowhere is this more important than in peace and security. The international community must become better at preventing crises, protecting civilians, and defending the rules it has agreed to uphold. The Czech Republic is ready to do its part. Let me reiterate that we are seeking a non-permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council for the period 2032-2033. If elected, we will contribute actively to its work and shoulder our share of responsibility. We will continue to help preventing and resolving conflicts through political engagement, humanitarian assistance, and practical cooperation. We will stand for the protection of civilians and critical infrastructure, and for accountability when international law is seriously violated.
At times we succeed. This June, the Security Council unanimously adopted resolution 2823 on accountability for crimes against UN peacekeepers led by Denmark and Pakistan, and backed by a record 153 member states, a clear signal of commitment to the safety and security of the brave men and women who serve under the UN flag, and a clear demonstration that the council can still come together and speak with one voice. Too often, however, the Security Council is blocked by geopolitical divisions, unable to act. Meanwhile, the costs of inaction are felt by the civilians across the world as the disrespect for international humanitarian law is allowed to fester. Excellencies, our collective inability to halt the killings, suffering and injustices in Gaza, Ukraine, Sudan and beyond must not prompt us to surrender to a world ruled by brute force. On the contrary, it must inspire us to work harder to sustain and strengthen the structures, instruments and mechanisms we have built over the last 81 years. To Denmark, this includes maintaining our firm support for the ICJ and the ICC as core international justice institutions. This year Denmark nominated its first ever candidate for judge at the ICC, reaffirming our unwavering support for the court at a critical time. It also means continuing to meet the UN target of providing 0.7% of GNI for official development assistance.
Mr. president. Our world continues to confront severe multi faceted tensions, geopolitical crisis and tension macroeconomic instability, supply chain disruption and accelerating climate emergencies. These headwinds place immense strain on the most vulnerable economies, where rising energy and food prices jeopardize the livelihood of millions of people in countries in special situations. The ongoing conflicts in the Middle East demonstrate how rapidly confrontation can destabilize global stability. Sustainable peace cannot be forged through force or unilateral action. It requires diplomacy, respect for sovereign equality and territorial integrity, and strict adherence to international law. The question of Palestine remains an enduring test of multilateral credibility. We remain deeply concerned by humanitarian catastrophe and immense reconstruction requirements in Gaza, as well as the mounting challenges in the West Bank. To prevent the two state solution from slipping beyond reach, the international community must secure a just, comprehensive and lasting peace, and one that fulfils the legitimate rights to the Palestinian people to self-determination through an independent state of Palestine with full membership in the United Nations.
We witness geopolitical instability in Europe, the Middle East and elsewhere. It is made worse by growing nuclear ambitions in the Middle East and Asia, as well as the irresponsible transfer of military related goods, dual use items and sensitive technologies. In recent months, Iran has continued attacking neighboring countries, often through its proxies, while actively impairing the freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz. These actions constitute a serious threat to regional and international peace and security. We reaffirm our full solidarity with the Gulf Cooperation Council countries and Jordan. We call on Iran to halt its nuclear and missile programs, as well as its collaboration with armed groups across the Middle East. Lithuania commends all efforts to find a solution ensuring freedom of navigation. We will contribute with our demining capabilities to the international maritime missions in the Strait of Hormuz. As regards the situation in the Gaza Strip, my country supports international efforts to maintain and consolidate the cease fire. The Comprehensive plan to end the Gaza conflict, including the deployment of the Temporary International Stabilisation Force, provides the guidelines to follow. Lithuania reiterates the importance of full demilitarization of non-state armed groups. Humanitarian aid must also be allowed to reach those in need safely and without obstruction. To this day, the two state solution remains the only way towards a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. In this light, it is crucially important to abstain from any further actions incompatible with a credible political process. Ladies and gentlemen, the one conflict that poses the greatest threat to the world order is Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine, supported by its proxies. In the 12 years since the illegal occupation of Crimea, Russia has escalated from clandestine operations and limited warfare in eastern Ukraine to massive military operations, mass killings and ultimately the largest drone attacks against civilian infrastructure the world has ever seen. The current stage of the war, which began with the full scale invasion in February 2022, has already lasted longer than the First World War. In the last 55 months, Russia has suffered 1.5 million military casualties. In the last year, it has gained 0.3% of Ukraine's territory, at the cost of over 400 000 soldiers killed and wounded. Yet all these enormous efforts, all that blood and tears, basically came to nothing. Ukraine is still standing proudly as an independent state. The Ukrainian language, culture and national identity are alive and thriving. In all but name, Russia has already lost the war. Yet its leadership does not allow itself to admit defeat, fearing international legal accountability and possible revenge from its own people. As inevitable approaches, the stakes get higher and the Kremlin regime increasingly finds itself cornered. How much more Ukrainian civilian lives will be sacrificed on Russia's war altar? How many people will be tortured, sexually assaulted thrown into dark dungeons, never to see the sunlight again? How many children will be illegally separated from their parents and sent to Russia to suffer indoctrination? We do not know the answers, yet we must all feel the deep pain brought by this brutal and pointless war. And we all should join our forces to draw Ukraine's victory closer, for it is only Ukraine's final victory safeguarding its sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity that could ensure the global peace, security and credibility of the United Nations Charter. What we can not allow is the brute force prevailing over international law. We cannot tolerate any longer Moscow's colonial aspirations, which undermine global food security and driving up food prices. Russia's imperial ambitions reach far into Europe, Africa and Asia. No country should consider itself immune from this threat. Naturally, Lithuania witnesses many dangers up close. In recent months, Russia's war of aggression has led to numerous violations of our airspace by combat drones. Russia has also intensified hybrid attacks, disinformation and sabotage efforts. Where Russia advances, opening Pandora's box of new techniques for destabilisation, other hostile actors follow, learning new skills and ideas.
We meet at a perilous precipice, a tumultuous time marked by profound upheaval, relentless uncertainty and deep unpredictability. More than 50 active conflicts tear at the fabric of nations. Geopolitical competition strains our multilateral institutions, and global trust is fading, precisely when we need it most. 81 years ago, our forebears forged this organization to save humanity from the scourge of war and reaffirm our shared dignity. Today, we must ask, have we honored that sacred compact? When more than 645 million people face hunger, when our climate remains in a state of calamity, and when our collective conscience is stained by humanitarian catastrophes, reflection must give way to urgent, united resolve. We cannot continue down fragmented paths in an interconnected world.
We already have knowledge. But what we need now is the will to use them. This year, the United Nations will choose its next Secretary-General. Slovakia supports a transparent and inclusive process based on merit, with due regard to regional diversity and gender balance. And I would also like to thank Secretary-General António Guterres for his dedicated service and leadership during these difficult years. The next Secretary-General will inherit an organization under serious security, geopolitical, institutional, and financial pressure. But the future of the United Nations will not depend on one person alone. It depends on all of us, on our will, courage, and determination.
Transformation calls for real respect for the sovereignty of states. Sanctions and restrictions must be tools for peace and must be adjusted in accordance with the progress made. They must not be retaliatory measures serving geopolitical interests. Mr. President, we are at a crossroads. We have our diagnosis. It is now time for decision. That is why the CAR calls upon the UN to act. Saving the world is not a task for one nation or one continent.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. This session is taking place against a deeply troubling international backdrop. Conflicts and hotspots of tension are multiplying, and geopolitical divisions are deepening, while the rise of terrorism and violent extremism threatens an ever growing number of regions. At the same time, climate upheavals are hitting our countries hard, not to mention the humanitarian crises and deep inequalities that are weakening our societies. Added to this are the very real risks to the survival of humanity posed by the uncontrolled development of artificial intelligence. The world is thus at a difficult turning point. It is looking on at the gradual fragmentation of its peace architecture and an alarming reconfiguration of the international landscape before our very eyes. Multilateralism is being sorely tested, weakened by an erosion of trust between nations and trust in the institutions that underpin the world order. In these times of multilateral fracture, it is imperative to find appropriate solutions to put an end to these dangerous escalations, prioritize dialogue and rebuild trust. With regard to international institutions, this trust is measured by their ability to translate the universality of their principles into concrete actions, and to treat every state, large or small, with the same standard of fairness. The trust of peoples, for its part, is nourished by tangible results and by the certainty that the decisions taken on their behalf genuinely serve their security, their dignity, and protect their future. This year's theme, therefore, aptly captures the expectations of our time. It calls on us specifically to restore trust in our collective capacity to respond effectively to global challenges, and to support the current changes and reforms of the United Nations architecture so that our organization is once again able to deliver concrete solutions to the concerns of all peoples. For Cote d'Ivoire, this means reinvigorating multilateralism and consequently, restoring diplomacy's rightful place and credibility so that it can act effectively. In light of these challenges, a monumental task awaits the next Secretary General of the United Nations, whose selection process is now well underway.
In this regard, we recognize the crucial role played by AUSSOM in stabilizing the country, as well as the crucial support provided by the United Nations, particularly through UNSOS. We hope that the international community will stand mobilized so as to enable Somalis to assume lasting responsibility for their security, sovereignty and the preservation of the integrity of their national territory. Turning now to Sudan Djibouti, in its capacity as current chair of IGAD, welcomes the return of that kindred country to full participation in our regional organization, of which is a founding member. We call for de-escalation and the resumption of talks to be prioritized. Only an inclusive political solution that places the Sudanese people at the heart of every initiative will make it possible to restore lasting peace and stability. We also call on foreign actors to refrain from fueling this war through harmful interference. Once again, we extend a hand to our Eritrean neighbour. Djibouti remains convinced that dialogue and negotiation in full respect for international law, represent the only path towards a peaceful and definitive settlement of our border dispute and the return of our prisoners of war, who have been held incommunicado for more than 18 years. The Republic of Djibouti further reaffirms its unwavering solidarity with the Palestinian people and its full support for their legitimate rights, in particular their inalienable right to the establishment of an independent and sovereign state. We reaffirm our commitment to a two state solution based on the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as the capital of the State of Palestine, as the path towards a just and lasting peace. We roundly condemn illegal settlement activity, violence committed against civilians, including by Israeli settlers in the West Bank, forced displacement and any policy aimed at altering the demographic and territorial reality of the occupied Palestinian territory. The humanitarian situation in Gaza remains a tragedy, requiring an immediate response from the international community. The protection of civilians must be guaranteed. Humanitarian assistance, must reach those in need without hindrance, and violations of international humanitarian law must cease and be condemned. Djibouti will continue to support efforts to bring an end to the suffering of the Palestinian people, and to ensure that justice, peace and international law prevail. Preserving freedom of navigation in the Red Sea and more particularly through the Bab el Mandeb Strait, is a major geopolitical and economic issue for regional and global stability.
Mr. president, as we contemplate the future of community of nations, we must renew our collective commitment to a United Nations that is more inclusive, effective and responsive to modern times, global challenges, and one in which developing countries, particularly African nations, have a stronger voice in global decision making. We reiterate our support for comprehensive reform of the Security Council, in line with the Ezulwini Consensus, to make it more representative, equitable and reflective of our current geopolitical realities. The Kingdom of Lesotho reaffirms its unwavering commitment to the charter of the United Nations multilateral system and the rule of law. International law remains the cornerstone of sovereign equality, peaceful coexistence, and sustainable development.
Mr. president and Excellencies, the challenges that impede our sustainable development are increasing. We must respond by implementing science based emission reductions, scale up national climate commitments and accelerate transition to renewable energy. We demand accessible and predictable adaptation grant financing to support investments in resilient infrastructure. We must operationalize the loss and damage fund. And further, we must keep the 1.5°C goal and sustain methane reduction. This is not a substitute for long term decarbonization, but can slow near-term warming, protect vulnerable communities and oceans, and preserve critical time for those on the front lines of the climate crisis. Micronesia endorses the proposed Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation treaty. A just and orderly transition away from fossil fuel is now inseparable from the wider geopolitical and economic realities shaping global energy markets. Instability in the Middle East and volatile fuel prices are the vulnerability of small island developing states to expensive fuel, unstable supply and widespread economic fragility. Shift to renewable energy is an economic necessity. Solar, wind and ocean based technologies can reduce dependence on external fuel markets, strengthen energy security, and lower emissions in line with science. The world must accelerate the transition to resilient, affordable and community centred renewable energy system. Mr. president, our people are the most important and most valuable national resource. We remain committed to delivering effective public services and advancing Micronesia priorities for our citizens wherever they reside.
But we must also understand why this disaster matters beyond Nepal. Nepal contributes less than 0.1 percent of global greenhouse gas emissions. We did not create this crisis, yet we are paying a colossal price for it. Our glaciers are retreating, our mountain slopes are becoming unstable, our rivers are becoming less predictable, and every major disaster threatens to erase years of development. For Nepal, climate catastrophe is not just a humanitarian event, but a development emergency. It destroys roads, bridges, schools, homes, farms, and livelihoods. It destroys clean energy infrastructure that we need to fuel our future. And it forces a poor country to borrow money to repair damage it did not cause. But we are not here to blame any country or continent. We are not here to turn climate change into another geopolitical battlefield. We are here to ask everyone to recommit to shared responsibility and solidarity. Through the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the international community has already agreed to the principle of common differentiated responsibility and respective capabilities. Those who have historically contributed more to the problem, and those with greater capacity to respond, must do more. Climate justice cannot remain a beautiful phrase in a United Nations document. People of our country be allowed to build their future instead of constantly rebuilding their past. Excellencies, the Hindu Kush Himalaya is home to nearly 2 billion people. These mountains provide water, ecosystems, agriculture, and livelihoods to populations far beyond Nepal. The Himalayas are not peripheral to the planet; they are part of the planet's life support system. That is why, as an urgent first step, we propose that we establish a Himalaya Climate Resilience Mechanism led by Nepal, India, and China. Through this mechanism, let us share satellite data and expertise, let us monitor dangerous glacial lakes, let us strengthen joint early warning systems, and when disaster strikes, let us coordinate assistance across borders. Let the Himalayas become a laboratory of international cooperation rather than a frontier of fragmented information. Remarkable for a least developed country, Nepal is already playing a global role exceeding its ecological share. We have restored forests that cover nearly half of our territory. We are installing hydropower at a pace enough to power all clean energy needs and displace dirty sources abroad. We are promoting electric mobility with an adoption rate to match parts of Europe. We are strengthening climate adaptation at the local level, and we shall do more to withstand increased intensity and frequency of climate disaster. But Nepal cannot build resilience alone against a crisis made worse by the failure of global governance. This is why this assembly must note six words: relief, rehabilitation, reconstruction, and also responsibility, reparation, resilience. The first three are what we need after disaster. The second three are what we need to ensure that disaster does not become a permanent condition. When a climate-driven disaster destroys infrastructure of a poor country, the answer cannot simply be another mega loan or a patchwork of small grants. We need adequate grant-based support from the world. The Loss and Damage Fund, the Global Environment Facility, and other financing mechanisms remain grossly inadequate. Climate finance must not become another bureaucratic maze through which vulnerable countries spend years that they need help. When the house is burning, we do not ask family to complete 50 forms. We act. This is what climate justice must mean.
The turmoil in the Sahel illustrates how insecurity in one territory can imperil its neighbors, displace populations and frustrate commerce, regional integration and democratic governance. As a founding member of ECOWAS, Nigeria upholds regional solidarity and African leadership in resolving these challenges, reinforced by principled international partnerships. No country can claim lasting safety while the forces capable of destabilizing it retain sanctuary, resources and recruits elsewhere. Excellencies Nigeria remains committed to the peaceful settlement of disputes under the United Nations Charter. The conflicts in Sudan and other war torn countries demand urgent diplomacy to address the humanitarian, economic and geopolitical consequences. All parties must uphold international humanitarian and human rights law, protect civilians and facilitate humanitarian access. Negotiated settlements must respect sovereignty and territorial integrity. Within and beyond our continent, no claim to security can justify starving children, denying relief to civilians or erasing communities from the land they call home. We should all be afraid of a world in which we can no longer tell the victim from the aggressor. When our investment in propaganda shields perpetrators from justice to the point that telling the truth becomes a crime, the promise of this institution stands betrayed. We place our faith in diplomacy because military victories alone cannot secure lasting peace. Dialogue, reconciliation and inclusive political processes must give people a stake in ending violence and preserving the agreements that follow. The United Nations must therefore strengthen peacekeeping and give greater attention to peace building, mediation, institution building and sustainable development. Prevention must command greater resources and political attention.
Mr. president, as mentioned before, the international community is experiencing profound uncertainty, including energy and food security crises, leading to intensified displacement of many people globally. Armed conflict continued to claim innocent lives while geopolitical tensions escalate. Children are living through unimaginable horrors. The United Nations has not been able to prevent this or to end the continuation, and we have to ponder on that. Other developments, for example in the Strait of Hormuz, demonstrate how quickly wars can affect energy markets suddenly and steeply, increasing the cost of energy, adversely impacting economic and social development in our countries. Common people suffer when food and energy prices rise, so the quality of life of our people is directly threatened, even by wars in regions far from their homes. And we as government, we have to make sure that we try to protect them. Suriname, therefore, calls for a renewed commitment to the purposes and principles of the UN charter, namely, the peaceful resolution of disputes. Dialogue is paramount for safeguarding a solid and proven UN system. The people of Cuba, a Caribbean country, are adversely affected by the current situation in their country. Suriname calls on the parties involved to remain committed to dialogue and negotiation to end the economic commercial and financial embargo. We plea for continuing negotiations in order to prevent further escalation and to reach a resolution that will benefit the people of Cuba.
Supply chains built up over decades of interdependence are being reorganized or fragmented as a result of geopolitical tensions. The multilateral trading system has been weakened, and the WTO can no longer fully carry out some of its essential functions. Yet what is at stake here is not merely a technical issue of trade policy. The question is whether relations between states will continue to be governed by common rules, or if they will increasingly depend on the weight and power of each individual state. For Switzerland, this is a fundamental issue. That is because my country is an open economy with few natural resources. A large part of its prosperity, therefore depends on trade, but also on the stability and predictability of the rules that make such trade possible. Economic resilience requires us to diversify relationships, forge new partnerships, and keep trade between different regions of the world as open as possible. This is particularly important for economies with fewer resources or limited market access. Access to markets knowledge and technology can create opportunities that would not otherwise exist. These abstract concepts encompass quite concrete realities a business that can take on an apprentice, a family that can secure a more stable income, a producer who can trade beyond their local market. Young people for whom the range of possibilities suddenly widens. That is also what we mean when we talk about a global economy. Trust is built when the rules offer everyone a genuine opportunity to participate.
On behalf of the people of the United Republic of Tanzania, I wish to pay tribute to H.E. António Guterres as he concludes his distinguished tenure as the SecretaryGeneral of the UN. During his tenure, he steered the UN through an exceptionally challenging period marked by conflicts, geopolitical tensions, the COVID-19 pandemic, climate emergencies and growing pressure on multilateralism. In all these situations, he remained firm and undeterred. Tanzania appreciates his support for Africa’s aspirations for peace, sustainable development, climate justice and a fairer international financial architecture, as well as his personal engagement with our country. Similar accolades are for Ambassador Amina Mohammed, Deputy Secretary-General, who has played a pivotal role in advancing the SDGs, advocacy for women, children and those whose voices are too often unheard. We shall miss your contribution, but Africa is proud to welcome its daughter back home. To both of you, we wish you every success and fulfillment in the years ahead. In conclusion, I wish to underscore that the UN must not merely reflect on the balance of power but serve as a platform for justice, solidarity, and progress. As we take stock of its invaluable contribution to the advancement of humanity, maintenance of international peace and security, socioeconomic progress, and sustainable development over the past 81 years, let us be reminded that there are more mountains to climb and milestones to accomplish. Tanzania believes that it is only by respecting and living by the Charter that we can honor the past and build a safer and better future for all. Thank you for your attention.
Mr. President, restoring confidence in collective security requires the Security Council to move beyond the outdated geopolitical realities of 1945. The long standing position of Africa, as outlined in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration, should be granted. Africa is united, sovereign and independent. Africa is rising. The horse and rider mentality has no place in the contemporary international discourse. Zimbabwe reaffirms the. Institutional legitimacy depends on the consistent application of international law, sovereign equality and the inalienable right to self-determination of all within the comity of nations. Unilateral coercive measures as a manipulative foreign policy tool are outdated in a global era, which should be anchored on solidarity, mutually beneficial partnerships and shared prosperity. I urge us to use this defining epoch in the history of our august Organization to protect the United Nations Charter. The tendencies where our resolutions and international law are ignored should no longer be excused. Mr. President, peace cannot endure without development.
Mr. President, allow me to congratulate you, at the outset, on your election as President of the 81st Session of the General Assembly. I am convinced that your experience in multilateralism will help strengthen the role of the United Nations at a particularly decisive moment for the world and for this organization itself. The theme that you have chosen for this session—" Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation," an effective and inclusive United Nations for All— accurately expresses the challenges of our time. The crisis we face is not only geopolitical, economic, climatic, or technological; above all, it is a crisis of trust among states, between institutions and citizens, and above all in the ability of the international community to fulfill the promise that gave meaning to the creation of the UN: to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, to uphold the inherent dignity of every human being, and to promote an international order founded on human rights.
Common rules do not hold us back. They provide the stability and predictability necessary for countries to advance their ambitions. The world is being transformed by technology, climate change, demographic pressures, illegal migration and geopolitical rivalry. Our responsibility is to govern them so that change expands human freedom and security instead of weakening them. The United Nations must begin with its own transformation. Croatia supports a UN that is more effective, accountable and financially sustainable and stronger across all three pillars peace and security, sustainable development and, of course, human rights. Reform must also produce a more representative and effective Security Council. When the council is blocked, the General Assembly can and must act, but it cannot replace the council's primary responsibility under the charter. This makes the selection of the next secretary general all the more relevant. I thank, therefore, Secretary General Guterres, for his work over the last decade. The United Nations needs leadership capable of bringing member states together, defending the charter and turning reform into measurable results. No country alone can successfully respond to the global transformations we witnessed today.
Mr. president. The historic ninth Congress of the Workers' Party of Korea was held with a splendor in February this year in Pyongyang the capital city of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. The Congress reviewed with pride the achievements made over the past five years and set out a new, innovative goals for overall development in the next stage. During the last five years, the existence and development of humankind was severely constrained by the global pandemic, abnormal weather conditions, geopolitical confrontation and the entailing economic crisis. They were harsh times for our state too. Yet we have thoroughly and consistently maintained the characteristic principle and approach of self-reliance. Our resilience grew stronger. We overcame all difficulties and challenges before us, and ultimately made remarkable advances by leaps and bounds. The five year plan for the development of the national economy was successfully accomplished. The economic foundation for production boost was reinforced. Numerous monumental projects were completed. Policies for the people that our government invariably pursues are implemented at higher level. We are seeing the upward trend of comprehensive development conducive to a simultaneous and balanced growth in all sectors, fields and regions of the country. As the first hand witnesses of the above realities, all our citizens have become all the more confident that the path we have trodden is the most accurate path, and the self-reliance and self-sustenance of our choice are the surest shortcut to prosperity. Under the unique leadership of Comrade Kim Jong Un, president of the State Affairs of the DPRK, our people have now confidently embarked on new, massive projects aimed at building on the successes in pioneering a era of comprehensive development and leading it to new heights. The path ahead of us is laden with numerous challenges and difficulties, presented by inhumane acts of certain forces that disfavor the DPRK's very existence, let alone her development. Yet we will surely attain all that we plan to, relying entirely on our own efforts, regardless of changes in the situation. This is the confidence that every Korean is assured of.
President of the General Assembly, Secretary-General. Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, as we're here talking about peace, international security and cooperation, thousands of people are dying victims of war hunger, violence, disease and injustice. It's as if we've lost our sense of humanity. It's not a future tragedy. The fact is that thousands, millions of people are dying as we're here. Right now, at this very moment, there will be mothers, fathers, children, entire families breaking up and asking themselves a question that's not an abstract one, a diplomatic one, or a geopolitical one.
Conflicts, geopolitical tensions, declining resources for development and the fragmentation of spaces for dialogue are testing the principles that have guided coexistence among nations. At the same time, democracy faces a twofold challenge the resurgence of authoritarian tendencies that seek to undermine the will of the people, and the spread of organised criminal networks that infiltrate institutions, corrupt justice systems, capture economies and territories, and erode public trust. Transnational organised crime is more than just a threat to public security. It is a direct threat to democracy the rule of law, and the ability of our peoples to freely determine their future.
Mr. President, the transformation the world is facing technological, geopolitical, social will not wait for the activity or inactivity of the United Nations. Whether it becomes a transformation that elevates the human person or one that diminishes it depends on the choices made together in these rooms. It is imperative to disarm not only weapons, methodologies of domination, to protect the most in need, to speak the truth in charity, and to rebuild through dialogue and solidarity, a multilateral order that truly delivers for all. May the international community, as the family of nations, have the courage to restore trust, the wisdom to manage a transformation justly, and the perseverance to build peace. In this regard, the Holy See strongly urges all parties to engage in sincere negotiation, to put an end to all wars and conflicts. War brings only death and destruction, whereas peace brings development and prosperity. The Holy See will continue to play its part in building a better future for all.
Mr. president, your theme for this session could hardly be more timely because today, trust is in short supply. Wars and conflicts are devastating communities and displacing millions. Geopolitical tensions are deepening. Climate change is destroying lives, livelihoods, and decades of development in a matter of hours. New technologies, including artificial intelligence, are offer extraordinary promise while presenting risks we have not yet fully understood. And at the very moment when collective action is most needed, confidence in multilateralism itself is being tested. Jamaica's position is clear. The shortcomings of multilateralism cannot be solved by abandoning multilateralism. For small states like ours, a rules based international order is not an abstract diplomatic preference. It is fundamental to our sovereignty, our security and our development. But neither can we safeguard multilateralism simply by defending it. We must reform it. We must make it more representative, more accountable, more efficient and more responsive to the needs and realities of the people it was created to serve. That is why Jamaica has chosen not merely to call for reform, but to help lead it. Our permanent representative was privileged to co-chair with New Zealand, the UN 80 initiative's informal ad hoc working Group on mandate implementation review. That work culminated in General Assembly Resolution 80/251, an important framework for improving how UN mandates are created, implemented and reviewed. Jamaica now continues that work alongside Norway. Our objective is straightforward a United Nations that spends less time sustaining process for its own sake and more time fulfilling its purpose. That is the multilateralism Jamaica believes in. Mr. president, the selection of the next Secretary General will be one of the most consequential decisions before Member states this year. Jamaica proudly joins our CARICOM family in supporting the candidacy of Her Excellency Carolyn Rodrigues-Birkett of the Cooperative Republic of Guyana. Her candidacy also speaks to something larger. Small states have long served the international system as bridge builders, consensus makers, and problem solvers. We learned very early that influence does not depend only on size or power. It can come from credibility, from dialogue, from principle and the capacity to bring people together.
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, Your Excellencies, every generation believes the challenges they face are unmatched. Perhaps for us that is true. We are at a unique moment in history. The scale of knowledge and the speed of change are unprecedented. Every day brings another crisis, another tragedy, another emergency demanding our attention. One study shows that average screen attention has fallen from 2.5 minutes in 2004 to just 47 seconds today. Of course, a screen is not the world, but that says something about our world today that attention has become a scarce asset, and where we choose to direct it has never mattered more. And in this chamber, attention is more than a cognitive resource. It is a geopolitical one. It determines which conflicts receive sustained diplomacy and which fade from the agenda. Whether a cease fire holds after the cameras leave, whether humanitarian suffering remains intolerable or becomes familiar and whether the world steps up or scrolls and strolls away. History rarely catches us entirely by surprise. More often, it catches us focused elsewhere. Economic disparity, food insecurity, climate change disasters. None of these challenges emerged overnight. The warning signs have been there. The question is whether our attention lasts long enough to act, and what we neglect has a habit of shaping our future.
Hence, we commend you, Mr. President, for the timely and befitting theme of the 81st Session of the UN General Assembly, namely "Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a United Nation That Delivers for All." Namibia's independence was born out of international solidarity and is renowned as a UN success story. This is a testimony to the effectiveness of the UN. Therefore, we shall not be passive observers to the efforts aimed at dismantling or weakening the international system that had served us over 80 years, albeit with some shortcomings. In this regard, we shall continue to call for peace over conflict, dialogue over confrontation, and peaceful coexistence over tension. In restoring trust, we need to manage transformation of the United Nations Security Council based on equitable representation in its decision-making process to reflect contemporary geopolitical realities. The common African position, as articulated in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration, has also been reaffirmed in the Pact for the Future, which recognizes Africa as a special case. The time has come for us to recognize that we have been negotiating for too long, and that it is because of those problems that erode trust in the United Nations.
I am appearing once again before this assembly on behalf of the Republic of Panama, a nation whose own geography defined its destiny. It's the bridge of the world and connects continents, cultures, and markets. At a time in history in which geopolitical fractures threaten to polarize us in a dangerous manner, Panama reaffirms its historic vocation to bring people together and seek common understandings. I must say that polarization is coupled with a large mass of people who feel that international organizations have forgotten the values and priorities of the majority of citizens. I'm referring to those who wish to progress in peace, to be able to work and return home safely. Also, those who defend the institution of the family that has its own credo and a culture forged throughout the centuries that today is being called into question. The majority feel under pressure due to the actions of progressive multiculturalism, that a large part of society is not prepared to accept, almost under coercion. I'm a president that comes from a great nation, a crucible of different cultural heritages that forged a society that's open to the world, with a strong belief in peace. This was all achieved over many years without any imposition, so this means that it happened naturally. I'm convinced that the United Nations has immense potential in a world with so much volatility and such strong asymmetries. But it needs to take up, again, its leadership in order to engage in preventive actions and corrective actions. I am a person who believes in and defends multilateralism, and I am convinced that peace and prosperity of nations must be grounded in international law as a guiding principle of relationships between nations. And these theoretical arguments must also be expressed with palpable results. We must recognize now that citizens do not believe that these types of meetings are that beneficial for them. And herein lies one of the reasons why we must restore trust. I want to give you a concrete example just to illustrate what I'm saying.
This principle, I'd like to remind you, means not trying to further the security of one state at the expense of the security of others. Also, no country, nor any groups of countries should try to dominate the security sphere. This applies first and foremost to NATO, which is trying to broaden its destructive influence far beyond its geographical realm, for instance, in Asia. The values of broad based cooperation on an equal footing formed the foundation of President Putin's initiative on the establishment of a Greater Eurasian Partnership and an architecture of security on the entire Eurasian continent. Yesterday, here in New York, Russia, Belarus and like minded countries adopted a declaration on our intent to develop a Eurasian Charter of Diversity and Multipolarity for the 21st century. We call on all of those who wish to be part of this pan continental architecture of peace and development, to contribute to making this initiative a success which aims to complement and harmonize work on existing mechanisms in the spirit of the geopolitical realities in this nascent multipolar world. I thank you.
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, Heads of State and Governments. Ladies and gentlemen, it is a great honor for me to take the floor before this assembly on behalf of the government and the people of the Democratic Republic of Sao Tomé and Principe. Allow me, first of all to congratulate His Excellency, Mr. Khalilur Rahman on his election as president of the 81st session of the General Assembly, and to wish him every success in the discharge of his duties. I would also like to express our appreciation to Her Excellency, Miss Annalena Baerbock, for the work accomplished during the previous session of the General Assembly. Allow me to pay tribute to the Secretary General, His Excellency Mr. Antonio Guterres, for his commitment to peace, sustainable development, human rights and the strengthening of multilateralism at a time of great challenges. Excellencies, we live in a context marked by conflicts, geopolitical rivalries, economic uncertainty climate change, forced displacement, inequalities, transnational crime, and rapid technological transformation. No state can face challenges of this magnitude alone.
We need even more multilateralism and even more UN, a stronger UN in defending its principles, more effective in preventing and peacefully settling disputes, more representative in its decision making structures, and closer to the realities of the people. The world needs a UN that strengthens and re-establishes trust. A UN that listens without turning away from the concerns of those people that it serves, who decide without losing sight of those for whom it works and which promises, without forgetting that it needs to keep its promises. International trust cannot be restored just through speeches. It is established through the respect of shared rules. And here we're talking about international law. Unfortunately, we are seeing a worsening of geopolitical tensions and a worrisome return to war at the heart of international relations. Violations of international law and of the United Nations Charter are increasing in number. And the weakness of our responses are akin to a type of tolerance that we seem to be willing to accept. Given this situation, Togo would like to reaffirm its firm belief in international law is not an obstacle to power. It guarantees its legitimacy, its predictability, and its stability. It protects the most vulnerable states and also serves the lasting interests of the most powerful, by preventing uncontrolled clashes by shoring up exchanges, and by establishing trust. Togo thus defends a pragmatic type of multilateralism that transforms commitments into results that scaffolds power dynamics with shared rules and organizes the peaceful coexistence of interests. Mr. president, Togo supports efforts as part of the UN80 Initiative to improve the effectiveness, the coherence and the accountability of our organization.
Nine months into my service as Prime Minister, I stand here mindful that Pacific leaders have come before me, raising the same warnings, making the same appeals. Today I'm compelled to make them again. The question before us is not whether the world has heard our message, but why has it still not acted? We live in a world more connected than ever, but greater connection has not brought greater unity. We meet amid deepening division, geopolitical conflict and competition. For Tonga, navigating such stormy currents is not new. As descendants of voyagers, we have been in the survival business much longer than most have appreciated.
Every day, the UN has an increasing reason to exist, and it must inevitably evolve in step with the geopolitical changes unfolding at dizzying speed. Every nation within this organization must play an active role within it, each to the fullest extent of their capacities. It's clear that our efforts should focus on ensuring that this is an up to date organization, properly supported, taking fair decisions that are respected. Countries' borders cannot be subject to human whims. They must be protected and respected as they represent the boundaries established to preserve identity, distinctive character, and a sense of belonging of their respective populations. We cannot continue to be held hostage to the will of a handful of countries that can be counted on the fingers of one hand, nor can we yield to the economic expediencies of the time. The aim here is clear to achieve lasting stability, to ensure that the efforts of our citizens and their governments are channeled towards generating prosperity, far removed, of course, from the destruction and suffering caused by war. And we have made a commitment. Let us honor it. Right now. The history that ultimately prevails will be the history that we write every day through our action. For all of these reasons, Uruguay will continue to support dialogue, multilateralism, cooperation, international law, and the peaceful settlement of disputes and above all, for the dignity of every human being. Humanity continues to refuse to regard itself as definitively complete. And perhaps that's our greatest hope. The hope that we can still change, that we can still learn, that we can still build, and that we can still choose peace. And this mere fact ultimately reminds us of the clear purity of the idea that together we stand and together we change. Little is contributed to the purposes of the UN by merely using this rostrum to accuse or attack. The fire doesn't need any more fuel. Let us better harness this opportunity and let us give peace another chance, because relations among states, just like relations between good people, bring happiness if we refrain from trading blows or elbowing one another aside. Thank you very much.
For that solidarity, Antigua and Barbuda thank him. But excellencies, gratitude for the past must now match by courage in shaping the future. The next Secretary general of this institution will inherit a United Nations confronting wars and conflicts that devastate lives and undermine international stability. Deep geopolitical divisions will exist. Financial constraints, the climate emergency and declining trust will test our organization's capacity to respond. Excellencies, the choice before us is about more than selecting an individual. It is about the future direction of this organization. That is why Antigua and Barbuda has nominated María Fernanda Espinosa to serve as the next Secretary general. We believe that she is the right leader for this moment. After more than 80 years, no woman has ever served as Secretary general. The time is now. Our case for Miss Espinosa rests not on gender. It rests on competence, experience, independence and leadership. At a time of fragmentation, the United Nations needs a credible bridge builder capable of restoring confidence in multilateralism. Antigua and Barbuda believes that María Fernanda Espinosa demonstrated that when she was a leader here of the General Assembly. We believe that she can provide the leadership we need now. Mr. president, multilateralism is under profound strain. Economic uncertainties continue to grow. Technology is racing ahead of governance. Artificial intelligence offers extraordinary possibilities, but it also raises profound concerns about who will control its development and share in its benefit. Small island developing states must not be left out as spectators, nor can we accept an international system in which rules are binding upon the weak but negotiable for the powerful. International law must apply equally. Sovereignty cannot depend upon power, nor justice upon one's friends. Antigua and Barbuda commands neither a great army nor large markets. International law, cooperation and multilateralism are fundamental to our security and stability. For us, the United Nations is not optional. It is essential to our survival. We support a more efficient, coherent and accountable United Nations. But efficiency cannot become another word for retreat. The UN reform process must be judged by whether this organization serves people better. For SIDs, that means protecting the development pillar, advancing implementation of the Antigua and Barbuda agenda for SIDs, ABAS, and bringing effective support closer to those who need it most. Mr. president, trade disputes, tariffs and economic fragmentation raises the cost of food, transport and the development. Too often, small island states pay the price for disputes we did not create. We call upon the major economies to choose dialogue and cooperation.
But this ambition does not apply only to the fate of our nation. It will also determine the way in which we view the world. The world which today stands at a crossroads. We are seeing wars dragging on terrorist threats, making inroads, persistent geopolitical tensions, worsening inequality, debt levels which are reducing the room for manoeuvre available to many states, as well as climate upheaval, which is hitting the most vulnerable the hardest. At the same time, we're witnessing technological transformation on a vast scale. It's accelerating. AI is already transforming knowledge work, our economies, education and information. Never has humanity had so many different means to shape its fate.
This inherent flaw in the U.N. charter granted the great powers the luxury of being insensible. To this original sin a profound leadership crisis is now added. The year of 2025 recorded the highest number of armed conflicts since the World War Two. Trillions of dollars are funding a new arms race. Geopolitical tensions threaten to transform regional conflicts into a conflagration of global proportions. Those at the helm of crucial decisions must act with responsibility and with a sense of urgency. The leaders of the countries members of the Security Council must meet. I'm no stranger to the realities of power. But concessions to the law of the stronger have surpassed all limits. This is not idealism, but pure realism. War is not the continuation of politics by other means. It's the complete breakdown of politics.
Africa must be listened to more. It must be better represented and more closely involved in the decisions that shape the future of our planet. This is what must build trust between Africa and other continents, as well as with international institutions. We no longer wish to see the Human Rights Council become a forum for oppressing countries that are deliberately singled out because they defend and fight for the interests of their peoples. We want to see this council working for justice and equity for all states, without distinction. International human rights law must apply without exception to all states of the world, both in its corrective function as well as in its regulatory function. The Human Rights Council cannot be instrumentalized by other countries to the detriment of others, given that all member states of the United Nations enjoy a status of sovereign equality. Burundi wishes to reiterate, once again, its opposition to the imposition of a special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Burundi, who was appointed without any prior dialogue or consultation. Burundi is a responsible country that respects human rights. It has fought impunity for decades. It upholds the rights and freedoms of all and ensures security as well as the guarantee that crimes it has experienced in the past will not be repeated. Mr. President, Africa intends to be a full-fledged actor and not a mere observer called upon to applaud decisions in whose preparation it played no part. Africa is not seeking any privileges. It is demanding justice, equity, and representation. We, therefore, strongly reaffirm the need for reform of the United Nations Security Council in order to allow for permanent African representation and more equitable participation by the continent in the international community's decision-making mechanisms. In this regard, Burundi believes that discussions on reform must also address the financial viability of the United Nations system by strengthening the predictability, transparency, and sustainability of its financing. It would not be coherent to entrust the organization with ever greater responsibilities without guaranteeing it the resources necessary for their implementation. We, therefore, call on member states, particularly the wealthiest, to demonstrate responsibility and solidarity in order to preserve the organization's financial stability. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, as part of this process of reform, strengthening, and consolidation of our organization, Burundi also wishes to contribute to the debate on the selection process for the next Secretary-General of the United Nations. In the current international context, marked by deep geopolitical divisions and growing challenges to multilateralism, this process must be conducted in a spirit of transparency, openness, and collective responsibility. Burundi believes that this process must be based above all on qualifications, experience, integrity, independence of judgment, diplomatic skill, and the ability to bring together the positions of all member states. We need a true bridge-builder, a leader capable of engaging in dialogue with all parties, of bringing positions closer together even when divergences appear unsurmountable, but also of showing firmness, courage, and independence when it comes to defending the principles of the United Nations Charter and ensuring that the collective interest prevails. Mr. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, peace remains the primary condition for development. The African Union is deeply concerned by the persistence of conflicts and crises that continue to cause massive population displacement, destroy infrastructure, and deprive millions of children of their right to education and to a better future.
While we discuss how to modernize institutions created in 1945, we're seeing the emergence of the most powerful technology that humankind has ever known, and no one's governing it. Artificial intelligence is not only a technical matter that we can delegate to experts, it is an ethical challenge, and it's a geopolitical issue. We reject the false dilemma between innovation and responsibility. We don't believe that going quicker is always better, and neither are we going to turn our back on opportunities as a result of fear. For our country, AI can amount to and mean growth of between 10% and 20%. As such, we are choosing the path that we call one of responsible pace. That means making progress as quickly as our ability to administer progress allows. We have regulations that make things possible that do not hamper progress. We have investment in talent and in energy, and we have rigorous assessments of everything that's happening. We want to lead from a position of knowledge and not fear. And I say this in this room for one reason. The United Nations must be able to bring humankind together to discuss a technology that will decide the fate of this century. Nothing can simply be resolved by an algorithm. Mr. president, allow me to go back to the beginning. The president that I talked about, that spoke here 74 years ago, spoke on behalf of his people and discarded ideological differences.
Climate action must go hand in hand with development, poverty reduction and job creation. Adaptation, water security and food security must receive the priority they deserve, especially in Africa and the countries most vulnerable to the impacts of climate change. Drawing on Egypt's experience and hosting the climate conference in Sharm el-Sheikh and the decision it adopted, we can affirm that the gap no longer lies in diagnosing the problem, but in implementation, especially in translating commitments into financing flows, projects and technologies that reach the countries and communities most in need. In a world where geopolitical and technological transformations are accelerating, this must not lead us into more dangerous arms races.
The president of the United Nations General Assembly. Your Excellency, doctor Khalilur Rahman, the Secretary General, Mr. Antonio Guterres, fellow heads of State and government. Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Ni sa bula vinaka. And a very good afternoon to you all. I bring warm greetings from the people of Fiji and from the Blue Pacific continent. Mr. president, although he is not here, I congratulate you on assuming the presidency of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly. Fiji assures you of our full support as you guide this Assembly through a period of profound uncertainty and transformation. Our Prime Minister, the Honourable Sitiveni Rabuka, joins me in wishing you and all Member states a peaceful, productive and a very successful session. On the same note, I acknowledge your predecessor, Her Excellency Annalena Baerbock, for her stewardship of the 80th session. I pay tribute also to the Secretary General, Antonio Guterres, who addresses the general debate for the last time in that office. Through a decade of turbulence, he has defended the multilateralism and stood with small island developing states, and Fiji thanks him dearly. Mr. president, the theme of this session is restoring trust and Managing Transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all, and it speaks directly to the condition of our world. We face deepening geopolitical rivalry, armed conflict and climate and environmental crisis.
It is Arab in its identity and language, African in its geography, destiny, and belonging, Mediterranean in an intrinsic part of its culture, interests, and partnerships, and Islamic in its civilizational values, which incline toward peace, security, and building bridges with its neighbors. The multiplicity of these circles is not a contradiction but a source of strength, responsibility, and opportunity. From this geopolitical vantage point in particular, we have learned a harsh lesson in recent years. When the state weakens, the vacuum does not remain empty; competing interests fill it, armed groups become active within it, criminal and smuggling networks spread, illicit funds seep in, and institutions themselves become arenas of struggle for influence. At that point, the state does not merely lose part of its security. Its national decision-making begins to lose its independence. This brings us to the essence of what sovereignty means to us. Sovereignty is not merely a flag raised or borders drawn on maps, nor is it slogans repeated while judicial and oversight institutions fail to exercise their roles independently and responsibly. Sovereignty means that national decision-making is free. It also means that our cooperation and integration with United Nations bodies are based on transparency, seriousness, and impartiality, free from selectivity and double standards. Sovereignty means protecting the rights and dignity of the Libyan people from violations, whoever the perpetrator, and ensuring that no one is above the law and no one escapes accountability. Sovereignty means that state institutions are stronger than individuals and groups, and that weapons are subject to the law. It also means that the country's wealth remains the property of the people, not spoils to be divided among parties, networks of interest, or dubious partnerships that exercise some sort of custodianship over the state. Sovereignty means preventing corrupt money from buying influence. It means preventing influence from becoming an immunity that shields corrupt money. If that cycle becomes entrenched, it weakens the state from within and threatens the survival of its institutions.
In Montenegro we have an old and simple saying:" A person's word carries weight." This implies that a promise creates responsibility, and what is true between people should also be true between nations. In the opening words of the UN Charter, the nations of the world made perhaps the most important promise of all: to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. And eight decades later, as conflicts take lives and displace millions, geopolitical rivalries place the international system under growing pressure, and new challenges test our collective capacity to respond. So how well have we kept our pledge?
We also recognize the work carried out by your predecessor, Her Excellency Annalena Baerbock, in the service of this organization, whose contribution we greatly value. Mr. President, the topic chosen for this session—"Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: A United Nation That Benefits All"— invites us to return to the opening words of the United Nations Charter: simple words, yet perhaps amongst the most powerful ever inscribed in an international treaty. We, the people, together, as the most comprehensive expression of our collective responsibility toward humanity. Eighty-one years ago, in the face of devastation caused by war, humanity chose cooperation over confrontation; the law over force and hope over fear. That promise has shaped generations; it has protected millions of lives in the whole world, and it gave voice to those that, during many times, remained on the margin of international decisions. Today, however, the promise that we face is one of the toughest tests, as we live in a world marked by protracted wars, growing geopolitical rivalities, persistent humanitarian crises, severe weather events, and other highly complex challenges in the world. At the same time, Your Excellency, the digital revolution, the demographic changes, and the organization of the value chains are transforming our economies every day and society at an unprecedented pace. Never has the world been so interconnected and, at the same time, so fragmented like today. And it is precisely in this context that the theme of this session takes on important significance:" Restoring Trust" requires consistency between the principles we proclaim as leaders and the decisions we make. It requires the fair application of international law and concrete results that translate into improvement in the lives of the people in the whole world. In short," restoring trust" means renewing the promise made eighty-one years ago. I repeat: we, the people. Mr. President, Mozambique knows from its own experience the value of multilateralism and the value of the United Nations, this organization. This organization has stood by our people at decisive moments of its history, on the path to our national independence as a people, in the pursuit and building of peace in Mozambique, and in the national reconstruction, in the responding to natural disasters, and in the promotion of sustainable development. Today, in the process of the national dialogue, thank you so much, UN. The trust of Mozambique is a result of a living memory of the Mozambican people. It is in this spirit that Mozambique would like to commend the leadership of the Secretary-General, António Guterres, whose tenure coincided with a period marked by enormous global challenges, and in which the limits of multilateralism were put to the test. He leaves behind a robust organization that is prepared to better respond to the challenges of our time. His legacy is, in our point of view, unquestionably positive and marked by transformative achievements of this organization. Thus, the best tribute we can pay to his legacy is to continue the work of strengthening this organization, because no generation is going to inherit the United Nations as a finished legacy.
The next Secretary-General must work with member states to chart an ambitious vision for the next phase of reform, while ensuring implementation of the decisions already taken. At a time of multiple and overlapping crises and growing constraints, we need a United Nations that is focused on its core tasks disciplined and accountable, one where every dollar delivers maximum impact, one that measures success not by the number of mandates it creates or the meetings it holds, but by the difference it makes in people's lives. Meeting this challenge means exercising your powers to achieve the most impact from the resources available. It means demanding a culture of continuous improvement, one that focuses on effective implementation and results. It means setting the highest standards for performance within the Secretariat and holding staff accountable for delivering. In this regard, we ask you to demonstrate independence in your senior appointments. New Zealand has never accepted the right of any country to assert ownership of UN positions by virtue of power or status. We encourage Secretary-General candidates to commit publicly to making senior appointments on the basis of merit. Reform is a joint responsibility. We as Member States must avoid the trap of regarding reform as something that others will deliver for us, and instead live up to our own responsibilities in building the organisation we need. We cannot expect the UN to continue to lurch on in a state of constant financial crisis. Member states must meet their financial obligations in full on time and without conditions, in accordance with their obligations under the charter. We need to focus our attention on the issues that really matter, and that can genuinely deliver benefits for our citizens. Resolution 80/251 equips Member states to tackle the long standing challenge of mandate accumulation and overload. It commits us all to take a more disciplined approach to setting the organisation's priorities. It provides the framework we need to create a more focused, coherent and impactful UN. Yet its success will depend on whether we are willing to act differently. If we aren't prepared to make the necessary choices, we will be left with an ever growing set of responsibilities, supported by an ever shrinking pool of resources. That will do nothing to strengthen confidence in the UN's relevance and effectiveness. Reform begins with us. It requires member states to make the decisions that only member states can make. That is the only way we can truly achieve an organisation that is fit to meet the challenges that lie before us, and that our citizens need and expect. Fourth, and finally, we urge the next Secretary-General to ensure that the UN works for all states. The sovereign equality of states is one of the most central principles of the UN Charter. It must be central also to your approach. The fundamental premise of the United Nations is that every state, regardless of size or circumstance, has a stake in shaping our shared future. We also call on the president of the General Assembly to remain a steadfast champion of the voices, prerogatives, and interests of the entire UN membership across all pillars of its work. The next Secretary-General's leadership in these areas will be essential, but we must also find it in ourselves to demonstrate leadership. Ultimately, the health, relevance and effectiveness of the United Nations depends primarily on its members, not its Secretary-General. As member States, we must acknowledge our role in the financial and legitimacy crisis facing the UN. We must ask whether we have the collective will to change our behaviour. Do we have the discipline to focus our attention and resources on the issues that really matter to our citizens and deliver impact to their lives? Do we have the honesty to admit what is working and what is not? Do we have the will to invest in the multilateral system, both politically and financially, to enable it to deliver results where we can truly make a difference, coupled with the courage to make bold and consequent decisions on UN reform that can deliver a more effective organisation. Collective action has changed the course of global challenges before. These achievements were not inevitable. They were the result of political leadership, persistence and a willingness to work together despite differences, to build understanding and compromise. The most fundamental step we can all take to revive this organisation is to unequivocally recommit ourselves, both in words and deeds, to the principles that the charter requires us to follow in our relations with other states. Respect for sovereignty, international law, the pursuit of dialogue and cooperation, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. At a time when conflict is rising, trust is eroding and geopolitical competition is intensifying, we should not conclude that multilateralism has failed. We should conclude that it is needed more than ever. Thank you.
It is precisely at such times that we must honestly confront our setbacks, however profound, not with blame, cynicism or blind hope, but with action, sober reflection, clear-eyed realism and pragmatism. That is how we chart these turbulent waters. And that is how we rebuild trust in this institution, the central focus of this 81st session. (BRIEF PAUSE) So how do we build back trust? Trust is not given. It is earned. And we earn trust, I believe, in three ways. First, by being unapologetically realistic about where we are falling behind; Second, by taking a foundational look at the reforms of the Organization to deliver better; and Third, by making our work more inclusive and engaging all relevant stakeholders for effective delivery. Let me elaborate. (BRIEF PAUSE) On my first point, we must be frank about where the challenges lie and what needs to be fixed, even when the necessary changes may prove painful. Consider peace and security. Under the UN Charter, the Security Council bears primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. Yet when the Council is unable to act, Member States turn to the General Assembly. We saw this as early as 1950 with the “Uniting for Peace” resolution, and we have seen it more recently through the Assembly’s Veto Initiative. These two principal organs of our Organization are complementary, not competing. The Charter provides for an appropriate balance between them. Both chambers must do their respective part. To be fair, the Security Council, when it acts, proves its strength and effectiveness. It helped liberate Kuwait, ended civil war in El Salvador, supported Namibia’s independence, led rebuilding of Cambodia, and stabilized conflict-affected countries through peacekeeping. Yet when the Council is unable to act on important matters, the effectiveness of our Organization as a whole is called into question. In 1945, humanity placed its trust in the Council in good faith, giving it the extraordinary responsibility of maintaining international peace. The Council accepted that responsibility and entered into a compact. It must now hold up its end of the bargain. This is what the people of the world expect. And in their eyes, when the Security Council works, the United Nations works. The promise of 1945 still binds us today. I call on the Security Council to step up, to lead as we need it to lead and to act when we need it to act. Linked to this is the question of Security Council reform. I will support the General Assembly-led Intergovernmental Negotiations in its work to make the Council more representative, transparent and reflective of the geopolitical realities of our time. Ensuring fair representation for underrepresented regions must remain a priority. Nowhere is this more important, right now, than in Africa. After eight decades, the largest region by number of Member States and a key focus of UN Peacekeeping, is underrepresented on the Security Council. Africa needs to be at the table, not on the menu. Africa cannot be asked to wait indefinitely for its rightful place on the Council. Ending Africa’s underrepresentation, now, is a question of fairness, justice and, ultimately, the credibility of this Organization. (BRIEF PAUSE) Turning to development, and particularly the Sustainable Development Goals, we are right to focus on the challenges.
Together, we are formidable. The Caribbean Declaration as a zone of peace must retain its force as geopolitical competition moves closer to our shores. Our response must remain anchored in sovereignty, territorial integrity, international law, peaceful settlement of disputes, and diplomacy. CARICOM supports the International Court of Justice as the lawful path for resolving the Guyana-Venezuela dispute and the judicial process concerning Belize and Guatemala. We defend international law because, for small states especially, the alternative is a world where power becomes the rule. Across Gaza, Ukraine, Sudan, Yemen, Chad, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, civilians continue to bear an unconscionable burden. Saint Kitts and Nevis affirms one standard: international law applied consistently, not selectively, and conscience applied evenly, not conveniently. There can be no hierarchy of human suffering.
These restrictions continue to inflict hardship on the Cuban people, contravene the human rights commitment of the UN, and run counter to the cooperative spirit of the 2030 agenda for Sustainable Development. The continuation of those economic sanctions deprive Cuba of essential development, partnership and support needed for recovery and future progress, and we call for the lifting of those sanctions. Tuvalu also support the call for necessary reform of the UN Security Council to ensure that it is more representative, inclusive, transparent and accountable and better aligned with the reality of the 21st geopolitical landscape. Mr. president, to conclude, I wish to assure this Assembly that Tuvalu stands in solidarity with the rest of the Member States to play its part in restoring trust and managing transformation to ensure the United Nations delivers for all.
We want it to be a country that they want to return to, and not just one they want to flee from. I wish to say to all the Venezuelans who suffered the material and human losses of the earthquake, if they're wondering if it's worth carrying on, I say, yes, it is. The strength of a people is not measured in easy times, but rather at times like these. We've lived many a catastrophe as a nation, but we have always emerged more united than we were before it was unleashed. To the Venezuelan people, I say the following: I do not promise you an easy way forward. The country's recovery will take time. Rebuilding our national soul will be our priority. Let us walk united as one nation that decided, in the wake of pain, to choose hope. May this political and geopolitical juncture go down in history as the time at which we decided to get back on our feet together, to rise up, and to allow Venezuela's rebirth. On the 16th of December, we will mark 200 years since the anguished appeal of the father of our freedom, Simón Bolívar. He spoke to them to save them from dissolution, division, and civil war. He said, "Venezuelans, you will be consulted so that you can say when, where, and according to which terms you wish to convene the great national convention. There our people will exercise fully their power. There we will establish our fundamental laws. Only a man can know his worth and be the master of his own fate. An all-powerful individual, a party or a faction, cannot be that figure. Only a people is sovereign. No all-powerful individual, no party, no faction must prevail. We will all work together. We must pool our strengths to ensure the rebirth of our homeland, the homeland that our daughters and our sons deserve. May God bless Venezuela. The union of our people must be the flag that we hold high. We will rebuild a Venezuela that is dignified and which can forge ahead along its own path. Thank you.
Argentina's position is clear. Today I have come to tell you that Argentina is not going to sit around waiting for the UN and the international community to live up to their own mandate. We're going to take matters into our own hands. For far too long, Argentina managed its own decline. We managed poverty. We managed isolation. We managed irrelevance. We grew accustomed to debating how to divide up what remained, rather than asking ourselves how we could grow again, how we could rebuild what we had lost. That's over. We've already lost too much. We do not want to lose it again. That's why we've embraced free enterprise capitalism. We're opening our economy up to trade and investment. We're advancing in the development of our strategic resources. We've embraced the technological revolution, and we are rebuilding our military capabilities after decades of neglect. We've also made a geopolitical choice. We have unequivocally aligned ourselves with the West, with the United States, and with Israel, countries with which we share a deep affinity of values and strategic complementarity. That is why we condemn the attacks by the Iranian regime against the State of Israel. We have designated the Iranian Revolutionary Guard as a terrorist organization and continue to seek justice for the two terrorist attacks perpetrated on Argentine soil in 1992 and 1994. We have decided to cooperate with the world, but to do so standing tall, in the understanding that only a nation that is politically relevant, economically influential, and militarily respected can truly be a master of its own destiny.
We wish them well as they complete their tenure at the end of this year. Mr. president, few institutions embody the principle of sovereign equality as visibly as this assembly. Within these walls, differences in power, wealth and influence may shape the realities our nations confront, but they do not confer a greater claim to membership or participation. And perhaps more than anywhere else, this assembly reminds us of a simple truth: Our differences are real but so is our interdependence. This is why this organization was created with the understanding that disputes must be resolved through dialogue, human dignity must be protected, and that nations must work together if development, peace and human rights are to be sustained. In other words, that our common future requires common institutions. Eight decades later, we must ask ourselves whether we have remained faithful to that insight. And perhaps more importantly, do we still trust one another enough to act on it? Because today, Mr. President, trust is being tested. Geopolitical divisions are widening. Wars have become more protracted, with devastating humanitarian consequences. Respect for the United Nations Charter and international law is under visible strain, with developing countries facing intensifying debt burden, climate vulnerabilities, huge gaps between commitments made and implementation, and feeling of marginalization and inadequate representation in the global system. Therefore, the task before us is building stronger, better equipped, representative responsive and effective multilateral system and global financial architecture that delivers for all nations and regions. Mr. president, The Gambia's own experience within this organization gives us grounds for optimism. We have seen within this very institution that multilateralism can still deliver. During the 80th session of the General Assembly The Gambia had the honor of chairing the second Committee at a time of profound disagreement over some of the most consequential economic and development issues before us. That experience reminded us that multilateralism does not require unanimity on every issue. It requires the willingness to remain at the table to listen, negotiate, and courage to make compromises. Our experience demonstrates that in this period of deep disagreement, progress remains possible when member states approach negotiations with political will, mutual respect, and a sense of responsibility.
Mongolia welcomes the convening of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly under the theme Restoring Trust Managing Transformation a United Nations that Delivers for all, reaffirming its belief in the central role of the United Nations in fostering mutual trust, mutual respect and cooperation among the nations and peoples of the world. Mongols say if you do your best, fate will do the rest. The United Nations is an organization based on the trust and commitment of each member state, and the UN is strengthened by their dedication and sustained efforts. Therefore, it is incumbent upon us, Member States to uphold the mission of the United Nations with a sincere heart. Rather than simply expecting support and assistance, we must remain deeply conscious of our own responsibilities and duties and dedicate our wholehearted efforts to strengthening the United Nations. It is through trust and hope, dedication and commitment and engagement and participation of every Member State that we can strengthen the United Nations. A stronger United Nations, in turn, will deliver more efficiently towards global peace, security and sustainable development, thereby creating conditions for all Member States to benefit. As the conflicts and confrontations flash across the world, the walls of distrust rise higher and the chasm of misunderstanding grows deeper, it is becoming crucial to shape and develop international relations, not through a form of multipolarity that risks driving the world toward division, but through a multi-pillared principle that respects the pluralism inherent in each nation's history, culture, civilization, core national interests and chosen path of development. Eight centuries ago, our ancestors established the great Pax Mongolica, promoting, for the first time the idea to the world that nations could mutually recognize one another's values, and that peoples of diverse civilizations and faiths could coexist. This historic contribution of the Mongols to the advancement of humankind continues to be recognized by the international community. Let us strengthen multilateral cooperation through the multi-pillar principle, inspired by the ideas of Pax Mongolica, so that we may restore our trust and hope through shared responsibility, reform the United Nations with a common purpose and build a better, more peaceful world through the strength of our collective action. Mr. President, despite the remarkable heights of development and progress humanity has reached, our planet is currently confronted with more than 90 armed conflicts, around 30 of which are international, demonstrating that global peace and security remain unstable and that geopolitical and geostrategic competition continues to intensify. This results in the disruption of global economic supply chains, a rise in the prices of energy, fuel, raw materials and food, as well as economic strains on nations around the world. All of this is weakening the international order established since the Second World War, changing the universally recognized norms of international law and undermining the stability of multilateral relations and cooperation. Mongolia shares the view expressed by United Nations Secretary General Antonio Guterres in his annual report on the work of the organisation that in a world marked by turbulence, division and uncertainty, the United Nations is more necessary than ever. Hence, Mongolia underscores the tangible progress made under Secretary General's UN80 initiative to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of the United Nations in response to the challenges of our time and reaffirms its active support for this initiative. The effectiveness of the United Nations, the decisiveness of its actions, and the ability of nations to unite their efforts will ultimately depend upon us, the Member States. Mongolia is confident that the soon to be appointed Secretary General will steadfastly uphold the principles and purposes of the United Nations and international law, ensure that the voices and positions of all Member States are equally heard and reflected, and provide strong leadership in restoring trust and managing transformation within the UN. Believing that reform of the Security Council should be at the core of broader United Nations reform, Mongolia maintains its principled position in support of expanding the number of both permanent and non-permanent members of the Security Council ensuring equitable representation of developing countries in the Council, and promoting greater openness and transparency in its work. Mongolia is one of the 58 countries that have never served as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. Therefore, Mongolia aspires to actively participate in the work of the Security Council and contribute to finding collective solutions to the problems and challenges facing the international community. In manifestation of this aspiration, I officially announce from this rostrum today that Mongolia is presenting its candidature for a non-permanent seat of the UN Security Council for the term 2048 2049. Mr. President, on behalf of the people of Mongolia, I extend my heartfelt gratitude to the United Nations and its system organizations for their valuable contributions to our country's development and progress and their long standing, constructive cooperation over the 65 years since Mongolia's accession to the United Nations as a full fledged member. Mongolia has been contributing with honor to the efforts on strengthening international peace and security, advancing social and economic development and protecting human rights, the core pillars of the United Nations.
Wars can disrupt food, fuel, energy, trade, supply chains far from the battlefield. Economic decisions made in the world's largest economy can reach an ordinary family in a small developing country. A mother buying food can feel the consequences. A farmer buying fuel can feel the consequences. Our small businesses facing higher transport costs can feel the consequences. And the developing countries trying to build roads, schools and hospitals can feel the consequences. This is why leadership in powerful nations carry responsibilities beyond your national borders. With great power comes great responsibility. Papua New Guinea respectfully asks leaders of the world's major powers to remember the ordinary people whose lives can be affected by decisions made far away from them. When wars disrupt food, fuel and trade, families far from the battlefield can experience higher prices and economic uncertainty. When climate changes, communities that have contributed little to global greenhouse gas emissions can nevertheless face rising seas, extreme weather, threats to food security, and damage to lives livelihoods. Mr. president, my appeal to leaders everywhere is really simple. Put human welfare ahead of war. Put humanity ahead of narrow geopolitical interests.
Poland has no colonial past. Our historical experience is different, marked by the struggle for our own freedom and resistance to domination imposed by force. In international relations, we advocate an approach based on mutual respect, sovereignty, and equality of states. Poland does not seek an advantage over others. On the contrary, it builds cooperation that strengthens all participants. In a world of growing geopolitical rivalry, we need more partnerships that create real value rather than deepening dependencies. That is why Poland consistently works toward a model of international cooperation that gives countries room to develop, strengthens their resilience, and allows them to make sovereign decisions. This approach is reflected both in our own regional policy and in our global engagement.
At this critical historical juncture for the United Nations, we look forward with great hope to the selection through the process of electing the new Secretary-General of the most capable and deserving individual to lead the organization with a bold, strategic vision, building upon the efforts of his predecessor and capable of providing practical solutions for the various regions whose peoples continue to suffer the consequences of crises, wars, instability and inequality. A vision that restores hope to future generations for a better future in which the conditions for a dignified life are available to all. Mr. president we meet during this 81st session under the theme Restoring Trust and Managing Transformation a United Nations that delivers for all. This prompts us to ask, how can we restore this trust? And before managing the desired transformation, how can we create the conditions and lay the foundations necessary for it? Our questions stem neither from doubt nor from pessimism, but from a firm conviction that restoring trust requires serious and responsible reflection on the reasons behind its decline. Tunisia's belief in multilateral action is not a product of current circumstances. Rather, it is the continuation of a journey that began before independence, when the national movement brought the cause of the Tunisian people before the United Nations and made the right to self-determination and the recovery of sovereignty, an integral part of the struggle for freedom. Following independence, Tunisia engaged fully within the United Nations to complete the foundations of its sovereignty and to build the modern state, and it succeeded in doing so. Restoring confidence in the organization and in multilateral action requires, in our view, two essential conditions a genuine commitment and a meaningful reform process. First, there must be a sincere determination and responsible commitment by all states to respect international law founded on agreement and the principle of sovereign equality among states, and to uphold the purposes and principles of the UN charter, particularly refraining from the use of force, the settlement of disputes by peaceful means and fulfilling international obligations in good faith. Second, the United Nations must embark on a comprehensive and profound reform process that responds to the transformations that have taken place in the world. This requires, in particular, reconsidering the mechanisms of decision making within the organization to ensure a more balanced and equitable geographical representation, and establishing more effective mechanisms for transparency and accountability, thus reinforcing the confidence of states and peoples in the organisation's ability to respond to the aspirations of all. Unless genuine progress is achieved on these two tracks, collective action will remain hostage to narrow geopolitical calculations, and the gap will continue to widen between the principles we agree upon and the realities we witness on the ground. We may choose either to continue meeting under the idealism of slogans, or to commit ourselves to what can truly achieve development, prosperity and peace for all. If we have the will, we have the capacity. Tunisia welcomes the efforts undertaken within the framework of the UN80 Initiative. We regard these efforts as a true opportunity on which we should build, rather than a final destination in the reform process. We support the three reform tracks proposed by the initiative, provided that they are pursued through an inclusive, consultative process that preserves the intergovernmental nature of the organization and does not undermine the negotiating mandates of member states. Tunisia also believes that addressing the liquidity crisis in the organization requires all states to meet their financial obligations in full. We stress that reform should not result in a reduction of support allocated to developing countries, or to humanitarian missions and development programmes supervised by the organization and specialized agencies. Tunisia, therefore, calls for a fair and balanced approach that safeguards both the effectiveness and credibility of the United Nations. Mr. president.
Humanity will have to address this question, no matter how devastating the consequences may be. My friends, this was true in 1961 and sadly remains manifest today. This is why Barbados throws its full support behind the establishment of the International Panel on Inequality that is being proposed. Growing inequality is at the centre of geopolitical discussions, tensions, distrust in institutions and indeed the increasing number of conflicts that we see. It is for this reason that we reject the notion that governments must refrain from policy interventions that are essential to creating a level and fair playing field for ordinary citizens. We know that it is the policy choices of government that has led to this injustice, and it is the policy choices of governments that must now remove it. For us, this is as important a battle as the climate crisis. Mr. President, that brings me to that crisis.
