The transcripts are AI-generated from the UN's English audio and can contain mistakes. We are checking them against the statements the missions publish; some errors are still expected.
I have come to speak about concrete problems and to suggest solutions. I have come to speak on behalf of a country that rose from the most devastating war in the Western Hemisphere, the War of the Triple Alliance, which brought mourning to no fewer than four sister nations. One of those, the country that I represent, is one of the fastest-growing countries in the world nowadays. Paraguay's contribution is not merely theoretical; it is based on experience. Facts have taught us that war is abhorrent, that peace is the only objective to pursue, and that we must stop watching from the sidelines, stop talking, and start acting. Paraguay comes before the community of nations with one non-negotiable conviction: the dignity of the human person must be at the heart of every decision. For this reason, we defend freedom, democracy, the sovereignty of states, respect for human rights, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. For this reason, we uphold human life from conception, and we recognize the family as the fundamental unit of our society.
And I would like to begin by talking not about the government, but rather the people, the Bolivian people, the homeland people that has gone through difficult times, a people that knows poverty, but also that knows the meaning of work, that knows division, but also knows how to recognize one another in unity. That has been through economic and political crises, social conflicts, and times of uncertainty, but which has never lost sight of something fundamental. And that is the hope of building a better life. I come from a country that today is facing a reality that we cannot hide. But first of all, allow me to say one thing. A part of those 20 years of the reality of a country that has been dragged along, is due to the consequences of a time of ideological construction on our continent. In the case of part of South America, where one leader came here and said, this smells of sulfur. It was part of a political and ideological line, which was being built upon by another leader who brought a coca leaf here. And he turned a traditional leaf into a historic leaf, a leaf that is part of our culture. He turned it into a betrayal. So that construction and development and the vision of the development of a nation would be betrayed. Today the Bolivian economy in 2026 had inflation of more than 20%. But it was a country that was an energy power in gas and hydrocarbons and mining. Nevertheless, we were reduced to a country that now has to be negotiating with multilateral institutions and with various different nations, and that is not right. They said that they were socialists. However, we carried out a campaign ten months ago, in the ten months since I've been president, with the concept of capitalism for all of resources financial capacities, being able to invest and develop. Socialism and ideology does not put food on the table. What does is employment and the development of our economies and our production. When I took on the challenge of government, there were $51 million in our reserves because the reserves of the central bank had been entirely liquidated. Now, ten months on, we have nearly 1.2 billion and we, by the end of the year, are heading towards nearly 4 billion. And in the following 18 months, nearly $10 billion. For many nations, that might not be much, but for Bolivia it is a record, a milestone, a challenge, and a process of construction to build, strengthen our democracy and to strengthen our productive model within the country. I say this clearly, being able to look at the reality in my country, which decided to engage in a change and a transformation and to not turn back to the past. We are indeed doing this. We are ordering our economy. We are putting our house in order. We are facing up to the shortage of fuel. We are rebuilding our reserves. We are reforming our institutions. We are trying to restore internal and external trust in the country. We are doing something that we thought was even more important. We are trying to restore that trust in Bolivians so that we can move forward, because a nation that does not rebuild its trust cannot move ahead with money alone, with clear rules, with labor, with institutions that work, education, security and justice.
Conflicts, geopolitical tensions, declining resources for development and the fragmentation of spaces for dialogue are testing the principles that have guided coexistence among nations. At the same time, democracy faces a twofold challenge the resurgence of authoritarian tendencies that seek to undermine the will of the people, and the spread of organised criminal networks that infiltrate institutions, corrupt justice systems, capture economies and territories, and erode public trust. Transnational organised crime is more than just a threat to public security. It is a direct threat to democracy the rule of law, and the ability of our peoples to freely determine their future.
Mr. President, excellencies, I agree that even as we demand the place at the table and call for a more equitable and just global order as African leaders, we must also do what is required to put our own houses in order. As the legal maxim goes, whoever comes into equity must come with clean hands. African leadership must be transparent and accountable. We must commit to the fight against corruption and ensure that every dollar of our people's money counts and is used efficiently in their interest. Ghana is arguably the most stable democracy in Africa. We believe in the rule of law and have respect for human rights, and we are determined to demonstrate that democracy works. While progress in a democracy may be slow because it must follow constitutional processes, it is more sustainable because it is built through popular participation and consensus building. As Ghana addresses these global imperatives, we are leading by example at home through our transformative Resetting Ghana agenda.
Read around it: ·
ZA
No. 5
South Africa09/24 · first at about 3 min6 mentions
Own country · at 2 min · 5 mentions in this passage
But it was not only the people of South Africa who were unchained when apartheid collapsed. The end of apartheid also marked the end of a system that exported violence and instability across southern Africa. Indeed, the fall of apartheid is a glorious story that attests to what multilateralism can deliver. Since democratic South Africa took its place in this assembly we have pursued a foreign policy anchored in ubuntu and international law, dialogue and multilateralism, and in the understanding that our fate is tied to the fortunes of our region and the continent as a whole. Millions more South Africans have access to education, electricity, water and sanitation, housing and social protection than they did at the dawn of our democracy or under apartheid. We have built a united nation of diverse people, steeled in their determination to never let history repeat itself. We have built a vibrant democracy capable of self-correcting and stepping back from the brink, a democracy strong enough to withstand and resist attempts at external supervision and tutelage. After the 2024 elections, political parties put national stability above narrow interests and formed a government of national unity within two weeks of the announcement of the results. Since the dawn of our democracy we have held no fewer than seven free and fair national elections. As we speak, South Africans are preparing once again to exercise their democratic right, this time in the local government elections on the 4th of November 2026. Again, the will of the people will prevail. The promise of democracy and international cooperation wanes when we cannot demonstrate that they can address inequality and insecurity. Compelled by our unenviable position as the world's most unequal society, South Africa made inequality a key focus of our G20 presidency in 2025.
Own country · at 1 min · 2 mentions in this passage
Let me begin by paying my deepest respect to all the martyred freedom fighters of Bangladesh. I respectfully remember the contributions of those who have made the ultimate sacrifice in the struggle to establish democracy, justice and people's rights in our country since independence. I also pay my sincere respect to all those who were martyred and injured in the mass uprising of courageous students and people in July August 2024 against fascism. After more than a decade and a half of movement and struggle against fascist rule and exploitation, and through the sacrifice of thousands of lives, Bangladesh is now free from fascism. In a free, fair and impartial national election held on 12th February this year, the people entrusted the Bangladesh Nationalist Party BNP with the responsibility of governing the country. I congratulate the democracy loving people of Bangladesh. We believe that the people are the source of all our political power. Standing on this world stage of the United Nations, I am somewhat nostalgic at this moment. It was from this very world stage that my father, Shaheed President Ziaur Rahman, the proclaimer of Bangladesh's independence and my mother, former Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia, addressed the world on behalf of the country and its people. Today, I too, stand here to speak for the interests of my country and its people, and in the hope of a peaceful world community. In this age of globalization, whatever happens in any part of the world has, to varying degrees, a negative impact on every country.
The algorithm did not develop hatred. It discovered how to activate ours. This is systematic fraud as a service. Election interference no longer requires one television station or one piece of propaganda repeated to an entire population. It can now operate at the resolution of each and every one voter. Two neighbors may stand in the same street, vote in the same election, and inhabit entirely different realities, each manufactured specifically for each of them. When that happens democracy does not merely lose a debate or just an election turn. It loses the common ground on which debate is possible, and it loses the turn to have it. Sovereignty no longer erodes only at the border. It erodes in the feed. In the 20th century, sovereignty meant control over land, territorial waters and national airspace. Today in Europe, we are running like crazy to add more and more and more from the money we don't have, to protect our land and to protect our skies for a potential future war. But somehow we are forgetting that in the century we are living, it must also mean the capacity of a free society to defend the conditions under which its citizens form their own judgement.
I come from a land in which history was carved into stone, and in which geographical challenges were transformed into opportunities for civilisations to meet. Centuries ago, the Incas built Qhapaq Ñan, a majestic network of roads that was built to meet the peoples, to bring together diverse realities and to ensure that no corner of the empire was left isolated and forgotten. This same spirit, this spirit that seeks to bring together, is the spirit that brings us here today. I am appearing at the General Assembly of the United Nations today for the first time. Only 57 days ago, I had the honour of assuming the presidency of the Republic of Peru. Mine is a proud and resilient people and we are a founding member state of this organization. Peru comes to this assembly reaffirming its ironclad commitment to the United Nations Charter and its fundamental principles peace and security, development and human rights, the three pillars of the United Nations. I come from a country which is all too well aware of the high price of peace. We conquered terrorism, but regrettably, today, still, after 34 years, those who took up that mantle continue to be judged and tried, despite the fact that they have demonstrated that due process was violated. Peru, as other Latin American countries, has seen agendas imposed upon us that have divided us as a society. Politics have been instrumentalized, democracy has been eroded, and the institution of the family has been weakened. An institution that is so crucial for the Peruvian people.
It recognized the trafficking of enslaved Africans as the gravest crime against humanity. It approves a more accurate representation of the world map. Now it needs to focus on issues crucial for the future of humanity. We are called to choose between multilateralism or unilateralism, democracy or extremism, sovereignty or subordination. These choices require courage, political will and clarity of objectives.
May you all enjoy great health. President of the General Assembly, Secretary-General, Your Excellencies, Heads of State and Government, distinguished delegates. Honduras is coming to this Assembly today with the title of a founding nation, one of the 50 countries who, 81 years ago, signed the agreement in San Francisco, California, that was the United Nations Charter, the charter that today governs our work. Nine months ago the country went to the polls: our democracy and freedom were in peril.
Procedural · at 1 min · 2 mentions in this passage
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary— Pleasure to do so here in the United States, a country with which Romania shares a long history of friendship, a nation toward which Romanians look with respect and gratitude, including for its essential contribution to the fall of the Iron Curtain and the opening of my country's path toward democracy and freedom. We are at the United Nations, and I will speak about relations between nations, but let me first draw your attention to a threat to our democracies that I do not believe is receiving the interest it deserves: manipulation via social media.
For over five decades, our people have dreamed of choosing their leaders through their vote. The last democratic election that took place in Somalia, held in 1969. Today, we are determined to change that history. Through constitutional reform, we are laying the foundations of universal suffrage accountable institutions and a multi-party political system that allows every Somali citizen have a voice. We engaged all Somali political leaders, federal member states, civil society, women groups and youth groups, and the diaspora to take part constructively in the hopeful political transformation. This is the first time that a real political reform is taking place in Somalia in the more than six decades that we were independent. Our aim is to become an effective democracy, where differences are resolved through dialogue, law and elections, not violence. We invite the United Nations and our international partners to support this transition by helping to strengthen democratic institutions, but always respecting our ownership of the Somali democracy. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, this new progressive chapter where political power is determined by citizens, guided by constitutional law and safeguarded by the rule of law. That is how we are building a durable Somali state. Ours is a democracy where every citizen has a voice, where every vote has a value, and where every government is accountable. That is our commitment to our people and to our world.
This stage must conclude to usher in a new political era based in truth, justice, and the ability to look forward together, and to find, in political dialogue underpinned by respect, a genuine forum within which we can settle the differences which we have as Venezuelans, seeking always, in so doing, to forge ahead for the well-being of the country. I am delighted to announce that Venezuela has begun a process of democratic transition to ensure its rebirth. This is an orderly, institutional, and verifiable process to build a country that is freer for all, more prosperous, and more at peace with itself. This is a process of political, economic, and spiritual change, and a time of structural reforms to ensure Venezuela's rebirth, the rebirth of our nation and our people. We are seeking here to build a country in which no one has to win by riding roughshod over someone else or ignoring them, because all of us, particularly young people that are entering political life for the first time, are Venezuela. We must aspire to a Venezuela whose political class is deeply committed to national interest, placing them above anything else. And this political class must not be held hostage by media algorithms. I know Venezuela intimately. I thank God for the opportunity he has provided me with to experience institutional forums which exist within various sectors of public life. I know where the doors are, doors that must open to usher in a wholesale transformation of Venezuela, and doors through which we must walk to establish new bases for an economy which serves development at a national level, and what we must do to ensure full justice for all, regardless of social or political class. And I know what we must do to develop a justice system and a system of social equality, as foreseen by the father of our liberation, Simón Bolívar, in Angostura. I want us to arise from the rubble and establish the foundations of a new, diverse, deeply spiritual nation, a new republic which is at peace from itself. However, the world is increasingly less integrated and more polarized. The world has taught us that some of the most solid democratic transitions of the modern world were not born from fracture or breakdowns, but from a transformation spearheaded with iron resolve by institutions themselves. This is our inspiration. We do not seek to reproduce a trajectory which belongs to another nation or the past, but we want to move forward on the basis of a universal idea: abiding by the law can serve as a path towards better, stronger law. A nation cannot only be reborn by rebuilding buildings; rather, it is reborn when it rebuilds trust in its institutions. Consequently, I wish to announce and reaffirm, in unambiguous terms, the pillars of this process. One, there will be an orderly legal transition and a transition of the judiciary. We have embarked upon an institutional review process to ensure the state can grow stronger and to provide legal security, which national and international investors require, but it is also required by our citizens. They must not feel trampled upon and dictated to by arbitrary powers. The judiciary must be at their service. We cannot postpone this process. There needs to be the responsible exercise of politics. Venezuela will guarantee that there can be real participation of all political forces in the country in political life. Democracy is not measured by the very existence of elections. Democracy is measured by the quality of the competition which occurs before the election. An election must serve as a solution, not a generator of irreconcilable conflicts. I wish to say the following loud and clear at this General Assembly: in Venezuela, there will be elections. And in that vein, we have begun a political dialogue with sectors of the opposition, which will lead to a process where everyone will compete on an equal footing. The Venezuelan people, with its age-old wisdom, will determine when the correct time for these elections is, and Venezuelan institutions will be prepared to guarantee this inclusive and transparent process takes place. Ours will be a country that is not submitted to economic restrictions of any kind, so that our right to development can be guaranteed.
Mr. president, the stakes are perhaps greatest in international peace and security, one of the foremost purposes for which this organization was created. If diplomacy can bring countries together to find common ground on difficult questions on global development, then surely we can summon the same political courage to prevent conflicts, resolve wars, and build lasting peace. The Gambia speaks on this not merely from principle, but from experience. In 2017, our country stood at a moment of acute constitutional uncertainty. The democratic choice of the Gambian people faced a grave challenge. At that critical moment, the preventive diplomacy of the United Nations working in partnership with African Union and ECOWAS, helped uphold the will of the Gambian people and support a peaceful democratic transition. We have not forgotten that solidarity. It taught us that preventive diplomacy is not an abstract concept. It is a practical instrument for preventing confrontation, creating space for dialogue and protecting institutions. Sometimes it can change the course of a nation. That experience also gives us an obligation. If the international community could stand with The Gambia at a moment of fragility, then countries facing similar moments should be able to count on the same solidarity. Across the world, however, conflicts continue to destroy lives, displaced populations and reverse decades of development. Civilians bear the greatest costs, while humanitarian workers operate under increasingly dangerous conditions, and the resources available to respond to crisis remain far below what is required. The protection of civilians, respect for international humanitarian law and humanitarian access are not political conveniences. They are legal obligations and expressions of a shared humanity. We need stronger early warning systems that enable us to act before crises escalate, timely mediation before positions become entrenched, and peace building that addresses the conditions that allow conflict to take root. The question before us must therefore not only be how to end the ongoing wars, but how to prevent the next war from beginning. Prevention should not have to wait for a crisis to become sufficiently destructive to attract international attention. It is infinitely less costly in human political and financial terms to prevent conflict than to manage its consequences after violence has begun. We therefore welcome the Secretary-General's continued good offices and preventive diplomacy and call for these efforts to be matched with predictable and sustained resources. Mr. president, peace must be built and nurtured through institutions that command public confidence, societies in which trust can be restored and justice pursued, and a future in which women and young people have a meaningful voice and economic opportunity is within reach. The Gambia has experienced the value of peace building firsthand. Since our democratic transition, the Peace Building Commission and the Secretary-General's Peace Building Fund have been steadfast partners in our nationally led efforts to strengthen institutions, advance transitional justice and consolidate peace. We therefore support a stronger and more responsive Peace Building Commission, adequately resourced to support countries emerging from conflict or navigating delicate political transitions. The implementation of the outcomes of the Peacebuilding Architecture review must translate into stronger prevention, greater national ownership and closer coordination across the United Nations system. We also reaffirm our support for United Nations peacekeeping operations, and pay tribute to the men and women who serve under the UN flag, including Gambian military and police personnel who have contributed with distinction, international peace and security. Their safety and security must remain a priority, alongside performance, accountability and strict adherence to international law. Partnerships between the United Nations and regional organisations, particularly the African Union, must also be deepened with sustained and predictable funding. Mr. president, the ongoing conflict in Sudan remains a matter of profound concern to The Gambia. Together with continued instability across part of the Sahel, it reminds us that peace cannot be separated from development and governance. The suffering of civilians in the affected conflict zones globally demands sustained international attention and renewed diplomatic efforts towards de-escalation, dialogue and a durable political settlement. In the Sahel and other conflict zones, our response must be comprehensive and holistic. Security measures are necessary but they must be accompanied by increased support for democratic governance, institution building, education job creation, development and climate resilience. Mr. president, for millions of people around the world, poverty, lack of human rights, democratic governance, etc. continue to pose greater insecurity.
Mr. president, the theme of this session Restoring Trust, managing transformation a united nation that delivers for all frames, in our view, a lingering crisis of legitimacy and relevance that demands urgent attention. Trust in multilateralism is broken and needs to be restored, not because the principles of the charter are no longer relevant, but because we have applied them inconsistently and selectively, fueling global fragmentation. Our answer to that maturity is a better, more multilateralism. 80 years ago, Liberia was among the only four nations to sign the charter establishing the United Nations, believing then, as we do now, that a peaceful world rests on international law, respect for human rights and dignity, a commitment to development. Having risen from the ashes of conflict to become resilient democracy, Liberia is living proof that dialogue can overcome division, that institutions can be built.
Excellencies ladies and gentlemen. This summer, the Republic of Moldova turned 35. For much of that time, the world described us as a country caught between East and West, a place where others decided. I stand here as the new Prime Minister of a country that has decided. Small countries do not choose their geography or their size. But small does not mean powerless. Nations like people, are shaped by the choices they make, whom they trust, whom they elect, whom they call friends, and how they respond when things turn against them. For a long time, others made many of those choices for us. Soviet authorities deported our families to Siberia, forced our Romanian language into another alphabet, and told us it had another name. After independence, Moscow used gas and trade restrictions as leverage over our country. Step by step, we began choosing for ourselves. Romanian is again written in Latin and spoken freely. Governments change peacefully at the ballot box and when our democracy was threatened, Moldovans have defended it through elections and civic action. We also reduced Russia's economic leverage on us. We diversified our gas purchases. In just five years, renewables grew from nothing to around 30% of our energy supply. Our electricity system is increasingly integrated with Romania and the European grid, and our companies sell on some of the most demanding markets in Europe and the world. But the Kremlin kept trying. Moldova faced illicit financing, disinformation, cyber attacks and vote buying. Russia spent the equivalent of nearly 2% of our GDP trying to influence last year's elections. Moldovans answered that their home is not for sale. Each of these choices carried a cost, but each taught us the same lesson. We cannot control everything around us, but what we do still matters. That is the source of our optimism. Our future remains in our hands, and nowhere is that choice clearer today than in our European path.
For Sao Tomé and Principe, this reality underscores the importance of an international order based on the charter of the United Nations International Law and the sovereign equality of states with principles applied universally and consistently. As a small island nation, we stand as a consolidated democracy and a state governed by the rule of law, grounded in peace, stability, and harmonious coexistence among our citizens. It is on the basis of this experience that we reaffirm our confidence in dialogue, diplomacy, cooperation and the peaceful settlement of disputes. Mr. President, for small island developing states, geographic, economic, financial and social vulnerabilities are compounded by the effects of climate change.
Article 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights affirms that the will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government, expressed through periodic and genuine elections. It is in this spirit that Zambia recently concluded its general elections, through which our people exercise their constitutional right to choose their leaders, and we thank the people of Zambia for their participation in the democratic process and for renewing their confidence in our leadership. We also express our sincere appreciation to the international election observation missions for their invaluable support and contribution to Zambia's democratic process. Zambia remains a peaceful, stable and sovereign nation and a peaceful atmosphere that characterized the country before, during and after the elections is a clear reflection of our people's enduring commitment to democracy, national unity and constitutional governance. It is against this backdrop that Zambia has put itself forward as a candidate for the 2027 to 2029 Human Rights Council, and we seek your support in that regard. Mr. president, despite the political differences that naturally accompany a democratic election, Zambia has demonstrated that such differences can and must be managed peacefully and through the established constitutional and legal institutions. Our democratic process should never be mistaken for conflict or instability. We therefore reaffirm our unwavering commitment to preserving Zambia's long standing tradition of peace. We will continue to ensure that political differences are addressed through due process of the law, and will take all necessary measures within the confines of the Constitution and our laws to prevent political disputes from degenerating into violence, armed mobilization, insurgency or the emergence of militia groups. In this regard, we extend a sincere invitation to cooperating partners, international development institutions, investors, the private sector and Zambia's friends around the world to continue working with us in advancing our Grow Zambia Agenda.
Italy knows where it stands. Our home is Europe. Our alliance is with the West, and our values are freedom, democracy, and the dignity of every human being. Yet belonging to the West does not mean retreating behind fortress walls. It requires us to draw on the strength of our values, to engage with others, build partnerships among equals, and mend the fabric of an international system that risks descending into chaos. The European Union, the G7, and the West, of which we are proud to be part, must not be perceived as walls. They must be bridges. This is the purpose of IMEC, the Economic Logistics Corridor designed to connect Europe with the broader Indo-Mediterranean region. The same principle guides our relationship with Africa, a strategic priority for Italy and a major partner for our century. The Mattei Plan now involves 18 countries and is built on a simple idea: not to decide for Africa, but to decide with Africa. It is not aid handed down from above, but a partnership among equals in agriculture, in energy, education, and training, infrastructure, and in the pharmaceutical sector. Producing vaccines in Africa saves lives, strengthens health systems, creates jobs, and supports growth capable of generating stability.
This is what peace will look like, the peace we want and that we must build. President. The security for which the international community must remain fully mobilized side by side with us, should also allow us to honor the second major commitment of the government, which I lead, and that is give the Haitian people a voice through elections. I belong to a generation that knew the dictatorship that placed so much hope in democracy after 1987, but too often saw these hopes collide with political instability and recurrent transitions. In order to break this cycle, I agreed to serve my country with the conviction that this transition needs to come to an end. It needs to come to an end through the ballot box and through the ballot. This is why we have committed to the electoral process with respect for the National Pact for Stability and the Organization of Elections, which is the fruit of a broad consensus among the political class today. The required resources have been mobilized, the enrollment centers are open, citizens are registering, political parties and groups have been accredited, and candidates are undertaking the formalities needed for them to participate in the elections. We want free, credible, inclusive and honest elections. The participation of women is encouraged and young people are called upon to take their full place in that election as voters, candidates and stakeholders for our democracy. Furthermore, measures have been taken to preserve the integrity of the process. Violence, criminal networks, illicit financing and those that are supporting them must find no path to access the ballot box. Because it's not just the next government that's at stake in these elections. It is the future of Haiti. And this future bears the face of our youth.
It was shaped by more than half of a century of struggle, sacrifices, displacement and unwavering desire for freedom and self-determination. Our late Dr. John Garang de Mabior summarised those aspirations of the struggle that when he spoke freedom, liberty, equality, justice, human rights and democracy. Those aspirations did not end with the independence. They remain part of the ongoing work of nation building.
And we will remain a strong advocate for human rights and democracy. We will support independent human rights mechanisms, peaceful assembly, and free and fair elections. And we will work to ensure that new technologies strengthen our societies rather than weaken them. Mr. President, this is also the moment to confront the extraordinary pace of advances in artificial intelligence.
It is the only realistic way to address the problems of today. Alone, no country can prevent the pandemic, stabilize the climate, secure resilient supply chains regulate artificial intelligence, ensure financial stability, or deliver sustainable development. Alone, no country, however powerful, can build lasting peace. And this is why our message is clear we need multilateralism, multilateralism that is strong, effective, representative and capable of delivering for people, multilateralism that protects human rights, strengthens democracy and advances gender equality.
Ladies and gentlemen, attacks on information integrity pose an especially troubling challenge to every society. Disinformation, foreign information manipulation and interference and the falsification of history, erode trust, restrict civic space and target journalists and human rights defenders. As a result, human rights, democracy and security suffer. This risk is further enhanced by the development of artificial intelligence. As we all know, AI has a huge potential for transformation, especially in the field of economy. Whole sectors, including those related to defence and security might get radically changed or destroyed almost overnight. As any instrument, AI is also increasingly used by those seeking to cause harm and destruction. My country, Lithuania strongly believes that the future of AI must not be determined by authoritarian control, technological coercion or the malicious use of data. We are therefore investing in trusted AI capabilities, promoting responsible AI deployment and advancing the Vilnius Convention, the world's first legally binding international treaty on artificial intelligence. By demonstrating how shared principles can be translated into concrete legal commitments, we hope to contribute significantly to the United Nations Global Dialogue on AI Governance. Lithuania invites the international community to unite in addressing significant legal, ethical and strategic challenges posed by artificial intelligence. With even major technology companies sending warning signals that control of AI might slip out of humanity's hands, the time is ripe for collective action. Together, we must ensure that AI serves human dignity, sustainable development, and international security rather than becoming a new instrument of inequality, manipulation or conflict. At any cost, human accountability, international law and the peace and security must be safeguarded. Ladies and gentlemen, the credibility of the United Nations depends on its ability to respond firmly to aggression, unlawful conquest, forced deportations and crimes against humanity, and also to coordinate the global response to the growth of AI.
193 states that have signed up to the UN charter that have signed up to one essential principle that relations between states are not governed by sheer power, but by rules. Today, this commitment is being tested by conflicts, by shifts in power, by new technologies. And our global institutions are struggling to keep pace. So let me ask you a simple question that I believe sits underneath everything we are discussing this week. Who decides? Who decides whether a border is a line to be respected or a target to be crossed? Who decides whether a human being or a machine pulls a trigger? Who decides who gets heard and who is left waiting outside the room? For more than 80 years, this organization has stood for one answer. Power must be bound by rules agreed together. That answer secured Austria's sovereignty and our prosperity. It still does. We are a nation of 9 million people, an open, liberal democracy, and we are proud of it. Alone we cannot. We cannot keep trade routes open, stabilize energy markets, or prevent wars. Like most countries in this hall, we depend on a world in which borders are respected, agreements are kept, and strength is bound by law. When that order weakens, the gravest price is paid by those least able to bear it, by countries already in crisis, by populations heavily dependent on food imports and by people caught in conflict.
It starts at home. And Indonesia has long understood this for decades. In the 1960s, Indonesia developed the concept of national resilience to safeguard our identity, to protect our sovereignty and unity, and to sustain our development in the face of challenges and obstacles. At the heart of our resilience are our people. A nation is resilient when families can provide for their households, when farmers can produce, when workers can find decent jobs, and when children can learn, grow and dream about their future. For Indonesia, this means building greater self-sufficiency in food and strengthening our energy security. Most importantly, it also means investing in the future of our people, ensuring our children receive quality education and ensuring our people have access to essential health care. At the same time, we are building an economy that can withstand shocks and create opportunities more jobs, stronger industries, and greater productive capacity. Central to our resilience is our ability to manage differences and preserve our unity. As a nation of more than 280 million people, Indonesia has learned that diversity is not something to overcome. It is something to manage, respect and turn into strength through democratic participation, dialogue, and respect for differences. We preserve our unity from Aceh to Papua, from Miangas to Rote. Indonesia is one people. Indonesia is one nation. We also continue to strengthen the promotion and protection of human rights through our national mechanisms and our commitment to international human rights obligations. This goes hand in hand with building our national resilience, because human rights are not only the absence of violence. They are also about ensuring that people have food, education and healthcare. To our neighbors, friends and partners, let there be no doubt Indonesia stands strong today, grounded firmly in democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. And when nations are resilient at home, they have greater capacity to contribute beyond their borders. A food secure Indonesia can contribute more to regional and global food security. A more energy resilient Indonesia can contribute more to the global energy transition. A stronger economy opens greater opportunities for cooperation and shared prosperity. This is how national resilience becomes collective resilience.
Mr. President, excellencies, I am appearing addressing this assembly representing the first female president of my country, doctor Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo whose government places people at the heart of the actions of the state and works on a daily basis to achieve freedom, democracy, social justice and substantive equality. Mexico conducts its public life according to a conviction that I'm bringing to you today, from this rostrum, to make shared prosperity a reality for all people. This conviction coincides with the commitments that we all made in the United Nations Charter, whose first article establishes as goals to maintain international peace and security, to engage in friendly relations between nations, and to cooperate to resolve economic, social and cultural problems and humanitarian problems. Promoting respect for human rights without any type of distinction. Mexico, a culture with more than 3000 years of history, is experiencing a profound transformation that is a continuation of the journey that, uh, was started with the independence movement, the reform, and then the revolution the three defining moments when my country expanded the rights of its people. My country today aspires to achieve a prosperous society with rights and a decent life for all. This is a transformation with clear goals to bring about shared well-being, to strengthen our competitivity, to develop our own capacities, and to determine our own destiny. It's for this reason that my country has come to share the experience of a nation that decided to show, through concrete actions, that it is possible to improve the quality of life of our people by expanding their rights and their capacity to exercise these rights. Please allow me to underscore some of the progress made. The first is the reduction of poverty. Between 2018 and 2024, more than 13 million people were lifted out of poverty in Mexico, the most significant reduction in the history of our country. It's also important to underscore that in 2025, we had the lowest in-work poverty rate in our history. This effort continues with a national social policy. In 2026, the well-being programs of our countries reached 42.8 million people. In addition to this, we have sustained investment in infrastructure, healthcare, trains, highways, schools and water infrastructure. Looking towards 2030, the investment in infrastructure for development with Well-Being plan plans to make investments in energy, transport, water, health, education and emerging technology. The second concrete action is security that the government of President Sheinbaum understands from a comprehensive perspective, addressing the causes that push youth towards crime and also zero impunity. And the results speak for themselves.
I wish I could stand here today simply to talk about development, democracy, peace, and the hopes of a young nation. Instead, I must speak about death and destruction of epic proportions, about families waiting for loved ones who will never come home, about communities searching through the mud, rocks, water for the people whose bodies may never be recovered, about bridges, about roads, schools, homes, livelihoods swept away in minutes, about a country whose steady progress to achieve Sustainable Development Goals has been interrupted. Four weeks ago, the world saw shocking images of catastrophic floods that swept away Nepal's mountain communities, with ferocity many have called" mountain tsunami" or "Himalayan tsunami." The Bhotekoshi-Trishuli disaster was not just a local tragedy; it was a warning to the world, and I ask you today, have you really heard that warning? Nearly three years ago, standing in the shadow of our Mount Everest, the Secretary-General of the United Nations warned humanity about the madness of an impending climate disaster. That cry from the rooftop of the world was not heard enough, loudly. We in Nepal heard it. Our communities heard it. Scientists around the world heard it. They repeated it with evidence. But we, the political leaders, have been negligent to translate those warnings into action at the speed and scale that the vulnerable people require. Last month, we saw the tragic consequences: a warming climate that is destabilizing the fragile Himalayan ecology, melting permafrost that is fracturing mountains, slopes beneath the glaciers, and accelerating the risk of ice rock avalanches, floods, landslides, and other cascading hazards. The resulting devastation unleashed havoc on both sides of Nepal-China border. The flood continued downstream to India. This tells us something fundamental: climate change does not recognize borders. Glaciers and floods do not travel with stamps on passports.
The Russia-Ukraine war is a painful reminder of the tragic human toll that occurs when diplomacy gives way to conflict, and how challenging it is to de-escalate tensions once violence erupts. The Strait of Hormuz situation demonstrates how quickly disruption in an important waterway threatens international stability, energy security, and trade worldwide. Reaffirming the primary responsibility of the UN Charter to maintain global peace and security, we uphold the sovereignty of Bahrain, Jordan, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE, and condemn the actions of Iran to jeopardize maritime security and aim to obstruct, close, and interfere with international navigation through the Strait. At our Pacific leaders' meeting in Palau, leaders expressed deep concern that China's ballistic missile test overflew several Pacific nations without adequate notice. Let me remind you: our region must never be treated as an empty expanse for strategic competition or test of military power. The Pacific is home to peoples, communities, cultures, fisheries, and ecosystems. It is the foundation of our security and the source of our nourishment and lifeline for the global community. In the face of these risks, the Pacific way is to address tensions before they become crisis, make room for dialogue before disagreement becomes conflict, seek inclusion rather than isolation, and uphold respect, restraint, and international law. The Pacific is our home, not a theater for geopolitical competition. It must remain an Ocean of Peace where nations meet in cooperation, international law is respected, and the security of the Pacific peoples is never compromised. In Palau, we say we are a friend to all. We choose our partners based on our shared values of democracy, human rights, and a rules-based international order, principles that underpin our friendship with Taiwan, a trusted partner that can contribute even more fully if given the space to do so.
It opens extraordinary opportunities for scientific progress, medicine, education, and the fight against climate change. Yet it also compels us to ask a question that no previous generation has had to face with such urgency: how can we ensure that technological progress remains human progress? This is the debate that truly lies before us. It is not a debate about machines; it is a debate about ourselves. We must ensure that artificial intelligence expands opportunities rather than inequalities, that it protects human rights rather than putting them at risk, that it strengthens our democracies rather than weakening them, and that it preserves the cultural and linguistic diversity that is one of humanity's most valuable heritages. For a country such as Andorra, this last aspect is particularly relevant. The digital revolution must not lead to cultural homogenization that condemns languages with fewer speakers to invisibility. That is why we advocate for a global digital governance that fully incorporates respect for multilingualism, cultural diversity, and equal access to knowledge.
Croatia brings the experience of a nation that within one generation endured aggression and occupation, defended its freedom, and rebuilt itself. It joined UN, NATO and the EU and developed a flourishing democracy and a growing economy. Our path and our transition were neither straight or easy, but we made it. Over the past decade as Prime Minister, I have seen Croatia translate those experiences into progress at home and more responsibility abroad. They have reinforced three convictions that speak directly to the theme of this session. First, rules are our common compass. Second, transformation help us build resilience. Third, trust is earned only through delivery.
Faced with this tragedy, the Holy See, while calling for strict observance of the international humanitarian law, highlights the urgent necessity to bring hostilities to an end and pave the way for diplomacy. The Holy See encourages every initiative aimed at achieving an immediate, complete and effective ceasefire. The Holy See reiterates its call for an end to the ongoing violence against the Palestinian civilian population in the West Bank, particularly the escalation of hostilities, home demolitions and movement restrictions driving the displacement of Palestinian communities. On the situation in Gaza, the Holy See remains concerned about the dire humanitarian crisis: the widespread destruction, mass displacement and the severe persisting shortages. In this regard, urges the international community to work towards advancing the two state solution with a view to bringing about a just and lasting peace. The Holy See welcomes the signing of the Trilateral Framework Agreement between the United States, Israel and Lebanon aimed at stabilizing the southern borders of the Republic of Lebanon and achieving a just and lasting peace. This agreement in itself represents a significant development. However, the Holy See expresses serious concern regarding the difficulties encountered in its implementation and call on the parties involved to respect fully and enforce the terms of the agreement through concrete actions. Respect for sovereignty and borders form the essential foundation for the implementation of the peace plan. Furthermore, the presence of Christians in Lebanon and throughout the Middle East must not only be safeguarded as the legitimate continuation of a historic presence, but must also be encouraged by international community, since Christians aspire to be an active force for peace, spirituality, and culture within the mosaic of people that make up the Levant, where the Christian faith originated. The Holy See is following with deep concern the situation in the Gulf region, where the conflict has gradually spread and the violence shows no signs of abating. In particular, the Holy See cannot remain silent about the dramatic impact that this conflict is having on vulnerable civilian populations who are being driven into hunger and forced displacement, and who are living in barely sustainable conditions. This conflict has also affected vital infrastructure, maritime transport routes and energy resources that are of strategic importance to the entire global economy, which has an impact on the livelihood of persons all around the world. The Holy See strongly reiterates its appeal for the parties involved to find the courage to engage in dialogue. Only a renewed commitment to negotiation, supported by the international community, can restore the prospect of stable peace and shared development to the Gulf region. The international community must not forget the tragic plight of the hundreds of thousands of Rohingya who, for more than nine years now suffer not only from the tragedy of statelessness, but also have been subjected to inhumane and deadly circumstances. These individuals are deprived of their inherent rights in flagrant disrespect, of their human dignity. Their suffering must end. The conditions must be created within their homeland to allow the safe, legal, voluntary and unhindered return. The Holy See renews its heartfelt appeal for an immediate end to the conflict in Sudan, a land that has for too long been ravaged by indiscriminate violence affecting the most defenseless, starting with children and women faced with an unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe. All parties are urged to initiate, without delay a sincere, constructive dialogue with the support of the international community to facilitate assistance to the population and ensure stability and peace. The Holy See appeals to all key figures in South Sudanese politics to prioritize the well-being of the nation over any partisan interests. Everyone, based on their own responsibility, is called upon to promote action and words that contribute to reconciliation, peace and harmony amongst all South Sudanese. The Holy See is following with deep concern the humanitarian crisis currently unfolding in certain areas of Somalia, where outbreaks of violence and extreme weather events are exacerbating the population's already precarious living conditions. The Holy See urges the international community to generously commit to meeting the immediate needs of the most at risk, especially women and children. The situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo is of concern to the Holy See, particularly the protracted crisis in the east of the country and the Ebola epidemic. The Holy See, while expressing full support for the peace processes in the country, encourages a national dialogue and calls for the urgent protection of health and humanitarian workers, unimpeded access to aid, and the strengthening of regional cooperation to address these challenges in an integrated manner. Particular importance must be attached to reconciliation among communities, as it is an indispensable condition for a truly lasting peace. Furthermore, the Holy See is preoccupied by the terrorist attacks, especially in North Kivu and Ituri, which repeatedly target the civilian population, including Christian communities involving killings, abduction and destruction of villages and church structures. The Holy See notes with concern the advance of jihadist groups from the Sahel towards the coastal countries of the Gulf of Guinea. The response cannot be exclusively military. It must include the prevention of radicalisation, the development of border areas, the education of young people, social cohesion and interreligious dialogue, fully valuing the role of religious communities in preventing extremism. The province of Cabo Delgado in Mozambique remains destabilised after almost nine years of armed conflict. The Holy See, while calling for the end of the conflict, remains concerned about the sporadic episodes of violence which prevent internally displaced persons from returning to their place of origins and force them to continue living in a situation of suffering, of food insecurity with no prospects of a better future. In Venezuela, the Holy See encourages every effort aimed at the full restoration of democratic order through peaceful, inclusive means that respect national sovereignty as well as the launch of a process of national reconciliation based on dialogue, the pursuit of the common good, and full respect for human rights and civil liberties. In this context, the sometimes difficult situation faced by detainees in Venezuela as well as the suffering endured by their families, continue to give rise to humanitarian concern and should not be overlooked. The same consideration applies to the pressing need for a swift recovery of the national economy, for the benefit of the entire population, the majority of which continues to endure extremely difficult living conditions. The Holy See continues to follow the situation in Haiti with great attention. The country is currently experiencing a period of serious political, institutional and social instability, as well as a dramatic humanitarian emergency. The Holy See encourages all to prioritise dialogue and the pursuit of the common good, and renews its appeal to the international community to accompany the country with determination and generosity on its arduous journey towards peace, democracy and a renewed confidence in the future. The Holy See is closely monitoring the situation between Cuba and the United States, and calls upon those responsible to foster a sincere and effective dialogue so as to avoid any action that might increase the suffering of the beloved Cuban people. The Holy See is following the situation in Nicaragua with particular concern, and reiterates its constant appeal to pursue a path of respectful and constructive dialogue with the country's authorities for the good of the people and the Church in the country. The Holy See encourages Azerbaijan and Armenia to consolidate the process of achieving a stable and lasting peace in the South Caucasus.
Too often these movements target groups whose rights supposedly matter less. Women, LGBTQI+ people, minorities, migrants, people who look different, love differently, or live differently. These are not abstract groups. They are our daughters. They are our sons, our friends, our neighbours, our colleagues. I am deeply concerned by the growing backlash against gender equality and LGBTQI+ rights, including within my own region, Europe. We hear that equality has gone too far, that diversity has gone too far, that some people demanding the freedom simply to be themselves somehow threaten the freedom of others. I reject that completely. Human rights are not a zero sum game. Giving a woman equal rights does not take away rights from a man. Allowing an LGBTQI+ person to live freely does not make anyone else less free. Quite the opposite. We should be very careful when governments begin telling us that some people's existence threatens society. History has taught us where that can lead. And let me be clear Iceland will not allow others to define our values or dictate the language we use to defend human rights. Free societies are strongest when people are allowed to be themselves, but freedom that belongs only to people who fit someone else's definition of normal is not freedom. A society that strips people of their dignity will eventually undermine its own democracy. And nowhere is the backlash more extreme than in Afghanistan, where women and girls have been systematically erased from public life. Girls are denied education. Women are denied basic freedoms. For me, this can only be described as gender apartheid. On the Human Rights Council, Iceland, we have sought to match words with deeds from Iran and Afghanistan to accountability for violations in Sudan. Throughout our council term, Iceland will emphasize gender equality, LGBTQI+ rights, the rights of children and young people, and the relationship between human rights and the environment. Human rights are not for some, as we know they are for all.
I had prepared a speech to present to you. Yesterday, the United States President described us as terrorists. We have been the victims of terrorism. I come from an Iran in which our esteemed Supreme Leader was assassinated without any legal framework or reason. I come from an Iran where, in truth, they bombed a school. You see these children? These children perished under bombs, with weapons used by the United States and Israel. They were innocent, had committed no crimes. Lamerd, one of the small cities in a province in Iran, a sports hall where children were busy playing. The United States, by using weapons with multiple warheads, targeted that sports hall. They martyred, assassinated, our scientists, our men, women, and children. Innocent children who, in truth, had committed no crimes, no sins. Those who are terrorists and train and protect terrorists describe us as such. We have only defended ourselves. We are not terrorists. Our innocent people have been the targets of cowardly attacks and aggressions imposed upon our country, and we defended ourselves with utmost strength. America and Israel attacked us, equipped with the latest technology and weapons systems, and our people stood steadfast. Yes, they did hit us, but we did not bend the knee. We did not bow our head. We responded, but we did not hit civilian populations. They came into surrounding territories and targeted our universities, our healthcare centers, our schools, our hospitals, our infrastructures—all of it against international law. When I took over the responsibilities as President, they assassinated Ismail Haniyeh in Iran. On the day of my inauguration, Israel targets any neighborhood, in any city, in any province, commits assassinations like a true terrorist. In Gaza, over 80,000 innocent civilians have been murdered, brutally murdered. Hundreds of thousands have been displaced. They are committing genocide by using the so-called technologies that they have at their disposal. Then they label others as terrorists. Are we the sources of instability? We only seek to live independently. We are the ones who cause instability. Those who are committing terrorism and committing crimes, are they the protectors of peace and stability? None of the international laws have been adhered to by them. This is what we're facing. We don't want anything. We have received our response. We need strength, because a people which is unable to defend itself will be trampled upon in today's world. We live in a world in which the powerful, instead of thinking about humanity, justice, fairness, and democracy, they seem to be the protectors and creators of instability and destruction. Whomever they wish to discredit, they label them as terrorists. Two hundred years—for the past two centuries— Iran has not attacked any country or any territory, but we've always defended ourselves steadfastly. But now we're being accused of being source of instability in the region? We're labeled terrorists? And this has made it so that the path that we have chosen for ourselves requires power to defend ourselves. We do not seek power in order to attack or commit aggression. We seek energy for progress, not to threaten societies with weapons. And we wish to cooperate and collaborate for security. The people of Iran, in the past 7 months, our people, have been in the streets every night demonstrating in support of their land, of their homeland, so as to not allow those who were equipped and trained and armed by Israel and America to cause disruption in the security of their country. For 7 months, day and night, they've been present in the streets. They are our source of power and our support. And that's why we stand fast. Iran must be powerful so as to avoid being threatened, to avoid its future being threatened. We do not wish to use our power for hegemony, and we do not seek our security in the insecurity of others. Vis-à-vis Iran's defense, our defensive systems have been built so that no one can think that bombing of Iranian cities will go unanswered.
That is why we believe that the war in Ukraine must end through dialogue and formal diplomacy. In the Middle East, we will also seek lasting peace that can pave the way for nations to live in harmony. At the regional level, we reiterate the request to strengthen participatory democracy throughout Latin America and the Caribbean, while also respecting free, open, transparent elections in all countries in our region. In terms of security, we will continue to work together with our allies to combat drug trafficking, which is a source of violence and social breakdown.
The crisis in Haiti is a human tragedy and challenges Caribbean stability and democracy. We call on the Security Council to renew the mandate of the Gang Suppression Force and international partners to provide the personnel, equipment and sustained finance needed to shape that mandate and make it effective.
We are one of the world's most successful multicultural democracies, proudly home to the oldest continuous civilisation on earth, our First Nations Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, and home also to people from more than 300 different ancestries, with more than half of our population either born overseas or having at least one parent born overseas. We are investing in the multilateral system by elevating Pacific voices in shaping global decision making. Working with them to advance their development needs and counter the transnational organised crime that is spreading across the beautiful Pacific Ocean that we share.
But my country believes that protecting human rights loses credibility when it becomes subjected to political calculation. I categorically reject human rights being used as a banner raised against some and lowered against others. Nor can human rights become an instrument rewarding friends, punishing adversaries, or, worse still, remaining silent in line with the political circumstances of the time. Our duty is to prevent politics from weakening the defense of human rights. If we want the system to be respected, it needs to be serious, consistent and equally demanding on all of us. My country is consistent, and therefore we want to ensure that we have a credible defense of human rights. And in this, just as in so many other areas, the United Nations still has some room for improvement in that connection. We trust in a democratic transition in Venezuela, a swift, safe, far reaching transition.
Our size does not diminish our voice. Our vulnerability does not diminish our agency, and our distance from the centers of power does not distance us from its consequences. Transformation will happen whether we manage it or not. Your Excellencies. And the real question is what kind of transformation we choose? Will it be governed by law or by power? And will this great assembly remain a place where we come to describe crisis or become an institution that solves them? Let this 81st session be remembered, and not for the depth of our concern, but for the courage of our decisions. Let us build a United Nations that is trusted because it is fair, relevant because it adapts and respected because it delivers. Let us build a Pacific that remains an ocean of peace, united in purpose, confident in its identity, and strong enough to shape its own future. And let us remember that the measure of what we do here will not be found in our speeches. It will be found in whether a coastal community can remain on the land of its ancestors, and whether a young person can trust democracy and find future at their home.
The possibilities before us are immense. We have the possibility of silencing the guns through dialogue and diplomacy. The world does not need more sophisticated instruments of destruction. It needs a more sophisticated capacity for peace. In this regard, I reiterate Guyana's call for a just and lasting solution to the crisis in the Middle East, one that brings an end to the suffering of innocent civilians and recognises the Palestinian people's legitimate right to self-determination and to secure a homeland of their own. Reiterate our support for a two state solution. We call as well for an end to the Russia-Ukraine war and the war in Sudan, and for peaceful resolution of all conflicts that continue to consume lives, uproot families and extinguish the hopes of millions in other parts of our world. We reiterate our call for a viable solution for Cuba, one that is peaceful, people centred, development focused and allows for a full aspiration of the Cuban people to be realized. Guyana reiterates CARICOM's offer to play a meaningful role in achieving this objective. In Haiti, resolving the multidimensional challenges remains central to achieving democracy, stability, peace and prosperity for the Haitian people. The sustained support of the international community through the provision of key financial and material resources, is critical to realising these objectives. Ultimately, the future of Haiti must be Haitian led and Haitian owned. Mr. president, turning to my own country, Guyana has always advanced the peaceful settlement of the controversy in relation to our border with Venezuela. Despite the historical truth clearly outlined in the Arbitral Award of 1899 that determined the full, perfect and final settlement of our border with Venezuela, we endured long and repeated provocations and aggression. The matter was referred to the International Court of Justice by the Secretary General, acting pursuant to the Geneva Agreement, and the court twice pronounced on its jurisdiction to hear the matter. Recourse to the ICJ came after decades of efforts to resolve the controversy bilaterally, including through a mixed commission and the good offices of the UN Secretary General. In full respect for international law, Guyana participated and encouraged Venezuela to participate in the proceedings of the ICJ. Now that we have both participated in the hearings, which were completed in May 2026, we urge Venezuela to abide by the forthcoming ruling in accordance with their obligations under the UN Charter, as Guyana will do. We look forward to a new era of neighborly relations in the interests of our peoples, the development of our countries and the stability and prosperity of our region.
Despite the extraordinary efforts of the Sudanese people, the cycle of violence has continued. The conflict has been inflamed and prolonged by harmful outside interference. All states and external actors must cease arming, financing and enabling the war in Sudan. 15 million Sudanese people are displaced from their homes. Over 19.5 million face crisis levels of hunger. 33 million need urgent humanitarian assistance. Violations of international law including targeting on the basis of ethnicity, deliberate destruction of the means of survival, killing, torture and sexual violence are again being used as weapons of war. We need to act decisively to support the people of Sudan to end this conflict. We must support their aspirations for democracy, justice and development. Sudan has become a forgotten war despite its devastating impacts. We must not allow the absence of daily headlines to become a license for inaction. The people of Sudan deserve the same attention, urgency and solidarity that we rightly extend to crises elsewhere. Mr. President, despite its prevalence, we cannot ever allow ourselves to become indifferent to conflict and human suffering it brings. To do so would deny the shared humanity of its victims. The peace plan on Gaza agreed last October was welcome, but it has not fundamentally changed the reality on the ground. Israeli strikes continue, humanitarian aid remains blocked. Civilians continue to suffer. We, the collective international community, have failed Palestine. Ireland, like most gathered here, believe that the only viable solution to the decades of conflict, misery and wasted human lives is a situation where a state of Palestine and a state of Israel live side by side in peace, security, and dignity. There are modest signs of progress. More countries have recognised the state of Palestine, and overwhelming majority of UN member states has endorsed the New York Declaration. More of us have taken steps to push back against the illegal and violent settler occupation of Palestinian land in the West Bank. But time is running out. What we are witnessing on the ground is a deliberate attempt by some to make the prospect of a two state solution impossible. This is not some mad conspiracy theory. It is the stated intent of the Prime Minister of Israel who said clearly that, and I quote, we are going to fulfil our promise that there will be no Palestinian state. This place belongs to us, end quote, as he permitted the E1 illegal development in East Jerusalem. And the situation in Gaza remains an affront to all that is decent. How can we tolerate a situation where civilians are so desperate for shelter that they have to make their homes in war damaged and unsafe buildings? Where eight children died because one of them collapsed? Where the most basic humanitarian aid, food and shelter is deliberately impeded? When the full truth of what has happened, what is still happening in Gaza is finally known, when the evidence is gathered, when the testimonies are heard, when the true horrors are finally and fully revealed, it will shame the world. Nobody will be able to say that we did not know. Let it not be said that we did not act. In the West Bank, the relentless expansion of settlements have reached a scale without precedent, further eroding the prospects for a just and lasting peace. Violent settlers continue to act with near-total impunity, while Palestinian communities face a sustained campaign of displacement and destruction amounting to ethnic cleansing. Entire villages have been razed, homes and vital infrastructure demolished, and thousands of Palestinian families driven from the places they have called home for generations and exposed to intimidation and violence. The United Nations reports that this year there have been almost 200 attacks against Palestinians every month, a stark reminder of a reality that is deepening conflict, suffering and despair. The International Court of Justice has been clear. Settlements in occupied Palestinian territory are illegal. Ireland has acted alongside others to prohibit the import of settlement goods. It is never too late to uphold international law. Mr. President, the conflict in the Gulf remains deeply concerning and is having a serious impact around the world. We need to get back to meaningful, good faith negotiations by all sides. Ireland has consistently stated that Iran must cease its attacks on its neighbours and also end its destabilizing activities across the region, including strikes on ships in the Strait of Hormuz. Vessels must be allowed to transit the strait safely and without tolls in line with international law. If we are to build greater stability, Iran must never have a nuclear weapon. Iran's destabilizing influence across the region must cease. We need dialogue to achieve a negotiated settlement. Mr. President, since 1978, Irish soldiers have served with distinction in Lebanon in the UNIFIL peacekeeping operation. Ireland will continue to work with Lebanon, European Union and international partners to support Lebanon's future peace and security. We have consistently condemned Hezbollah's attacks on Israel, which must cease immediately. Israel must withdraw its military presence from southern Lebanon and bring an end to its military operations there. Israel's response has been wholly disproportionate. We honor the courage, professionalism and dedication of all peacekeepers who have served under the United Nations. We remember with particular respect, those who lost their lives in the cause of peace. We welcome the Secretary-General's report on the Future of Peacekeeping, and Ireland will work with others to ensure that this essential capacity adapts to the 21st century. Ireland also welcomes wider reforms in efforts in the United Nations system. These are necessary if we are to meet the challenges of our rapidly changing world.
We have built our institutions, secured our place on the global stage, strengthened our economy, strengthened our democracy, and brought our country within reach of membership in the European Union. Our transformation is not complete, but its direction is very clear. And when the next generation of Montenegro stands in this hall 20 years from now, I hope they will be able to say that we used our moment well, that Montenegro completed successfully its European journey, that our region, the Balkans, left old divisions behind, and that we stood firmly in defense of the rules and principles that protect peace in the world. But above all, I hope they will be able to say something much simpler: that we gave them more opportunities than we had ourselves. Because that is ultimately the responsibility of leadership. Not simply to manage the present, but to expand the possibilities of the future. At the beginning of my address, I spoke about the meaning we attach to keeping one's word. And perhaps this is also what the United Nations needs most today. Not new promises for every new challenge, but a renewed confidence that the promises we have already made still carry weight. To uphold the UN Charter, to protect human dignity, to preserve peace, and to leave those who come after us with more possibilities than we inherited ourselves. Excellencies, Montenegro will continue to do its part at home, in our region, and here at this great organization of the United Nations. I thank you very much.
Mr. President, one of the key pillars of the decisive mandate given to us by the people of Sri Lanka was to build a transparent and ethical nation. In delivering on this mandate, we have placed good governance, anti-corruption and institutional transparency at the core of a comprehensive national integrity drive that is being vigorously pursued. We have seen all too clearly how corruption weakens democracy and destroys trust. We continue to enforce the law against corruption without fear or favour, irrespective of a person's background or social standing.
This transition should ultimately lead to free and fair elections, in which all Sudanese participate under international and regional observation, allowing our people to determine who governs them at the conclusion of the democratic transition. Sudan has joined the borrowers Platform in recognition of the importance of development financing. We are actively participating in its foundational work in preparation for its first session next October. This is undertaken in support of efforts to implement a roadmap for debt relief. Sudan also seeks to improve relations with international financial institutions, secure the lifting of its temporary suspension from the International Monetary Fund, and establish development partnerships that will enable it to manage the recovery stage. We wish to express our sincere gratitude to the Least Developed Countries Group for the confidence it has placed in us, and for electing us as vice chair of the group's International Coordinating Bureau by consensus. We shall work to advance its development interests and economic recovery and ensure a smooth and secure graduation from this category. In the same spirit, Sudan has been among the first countries to join the Global Alliance for South, South and Triangular Cooperation. This reflects our belief in the importance of strengthening solidarity, mutual benefit and horizontal partnership as an alternative to traditional vertical aid based relations. We hope that our membership will help leverage the considerable influence of this alliance in preparing the country for the post war period, including economic recovery and reconstruction. Mr. president, we reaffirm Sudan's openness to any sincere and constructive effort aimed at ending the war imposed on its people, thereby securing peace, preserving the unity, territorial integrity and political independence of the state and preventing the outbreak of another armed rebellion.
Mr. President, just as I have shown you how the UN failed to do what it was supposed to do, now I want to tell you how it has excelled at what no one asked it to do, and what it should never have been doing. Because alongside that failure, they have built a bureaucratic leviathan devoted to deciding how the peoples of the world and their citizens should live. This amounts to a curious mixture of anarchy and tyranny, impotence in the face of those who break the most basic rules, such as bloodthirsty dictatorships and terrorist organizations, coupled with Orwellian control and impositions on liberal democracies that abide by the rules. We saw this with the Millennium Agenda. We saw it with the 2030 Agenda, with economic regulation, gender agendas, environmental extremism, and unchecked immigration. And every time they failed, rather than reviewing the model or apologizing, they doubled down, as they are already doing with the 2045 Agenda, which, I say now, will fail. But perhaps the most serious example, the one that forever should shame this organization, is quite another. That is how they managed the pandemic.
And for everyone else everyone else who wants to defend truth and justice, join us in standing up to the barbarians who threaten our common civilization. But I have to be candid with you. Not everyone is standing up. We saw that because unlike Israel, there are some and most recently, especially in Western Europe, who have chosen not to stand up. The leaders of these countries have chosen to succumb to the anti-Semitic mobs. They have chosen weakness. They've chosen appeasement. We cannot evade the sad truth before us. Many in the free world are afraid to defend freedom. And I ask them, what will this future, what will this behavior, what will the world hold for you? The brotherhood of democracies or the Muslim Brotherhood? How long will it take for you to see that these fanatic jihadists are choking your waterways, your energy supply, your economic lifeline? I can assure you, ladies and gentlemen, we and Israel, we do not wait for others to wake up from their moral slumber. We forge ahead. We seize the future. We pioneer incredible developments in health, agriculture, artificial intelligence, superior intelligence. And we bring these amazing innovations to all of humanity. So Israel has never been stronger. We are not afraid. But I'll tell you who is afraid. The tyrants of Tehran, that's who.
Of machines, of the technology shaping all our lives. Yet the challenge of how we can manage to trust that technology and the organisations behind it is rapidly becoming the most pressing challenge of our age. The sheer spread and the sheer power, the sheer speed of artificial intelligence is mind blowing. It appears to be moving far too fast for anybody let alone governments, to manage to keep pace. It can seem, whether from the perspective of a leader, consumer or parent, to be overwhelming. There is no escaping that. This is the biggest change and the biggest challenge that any of us will experience in our lifetime. So much so that we barely have the words to describe how monumental a disruption it is proving to be. The usual phrases step change, paradigm shift just don't seem to capture the scale. And we should also be under no illusion that the currently existing rules, the traditional models of governance are in any way or manner up to grappling with the revolution that we are living through. Which is why, if we stand any chance of helping to build citizens trust in these advanced technologies, we need to begin by being honest and transparent that governments, just as individuals, we are still finding our way, that we don't have all the answers. What we do have, what we must have, is the will and determination to act and the right values to underpin those actions. And of course, it almost goes without saying that no state, however micro or mighty, has any chance of getting a grip if they try to go it alone. We only stand a chance as humanity on getting a grip on technology that seeks to ape our humanity if we collectively work together. Acknowledging that the rules need to be set globally and they need to be stuck to. Even as they develop, as the tech develops. If we are to stand any chance of securing public confidence that AI can enhance and not destroy humanity, we need a set of international rules that reflect international law. So Malta, my country, wholeheartedly supports the implementation of the global Digital Compact and wider UN efforts to strengthen international digital cooperation. To fragment is to fail, and that applies equally to fighting the new threats from the new frontline in global conflict and disruption. Cyber attacks, attacks on critical infrastructure, disinformation, the cutting of the underwater cables that connect us all to each other. These are not theoretical threats. They are constant and existential threats. For a small nation like Malta, a small island in the Mediterranean that relies on our connections to the rest of the world. They are, yes, existential threats. Tackling them must be a priority. The priority for this United Nations. We need to embrace every emerging technology that can help us fend off those threats and build our digital resilience today. The guardians of our democracy, of our freedoms are just as likely to be found coding at a keyboard as marching in uniform. Both must work in lockstep together. Security will always, of course be physical.
The United States are our strategic partner. Full membership in the European Union is our strategic commitment. These are not three separate policies. They are one geopolitical orientation, an orientation grounded in democracy, collective security, the rule of law and an open economy. In a time of uncertainty, our response is not strategic ambiguity. Our response is clarity. But clarity in our alliances does not mean turning away from the world. Quite the opposite.
In addition, for four and a half years now, I have been listening to lectures on how many in the West remain last beacon of democracy in the world, the protectors not of Ukraine's but of the rules and principles of international law. And when they raise their voices thinking that they are being highly moral and that their positions are the only right ones, we simply smile and ask ourselves: And how did you treat Kosovo and Metohija and the territorial integrity of Serbia, which is guaranteed by the UN Charter and the resolution of the UNSC 1244? To that, either there is no answer, or they supposedly give us some well-intentioned advice and tell us not to look to the past, but to the future. When we ask them, do you also say to Ukraine that the territories they are fighting for are not important?, we end the pointless conversation and move on to another subject. And I want to warn all of you, all of you here who belong to the Global South, pay the utmost attention while signing all the agreements with great powers. That is how we signed the famous Brussels Agreement in 2013, wishing to resolve problems between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo and Metohija by compromise. All the obligations that were to be met by Serbia have been met, and the only one that was to be met by Albanians, the one about the establishment of the community of Serb municipalities, has not been met to this day. It is interesting that the agreement was accepted not only in the presence of the EU, but it was also confirmed with the signature of the EU, but it meant actually nothing. As the President of Serbia, for ten years I have been facing all possible tricks and pressures to give up on full implementation of what was signed. It is a lesson to us Serbs, but also to all others in the world who want to protect their country. In spite of everything, Serbia will defend its country, its territorial integrity, the UN Charter, the UN Security Council resolution 1244. I wish to thank individually every 107 countries, states that have not recognized the unilaterally declared independence of the so-called Kosovo. We know that many of you, that many of those states, have been subjected to pressure, and we know that maintaining a principled position is sometimes far more difficult than it appears from the outside. Thank you for being consistent in not recognizing the independence of a part of Serbia's territory. Excellencies, Serbia is on its European path, and it will have to do many more things in order to become a full-fledged member of the EU.
That is the lens through which Solomon Islands engages with the world. My government is delivering a programme of national transformation. We are providing universal free education so that no child is turned away from school because their family cannot afford the fees. We are strengthening our health system with a renewed focus on tackling the scourge of non-communicable diseases, eradicating malaria and building a new national referral hospital. We are prioritising energy and other transformative infrastructure, expanding roads, ports, airports and telecommunications to connect our scattered islands into one national economy. We are reforming our public finance systems so that every dollar delivers for our people. And we are pursuing constitutional amendments to strengthen and stabilize our democracy. This is the agenda by which our people will judge my government.
They are what we allowed, what we still allow, and what we will answer for. There is a painful cry for a better world order as we witness the weakening into irrelevance of multilateral institutions. No country, regardless of size or power, can address today's interconnected challenges alone. Excellencies, leadership is not merely discovering the angriest instinct of the electorate and amplifying it. Leadership is sometimes telling our own supporters that they are wrong. It is explaining complexity when a slogan would be easier. It is asking people to consider tomorrow when they are angry about today. It is persuading citizens that humanity of others who may worship differently, speak another language, or vote for another party does not diminish their own freedoms. Statesmanship requires patience, persuasion, courage to compromise. And above all, it requires an understanding that power brings responsibility, not exemption. The Charter of the United Nations was not written to make the strong weak. It was written to prevent the strong from making the world unlivable. Soon we will elect a new Secretary-General. The regional rotation precedent must be preserved. Africa had an unprecedented continuous three terms: Boutros Boutros-Ghali, 1992-1996, Kofi Annan, 1997-2006. Now the Security Council will elect a Latin American as our Secretary-General for 2027-2032. And after more than 80 years of men at the helm of our organization, needless to say, we ought to have enough wisdom and elect a woman with unquestionable integrity, unblemished record, and in defense of human rights, a strong advocacy of gender equality and inclusion, rule of law, democracy, solid experience in senior management in national and multilateral institutions. Mr. President, Excellencies, for developing countries, particularly small island developing states and least developed countries, efficiency must translate into stronger delivery on the ground, not reduced essential support. Timor-Leste urges comprehensive reform, expansion in both the permanent and non-permanent categories, so that developing countries and historically underrepresented regions have a stronger voice in decisions concerning international peace and security. The veto is inconsistent with the sovereign equality of member states. President, Timor-Leste reaffirms the principles of climate justice, common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities in the light of different national circumstances. Greater climate ambition must be accompanied by accessible, predictable finance: adaptation support, technology transfer, and capacity building. Artificial intelligence and other emerging technologies reshape our societies. Developing countries must actively participate in their governance and development.
My country stresses that the rapid development of artificial intelligence offers great opportunities to accelerate development goals, provided that it is accompanied by comprehensive and equitable global governance that ensures responsible use and prevents the widening of the digital divide between north and south through capacity building, technology transfer and adequate financing. Mr. president. Under the leadership of President Kais Saied, Tunisia reaffirms its unwavering determination to continue its reform process, launched on the 25th of July 2021, with the aim of consolidating a democracy that guarantees rights and freedoms for all citizens and responds to the aspirations of the Tunisian people for development and prosperity.
That will be at the heart of a new ten year plan for Britain that we will bring forward later in the year. And we will put in place the architecture to stem this poisonous tide. Today, I am asking our security chiefs in the UK to begin work on a new National Centre for Information Defence, to detect, attribute and disrupt these kinds of hostile state information attacks to support and defend our democracy. I know this is a shared challenge so we are going to use our experience in the UK and the fact that we have already been through this shock, starting ten years ago, to help other countries. We have already supported Moldova to protect its elections from Russian interference. As more elections approach across Europe, more nations are grappling with these issues, some for the first time. So we're ready to share our understanding of how these actors work and how we can respond, because this is a vital task for our collective security and resilience. To overcome division and instability, we must also find new ways to bring countries together.
