The transcripts are AI-generated from the UN's English audio and can contain mistakes. We are checking them against the statements the missions publish; some errors are still expected.
It opens extraordinary opportunities for scientific progress, medicine, education, and the fight against climate change. Yet it also compels us to ask a question that no previous generation has had to face with such urgency: how can we ensure that technological progress remains human progress? This is the debate that truly lies before us. It is not a debate about machines; it is a debate about ourselves. We must ensure that artificial intelligence expands opportunities rather than inequalities, that it protects human rights rather than putting them at risk, that it strengthens our democracies rather than weakening them, and that it preserves the cultural and linguistic diversity that is one of humanity's most valuable heritages. For a country such as Andorra, this last aspect is particularly relevant. The digital revolution must not lead to cultural homogenization that condemns languages with fewer speakers to invisibility. That is why we advocate for a global digital governance that fully incorporates respect for multilingualism, cultural diversity, and equal access to knowledge.
And I thought it's a good idea to share with you my thoughts. Gunpowder changed the battlefield. Nuclear fission changed the meaning of human survival. Artificial intelligence is changing something even more intimate: who can enter the minds of a citizen, imitate a trusted voice, manufacture a reality calibrated to one person's fears, and do so millions and millions of times at once. Albania is not a developer of frontier models, but we are a nation that has already lived the future others are still debating, and I think a simple message is what we owe to all of you. The greatest immediate danger is not that artificial intelligence will stop obeying humanity. The greatest danger is that it will obey the wrong human beings perfectly. The challenge comes in three layers. What artificial intelligence does instead of us, what it does to us. And who gains the power to reach us? First, what it does instead of us. The public debate imagines machines that awaken, acquire ambitions and turn against their creators. But the systems confronting us today do not wake up with hatred in their hearts. They multiply ours. They have no ambition of their own. They serve the ambition of others. They carry no flag. But they can be deployed by a state. They tell no lie for their own benefit. But they can tell a billion lies on others behalf. The machine has no conscience. But it can borrow the reach of a government, the precision of a weapon and the intimacy of a friend. At the same time, the economic incentives surrounding artificial intelligence increasingly reward the replacement of human effort, rather than the enlargement of human capacity. Write the code so that I do not have to understand it. Draft the report so that I do not have to think through it. Make the judgment so that I do not have to assume responsibility for it. When success is measured only by how much work the machine removes from the human being, we may create more efficient institutions, but will have less capable people. A civilization that outsources effort may eventually outsource knowledge. A civilization that outsources knowledge may eventually outsource judgment, and the civilization that outsources judgment may discover that it also outsources responsibility. This is not inevitable. It is a choice. We can build artificial intelligence that teaches rather than merely answers, guides rather than commands, and strengthens the human being instead of making the human being dependent upon it. The question cannot be only how quickly did the machine complete the task? We must also ask, what did the human being learn? Who understood the decision? Who can challenge the decision and who answers for the decision when it is wrong? Albania became the first country to bring an artificial intelligence instrument into the architecture of government through Diella, our worldwide known artificial intelligence minister. We did not do this to transfer sovereignty from people to a machine. We did it to make public services more accessible, procedures more transparent, and the state more accountable. No machine possesses democratic legitimacy. No algorithm inherits constitutional responsibility. Behind every consequential public decision, there must remain a legal mandate, a human institution, and a name that can be called to give answers. The second layer is what artificial intelligence can do to us. Artificial intelligence inside an accountable state can reduce the distance between citizens and public services. Artificial intelligence outside accountability can eliminate the distance between a lie and the human mind. Albania experienced this directly. I am sure you must have followed or just known the so-called Flamingo Revolution, a fabricated narrative of an Israeli invasion of the Albanian coast, an invasion that never occurred, was manufactured, was personalized and delivered through voices, pages and channels citizens already trusted. One citizen received a story of national betrayal. Another received a story of religious provocation. Another received a conspiracy of foreign occupation. Different fabrications entered different emotional worlds, all serving the same strategic lie. The consequences were real. Citizens had their own reasons to protest. Don't take me wrong. But suddenly they started to protest also against a phantom enemy. Antisemitic tropes entered our public discourse for the first time ever. Don't forget, Albania is the only country in Europe that ended World War Two with more Jews than it started it. Fear became anger. Anger became mobilization and fabrication became political reality. And this is not and was not a laboratory experiment. I'm not talking to you about a science fiction movie. It was a Tuesday in Tirana, our capital city. The algorithm did not invent the objective. A human actor did.
Throughout his two terms in office, Antonio Guterres has been a direct witness to the excesses of the superpowers. Mr. president, this is the 10th time I have opened the general debate of this Assembly since I first took up to this podium in 2003. This is undoubtedly the most critical moment for the United Nations. The feeling that drives me today is one of indignation. The U.N. is failing in one of its most important missions to rid humanity of the scourge of war. Its credibility has never been lower. Its ability to protect the most vulnerable, those who have no army or arsenals has never been so weak We are all held hostage by the inaction of the Security Council for failing to fulfill its role. In 1946, at the first session of this assembly. Brazil warned of the high price that the international community would pay for the right to veto this inherent flaw in the U.N. charter granted the great powers the luxury of being insensible to this original sin. A profound leadership crisis is now added. The year of 2025 record the highest number of armed conflicts since the World War Two. Trillions of dollars are funding a new arms race.
We expect his successor to have the vision, courage, and leadership skills to restore trust, overcome divisions, and to act for change. Your Excellencies, peace and security are among the main responsibilities of the international community. In light of conflicts that have taken thousands of lives and caused immense destruction, we must step up our efforts to prevent and end hostilities. The main challenge remains the war against Ukraine, the consequences of which have spilled far beyond the immediate combat zone. Can we resolve this problem? Can we find a solution? Of course we can. I am convinced of this. Is it not time to rethink European security policy? Bulgaria, as a member state of the EU, calls for the holding of a debate on this topic and on the broader goal of the future of a post-war Europe, as well as the Europe before the war. And to begin this debate, it is high time to transfer this conflict from the military sphere to the political and diplomatic realm. This involves negotiations which require dialogue and a minimum level of trust, supported by the appropriate guarantees. Europe, however, cannot be a simple mere observer. It must be a real participant in negotiations on the post-war security architecture of the continent after the end of the war. Europe must be able to guarantee its own security. Military security must be complemented by the second pillar of security. That is to say, the contractual and legal pillar, which must guarantee that defensive capacity building provides more security rather than a new arms race. For the security of Europe, we must add robust diplomacy to military and economic security, because we cannot, dear colleagues, negotiate without the participation of two countries, Ukraine and Russia. It would be irresponsible if, after the end of the war in Ukraine, we were unable to offer anything better to European citizens than a new cold war, or worse. We need a vision for tomorrow, in line with the concept of a Europe of peace, thanks to dissuasive defense and shared security. From this lofty platform, we call for Europe to move toward this goal. Bulgaria believes that security and stability in the Black Sea region is an integral part of its national security in all of its aspects. But it is not only our national security that is at stake; it is global security. The war in Ukraine and other territories has expanded beyond the territories of the conflict parties and directly affects Bulgaria today.
Read around it: ·
LI
No. 5
Liechtenstein09/25 · first at about 13 min2 mentions
We support the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on climate change, and this week we were proud to join the adoption of a High-Level Declaration on Sea-Level Rise, including a commitment to the continuity of statehood for all UN member states. Only a few years ago, member states in this debate wondered aloud if their nameplates would be switched off. The commitment we made this week is to guarantee that this will not happen. In the face of seas which inundate whole territories, standing up for self-determination is the least we can do for those most affected.
He can certainly count on Luxembourg's full support throughout his tenure. Madam president, the theme that has been chosen for this general debate can hardly be more timely. When I try to paint an honest picture of the world we live in, one thing strikes me in particular trust is under growing strain. Trust between nations, trust between people, and, perhaps most importantly, trust in our ability to work together. And yet, I believe that trust is precisely where we should begin. Not because trust is easy, but because every lasting achievement of the international community has begun with a decision to trust. This is my first address to this Assembly as Head of State of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg. I assumed office less than a year ago. It is therefore a particular honor to stand before you today and to reaffirm from this podium the importance Luxembourg attaches to the United Nations and to a rules-based international order grounded in the rule of law. But this moment also makes me reflect on what the United Nations means from the perspective of my own generation. As a relatively young man who has had the privilege of traveling the world, I have been fortunate to meet people from very different cultures, backgrounds, and traditions. These experiences have left me with a simple and lasting conviction. We can learn a lot from each other, and I remain convinced that it is only by working together that we can overcome the many challenges our world is facing today. This conviction is not naive. I am fully aware of the difficulties confronting us, but precisely because the world is becoming more difficult, I believe we must resist the temptation to give up on cooperation. There has never been a time when communication between people in different parts of the world was so easy. Millions of young people have virtual friends and acquaintances across continents through social media, gaming, and countless other forms of connection. We have never been so connected, and yet we seem increasingly unable to trust one another. This should make us reflect. Is it still possible to build a world order in which respect and the willingness to work towards common goals can prevail over the pursuit of self-interest and power? I believe it is, but it will require determination, dialogue and a willingness to look beyond immediate interest. And this is why the United Nations matters. Madam President. Luxembourg has believed in this principle from the very beginning. 81 years ago, still deeply marked by the horrors of the Second World War Luxembourg was among the 51 founding members that came together in San Francisco to lay the foundations of a new international order. At the time, we were the smallest country represented.
Africa is not seeking any privileges. It is demanding justice, equity, and representation. We, therefore, strongly reaffirm the need for reform of the United Nations Security Council in order to allow for permanent African representation and more equitable participation by the continent in the international community's decision-making mechanisms. In this regard, Burundi believes that discussions on reform must also address the financial viability of the United Nations system by strengthening the predictability, transparency, and sustainability of its financing. It would not be coherent to entrust the organization with ever greater responsibilities without guaranteeing it the resources necessary for their implementation. We, therefore, call on member states, particularly the wealthiest, to demonstrate responsibility and solidarity in order to preserve the organization's financial stability. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, as part of this process of reform, strengthening, and consolidation of our organization, Burundi also wishes to contribute to the debate on the selection process for the next Secretary-General of the United Nations. In the current international context, marked by deep geopolitical divisions and growing challenges to multilateralism, this process must be conducted in a spirit of transparency, openness, and collective responsibility. Burundi believes that this process must be based above all on qualifications, experience, integrity, independence of judgment, diplomatic skill, and the ability to bring together the positions of all member states. We need a true bridge-builder, a leader capable of engaging in dialogue with all parties, of bringing positions closer together even when divergences appear unsurmountable, but also of showing firmness, courage, and independence when it comes to defending the principles of the United Nations Charter and ensuring that the collective interest prevails. Mr. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, peace remains the primary condition for development. The African Union is deeply concerned by the persistence of conflicts and crises that continue to cause massive population displacement, destroy infrastructure, and deprive millions of children of their right to education and to a better future.
Resilience without resources is not resilience, it is merely survival. The same logic applies directly to the climate crisis. For Seychelles, climate change is not a prospective debate. It is a daily reality that strikes at the very foundations of our society. Rising seas threaten our infrastructure, our coastal livelihoods and our very territory. The science is undisputed. The targets are clear. What remains missing is political will and execution. Major emitters must display greater ambition while all nations act according to their responsibilities and capabilities. Economic growth that bankrupts the planet for future generations is not progress. Seychelles, therefore, welcomes the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on climate change, reinforcing that climate action is rooted in international law, equity and intergenerational justice. Mitigation, adaptation, technology transfer and loss and damage funding are not acts of charity. They are legal obligations. Our survival is inextricably linked to the health of the ocean. Protecting our marine environment is an economic necessity. As an early ratifying state of the BBNJ Agreement, Seychelles looks forward to its first conference of the parties and urges all Member States to finalize their ratifications swiftly. Yet our ambitions are hampered by structural economic barriers.
In recent days, the debate has acquired a new sense of urgency and gravity. The message from the UN's Independent International Scientific Panel on AI, researchers in leading AI companies, and independent experts is increasingly clear: our ability to govern this technology is not keeping pace with its development. AI can bring enormous benefits to humanity, but without effective safeguards, it can also cause immense harm. We must therefore hold on to a basic principle: human beings must remain in control of technology, not become a subject to it. Technology should advance our common goals, and no system should ever operate beyond human responsibility and accountability. Nor we can allow an unchecked race for technological dominance to determine the future of AI, with the pressure to move first, pushing safety, oversight, and responsibility aside. More than 80 years ago, the Manhattan Project showed how rapidly a scientific breakthrough can transform the balance of power, and how difficult it is for politics and international rules to catch up. Artificial intelligence confronts us with a different technology and different risks, but with a similar lesson: governance that comes only after the fact may come too late. If AI is to serve humanity, it must develop within a framework of international rules. No country and no company can meet this challenge alone. We need common standards, meaningful public oversight, and clear mechanisms of accountability. The choice is not between innovation and rules. It is between innovation governed by rules and innovation governed by the logic of the race. Ladies and gentlemen, artificial intelligence is not the only challenge that no country can manage alone. The same is true of climate change. This year has once again reminded us of the growing impacts of extreme weather affecting people and communities across the globe.
Such a partnership requires a United Nations that evolves with the aspirations of the present and future generations. Institutions that adapt preserve their relevance, those that resist change, imperialism Nigeria remains optimistic because history shows that countries acting with common purpose and determination can overcome obstacles once considered insurmountable. Our generation has the privilege of shaping the future and the responsibility to answer for it Those who follow us will judge our courage in reforming outdated institutions, building cooperation across divisions, protecting the planet, and directing technology responsibly. Mr. president, excellencies, distinguished delegates Nigeria pledges cooperation over confrontation, dialogue over division, hope over fear and partnership over isolation. These choices must shape institutions that respond to the legitimate aspirations of all nations. Restoring trust requires us to honor our obligations to one another and to manage the challenges before us with justice, wisdom and compassion. The world looks to this assembly for leadership, and our debates must lead to action worthy of that expectation. Nigeria believes that the humanity we share is stronger than the divisions we have met, and that cooperation remains wiser than conflict. A reform, inclusive and effective United Nations is indispensable to the peaceful, just and sustainable world that future generations deserve. Whatever our differences, I repeat, whatever our differences, we must remember that humanity is our oldest citizenship and peace is the inheritance we owe every child.
President. Let me begin by warmly congratulating His Excellency Mr. Khalilur Rahman on his election as president of the 81st session of the General Assembly. The chosen theme for the general debate Restoring Trust, Managing transformation. I United nation that delivers for all could not be more timely, and it speaks to the reality of the world we face today.
It is less about doing things for others than doing things with them. This principle takes on particular significance in the face of current technological revolutions. AI is the most obvious illustration of this. It offers considerable new possibilities in science, the economy, medicine, education, and the management of resources. But it also highlights the risk of a new divide between those who have the skills and infrastructure needed to participate in this transformation, and those who are likely to feel only its effects. We must ensure that technological progress broadens opportunities without widening the gaps. This means that as many countries and societies as possible must be able to benefit from advances in AI, develop their skills and contribute to the debate on the rules that will govern its development and use. This is exactly the aim of the Geneva AI summit, which will take place on the 21st and 22nd of June 2027 under the motto Bridging Innovation and Trust. These two concepts must go hand in hand. Innovation in which societies no longer have confidence risks being rejected. Conversely, rules that would prevent all innovation would deprive us of enormous potential. Our responsibility, therefore, is to strike a balance to enable progress and promote its benefits, while creating the conditions for the reliable and responsible development and use of these technologies. Artificial intelligence thus reminds us of a simple truth. Certain changes are so far reaching and so fast moving, that no single state can manage all of their consequences by itself.
Your Excellency, Doctor Rahman, president of the eight first session of the United Nations General Assembly Your Majesties Excellencies, heads of State and Government, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. António Guterres, distinguished delegates. Ladies and gentlemen I congratulate you, Doctor Rahman, on your election as president of the eight first session of the General Assembly Zimbabwe's confident that under your able leadership, the Assembly will advance meaningful transformation under the theme Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation a United Nations that delivers for all. You may count on Zimbabwe's full support. I wish to thank Miss Annalena Baerbock for her effective leadership of the 80th session and their contribution to the UN aid reform process. Zimbabwe also pays tribute to Mr. António Guterres in his final general debate as Secretary general. We commend his defense of multilateralism as well as efforts to advance dialogue for conflict prevention and resolution, sustainable development and the pact for the future.
Of course, nations have legitimate security needs, but the speed with which the world finds resources for war compared to prevention and development, reveals a grave disorder in our priorities. The credibility of international law also depends on who has the voice in applying it. The credibility weakens when institutions entrusted with the law preserve an unequal distribution of power. The Security Council still reflects the world of 1945. Africa, home to more than 1.6 billion people and the subject of most of the council's work still has no permanent seat. That's not fair. Africa seeks its rightful place because the council cannot be fully legitimate or effective while an entire continent remains permanently absent from its highest level of decision making. No durable global solution on peace, climate, food, energy or technology can be built without African leadership. The common African position espoused in the Ezulwini Consensus and Sirte Declaration calls for no fewer than two permanent seats, with all the rights and privileges of permanent membership, including the veto if it is retained, and five non-permanent seats. As coordinator of the African Union Committee of ten, Sierra Leone will continue to advance that position. Years of intergovernmental negotiations without realizing the reform has tested the credibility of the process. Before this session concludes, member states should have a consolidated model, which we committed to in the pact for the future. Sierra Leone speaks with the authority of service. During our time on the Security Council in 2024 2025, we worked as a voice of reason and a bridge across Division. We convened the Security Council's first high level debate on redressing historical injustice against Africa, placed conflict related food insecurity at the centre of its agenda and with Guyana, Co-drafted unanimously adopted resolution 2807 on youth, peace and security, strengthening young people's role in conflict prevention and peace building. Mr. president. Representation becomes meaningful when it changes decisions and improves lives.
And if there is one word that sums up much of our vocation as a country, that word would be peace. We do not view peace simply as an absence of war. We understand it as something that has to be constantly built. The possibility for people to live, to work, to educate their children, pursue their aspirations, and to look to the future without fear. Uruguay. With its virtues, but also, like every country with its darker times, has been a country that has sought to resolve its differences through institutions, through dialogue and through the quest for agreement. In this assembly, we reaffirm our enduring willingness to contribute to peacekeeping missions with a deep sense of responsibility and solidarity. Uruguayan men and women can bear witness to the value of this instrument in easing suffering and guaranteeing respect for the human lives of the most defenseless populations. You can continue to count on Uruguay here. We are not a country given to grand gestures We are a country of deeply held beliefs. And one of these beliefs is that peace building is never finished. We can't take it for granted. Every generation has the responsibility to build it anew They can't be peaceful some and another peace for others. No suffering matters more because it happens closer to home, and no lives are worth less because they were born in another country. When people suffer, humanity as a whole bears a responsibility. When a people is displaced, when a family loses its home, when young people can see no way out and their mental health is under threat. When a child grows up under the sound of gunfire, when millions of people live in poverty or without any opportunities, we can't stand indifferent to that, nor can we stand indifferent to the pain caused by a state of endless war. The fear and pain generated by organized crime, or the constant threat of terrorism, the repression born out of tyranny, or the suffering triggered by a rigid economic blockade such as that endured by the Cuban people. We don't believe that taking one side or another in a war, confrontation or dispute necessarily contributes to resolving it. Indeed, very often it only serves to further the divisions. We have a different commitment, that is, to seek paths towards understanding, to open spaces for dialogue, and to help to ensure that conflicts find a peaceful resolution. This doesn't mean indifference. It doesn't mean downplaying suffering. It doesn't mean overlooking responsibilities. It means understanding that peace demands something more difficult than merely taking sides. It means that we need to work so that that confrontation can be brought to an end as soon as possible. And to do that, we also have to recover something that at times seems to have been lost in international debate. Humility.
Today, we highlight his exemplary contribution as a man of dialogue, an advocate of the United Nations Charter and the international law, a tireless advocate of the need to protect the planet from harmful effects of climate change, and a champion of the global debate on global governance of artificial intelligence. Mr. president, Your excellencies, the United Nations General Assembly is always held in the month of September. This year's session, however, takes place 25 years after the terrorist attack that destroyed the Twin Towers in New York and struck other targets on the American territory, causing thousands of civilian deaths, injuries, some of whom continue to bear physical and emotional scars to this day. I'd like to take this opportunity to once again condemn terrorism in all its forms, wherever it occurs.
Human made conflicts have created situations of unrest in many countries. Vast numbers of people are being displaced, giving rise to humanitarian crisis. Wars and conflicts are placing immense pressure on the global economy. Energy security concerns, disruptions to global energy supply systems and rising inflation are worsening the economic situation. We believe that every conflict should be resolved through dialogue, diplomatic processes and mutual cooperation. Equality, fairness, protection of mutual interests and respect and dignity among disputing states should form the basis of bilateral and multilateral relations. We aspire to a peaceful world, a humane, global community where, rather than weapons of destruction, reason and debate, diplomacy, education and humanity become the instruments of change. Bangladesh sees the United Nations as the centerpiece for establishing an accommodative global community based on mutual respect for one another's independence and sovereignty. The tendency to divert development budgets towards military expenditure in different parts of the world verses the direction of our journey towards global peace. As a peace loving nation, Bangladesh remains committed to the goals of complete and general disarmament, preventing the proliferation of nuclear weapons and arms control. I reiterate Bangladesh's support for any initiative at the United Nations dedicated to establishing world peace and serving humanity. The people of Bangladesh who believe in democracy remain deeply concerned about the plight of the freedom seeking Palestinian people. Bangladesh once again reaffirms its unwavering support for their legitimate demands, including their right to self-determination and their right to establish an independent state of Palestine. Mr. president, in the prevailing global circumstances the theme of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all, is highly relevant and timely. Bangladesh remains steadfast in its commitment to multilateralism in maintaining international peace and security. As vice chair of the Peacebuilding Commission, Bangladesh continues to serve as a strong voice for sustainable peace, conflict prevention and inclusive peace. As a consistent contributor to United Nations peacekeeping missions. Bangladeshi peace keepers are serving humanity in different parts of the world. The courageous participation of Bangladeshi women in peacekeeping missions, even under adverse circumstances, reflects our strong commitment to advancing the agenda of women, peace and security. This year, Bangladesh is observing the 40th anniversary of the declaration on the Right to Development and the 25th anniversary of the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action.
I'm welcome for this opportunity for Bolivia to be with you and to express our concerns, I will conclude. By talking about man and Santa Cruz, two departments, and Cochabamba as well, which in September, this is the anniversary of those, um, nine departments. But I would also like to express my my fond affection to young Bolivians, young Bolivians, just like the the young people in all of the nations of the United Nations needs to find the meaning or and purpose of their lives. Our nations need to give our young people that purpose. There will be the United Nations, Bolivia and countries in the future. If we give that meaning to our young people a meaning and a purpose in their lives, the very reason for being. I am and I am here to be part of building a society. That is why in these difficult moments that we are experiencing now, we are working in particular to ensure that young people have a purpose. They want to build the fatherland. They want to build our nation and want to be part of the United Nations as a concept of United Nations, so that we can cooperate, work together. And to be firm in that conviction, to be able to carry out a form of transformation and bring change to our work as a nation. I believe we need to build a new agenda, an agenda of energy critical minerals, industrialization, infrastructure, digitalization, water, biodiversity, food security, education, health, gender science, technology, connectivity, and other things. A new agenda for humanity. And we must debate that and discuss it. Because changes. Digitalization is changing things very rapidly and changing our ability to understand what is happening in our countries. I am the product of digitalization. I conducted my campaign on social networks alone. I didn't use campaign experts. I didn't use millions of dollars for my campaign. It was only networks. Um, and that is why urgent responses are needed to the challenges facing our nation. Thank you very much for this opportunity given to Bolivia, Bolivia today in this assembly. As I said, not everything has been resolved. We're just getting started. But Bolivia will never be on its knees. It will always stand tall. It will always stand up and be ready to walk forward and move ahead. I would like to thank. Each of the departments in my homeland and tell you that Bolivia is the homeland that never abandons us. The United Nations should also be the space that never abandons our homelands. This is the space for consolidating our democracy.
The president of the United Nations. General Assembly. Your Excellency, doctor Khalilur Rahman, the Secretary General, Mr. Antonio Guterres, fellow heads of State and government. Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. The Sambola Vinaka. And a very good afternoon to you all. I bring warm greetings from the people of Fiji and from the Blue Pacific continent Mr. president, although he is not here, I congratulate you on assuming the presidency of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly. Fiji assures you of our full support as you guide this Assembly through a period of profound uncertainty and transformation. Our Prime Minister, the Honourable Sitiveni Rabuka, joins me in wishing you and all Member states a peaceful, productive and a very successful session. On the same note, I acknowledge your predecessor, Her Excellency Annalena Baerbock, for her stewardship of the 80th session I pay tribute also to the Secretary General, Antonio Guterres, who addresses the general debate for the last time in that office. Through a decade of turbulence, he has defended the multilateralism and stood with small island developing states, and Fiji thanks him dearly. Mr. president, the theme of this session is restoring trust and Managing Transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all, and it speaks directly to the condition of our world. We face deepening geopolitical rivalry, armed conflict and climate and environmental crisis.
Just as managing transformation is not an option up for debate. Together they constitute the very essence of the mission. We pledged before our people, before our Arab brothers, and before the entire world. On the day I was entrusted with leading the government of Lebanon, we assumed this responsibility at a time when our country faced three existential challenges. The first was to regain the trust of its people. After the financial collapse and the Beirut port explosion and the tragedies and wounds they left behind. The second was to reclaim its national decision making so that no authority stands above that of the state. No weapons exist outside its armed forces, and no decision on war and peace is taken outside its constitutional institutions. The third was to recover all of its territory from Israeli occupation, and to extend its sovereignty over the entirety of its national soil through its own forces. In implementation of the Taif Agreement and in sincere respect for the relevant international resolutions on Lebanon. Foremost among these is resolution 1701, which remains to this day a fundamental point of reference governing relations between Lebanon and Israel. Trust rebuilt decision making. Reclaimed. Land liberated. That is the equation for Lebanon's recovery. These are not three separate challenges. They are three facets of a single cause. Restoring a state that its citizens trust that is master of its own decisions, and that exercises sovereignty over the whole of its territory. Mr. president, first, the trust we seek to restore is not trust in words. It is trust in institutions that protect rights in a judiciary that guarantees justice, in an economy that restores prosperity to the people and gives young people the opportunity of a better future. We cannot speak of restoring trust without recalling the Beirut port explosion. The wound of the 4th of August remains open. It cannot heal without truth, justice and accountability, and these will inevitably come. Some may feel that our government has not yet fulfilled all of its commitments. We do not claim that the task is complete, but fairness demands that we not overlook the scale of legacy we inherited paralysed institutions, a public administration of diminished effectiveness, an economy stripped of the foundations of growth, and a state weakened by compounding crises and by decades of external interference. Even though we have not used the difficulty of our circumstances as a pretext to retreat from our commitments and we will not retreat. Lebanon has launched reforms on several fronts, namely revitalizing the public administration, strengthening the independence of the judiciary, modernizing the media law and abolishing the death penalty. It is also advancing towards the completion of financial reforms aimed at restoring order to the financial system and recovering depositors funds. These reforms should pave the way for an agreement with the IMF. Such an agreement is an indispensable tool for restoring international confidence in Lebanon, and a gateway to securing the financing needed from all our regional and international partners for economic recovery and reconstruction. Our aim in pursuing reform is not to ask our people to renew their trust in the state. Rather, through reform, we seek to rebuild a state worthy of its people's trust.
Created in the aftermath of the Second World War, the immediate focus was obviously on peace and security but the UN system has evolved significantly over the decades to expand its scope and sphere of influence within the confines of its charter. However, the UN must now look to the future, building on its record of achievements as well as from lessons learned from what it could not achieve. As we look to the next 80 years, we must ask ourselves a searching question is the UN fit for the purpose for the 21st century, not the world of 1945, but the world of today and beyond? We are entering a new era of international relations defined by unprecedented technological developments, often absent from the table where the rules of tomorrow are being adopted, developing countries risk being left further behind. The same exclusion afflicts the international financial architecture, which remains skewed against the Global South. Developing nations must have a seat at the table as equal stakeholders. We all acknowledge that the three pillars of the UN charter are peace and security, development and human rights. The twin institutional pillars provided in the charter were and still are, the Security Council and ECOSOC as the apex bodies for achieving these purposes. However, over the years, optimal use has been made primarily of only one of these organs. We need to enhance and accelerate the revitalization of the General Assembly and that of ECOSOC so that they are not merely forums for debate, but engines of action. This must be done as we bring about the reform of the Security Council, the historical injustice regarding the composition of the Council was acknowledged in action 39 of the pact for the future, but the process for reform is still stalled. Mauritius fully supports the Common African Position, the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration calling for no fewer than two permanent and five non-permanent African seats on the council. Mauritius also supports the call for SIDS to have a seat on a reformed council. On the question of the veto, Mauritius aligns itself with the position of a growing number of states that, in the event the veto is retained, any new permanent member must have the same rights as the original permanent members. Mauritius also supports the Franco-Mexican initiative on the suspension of the veto in cases of mass atrocities. We support the positions of the G4 and the L69 on council reform, and we reiterate our support for India's candidature for a permanent seat commensurate with its constructive role in global affairs. Mr. president, Mauritius welcomes the increasing recourse to the International Court of Justice as a mechanism for the peaceful settlement of disputes and determination of issues of international law. We call upon Member States which have not yet done so, to accept the compulsory jurisdiction of the ICJ. We welcome the landmark unanimous advisory opinion of the ICJ on the obligations of states in respect of climate change. This was a vindication of the tireless advocacy of Vanuatu and the core group of states. Mauritius was proud to stand among them.
Thus, Mozambique reiterates its support for the objectives of the UN Aid Initiative to make this organization more effective, coherent, inclusive, representative, and suited to the challenges of our time. Reform must be embraced as political commitment focused on concrete results. Reforms must also correct imbalances in representation of global governance. In this regard, Africa cannot continue to be in the center of the Security Council agenda while remaining absent from its rank of permanent members. Africa must be a permanent member of the Security Council of the UN. We therefore reaffirm the common African position related to the reform of the United Nations Security Council, based on the Ezoulini Consensus and the Search Declaration, under which no fewer than two permanent seats, with all prerogatives and privileges, including the veto, as long as it exists, and five non-permanent seats, are allocated to Africa. The contribution that Mozambique wishes to make to the debate on this Assembly has the objective of restoring trust through peace, managed transformation through inclusion, and produced results through coherent actions at the national, regional, and global levels. To this, it is important to strengthen international cooperation and equip the UN with greater capacity to address the challenges of the present and make sure that the future generations can have a stronger organization than the one we have received— an organization equal to the challenges of our time, capable of serving the people with dignity, protecting the planet, and promoting a shared prosperity at the international level. Your Excellencies, 81 years ago, the founders of this organization entrusted humanity with a promise of peace, cooperation, dignity, and, most of all, hope. Today, that responsibility falls to us, and the path remains very clear: dialogue, cooperation, partnership, innovation, solidarity, and continued strengthening to the role of the United Nations, and never the use of force in order to impose decisions. This organization is the most comprehensive expression of our collective responsibility and our commitment to multilateralism to the service of humanity. Mr. President, allow me to conclude by returning to the opening words of our Magna Carta or Charter:" We, the people."
Mr. president, Mr. Secretary General, excellencies, distinguished delegates. I bring you warm greetings from my people and my country. We meet under the theme Restoring Trust, Managing transformation: a United Nations that delivers for all. For my country, that means ensuring no nation, regardless of size or distance, is left behind as the world changes around us. Mr. president, let me begin by congratulating you on your election to preside over this 81st session. My delegation assures you of our full support and we thank your predecessor for the stewardship of the 80th session. We also pay tribute to Secretary General Antonio Guterres. This is the last general debate of his tenure, and my country records its gratitude for a decade in which the smaller states were heard more often than before. I have travelled far to speak on matters that may seem distinct, but are united by a single fundamental principle the right of every people to be treated as an equal and to speak for itself.
(BRIEF PAUSE) Turning to human rights, we should acknowledge that these are central to the other two pillars: they can promote peace and security and advance sustainable development. And we recognize one of the most urgent assaults on human dignity today: hate speech that incites violence. It is a growing threat to regional and global peace, and it is on the rise. Hateful narratives are spreading like wildfire across borders and into homes at unprecedented speed and scale. They target women and girls, minorities, migrants, refugees and persons with disabilities, often for political gain. New and emerging technologies are used to amplify lies, manipulate public debate, spread hatred and give incitement to violence faster and farther than ever before. We must choose dialogue and tolerance and foster a culture in which human rights are respected not only in law, but in our daily interactions. And we must stop the cherry picking of those rights that fit our respective cultures or the politics of the day. Whether it is islamophobia, antisemitism, homophobia, or misogyny, it’s all the same... hatred, repackaged and relabelled. Let us use the tools of our age not to deepen fear, but to widen understanding and advance human dignity, for everyone, everywhere. (BRIEF PAUSE) My second point: making the United Nations fit for the future, which requires a more foundational approach to reform.
We will be resilient, and we will work individually and collectively to transcend our vulnerability. So, Mr. President, we come to this August assembly not as mere petitioners, but as partners to play our part in making our world a better place. I come at this point in the debate, having had the privilege of listening to other leaders who spoke before me. And Mr. President, I must tell you, I was moved by the hopeful vision, the fiery passion, the boundless generosity and caring of many of the speakers. They lifted my spirit and I am determined that that is where my spirit shall remain. I owe it to the people who sent me here to be hopeful. I owe it also to people whom I have never met, who come from places I have never been to, but who nevertheless are my brothers and sisters. And so that brings us to the task at hand. We all know that the United Nations has its flaws, but we must not seek to abandon it. It is what we have made it. Some, no doubt are more culpable than others. But in one way or another we are all involved. We speak of culpability, not merely to point a finger of blame, but to understand better where the solutions may lie. We believe profoundly that more than ever, humanity needs the United Nations. Try to imagine a world without it. Where would we go to have the conversations we are having now and that we are having throughout the week? And that is only the beginning. As a global institution, the United Nations is fundamentally an inclusive space where every nation can play a role in addressing our common problems. A retreat from multilateralism undermines the interests of small states and indeed, of everyone. But we acknowledge that our support for the United Nations must be matched by our willingness to embrace reform, to make it more effective. Trust cannot be built or restored by declarations alone. It is only when ordinary people see that cooperation makes their lives safer, richer and happier that trust will be restored. Mr. president, let us restore trust through organisational reform and greater inclusiveness. The United Nations governance model designed in 1945, cannot adequately address the security and economic challenges of today. Therefore, we join with other nations in calling for reform, specifically of the Security Council, to include a permanent member from the continent of Africa with all the attendant rights and privileges. Failure to do so would only confirm that the current composition is not about governance and fairness, but about power. Further, as we proceed with selecting our next Secretary General, let us be more open and inclusive. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines is pleased to join other Caribbean community members in endorsing the candidacy of Her Excellency Carolyn Rodriguez Birkett of Guyana and of the region of Latin America and the Caribbean. We know her as a distinguished diplomat, a principled multilateralist, and a compelling advocate for developing countries and small states. Mr. president, as this is my first time here, like a tourist, I walked the halls of this historic building and admired the impressive portraits on the walls, the impressive portraits of the nine men who have served as Secretary General since 1946. And while I appreciated the outstanding calibre and service of those men, I nevertheless could not resist thinking that after eight decades, surely the time has come for an equally capable woman to be Secretary General.
I repeat: the Malvinas for us are a national cause. They are also a test of the gulf that can exist between the words of international institutions and the reality upon which they purport to act. Fifty years ago, this very Assembly adopted Resolution 3149, which calls on parties to refrain from introducing unilateral modifications while the dispute remains unresolved. Fifty years on, the situation has not changed, yet unilateral modifications continue. Today, the Sea Lion Project is moving toward oil extraction on the Argentine continental shelf in the North Malvinas Basin, under British licenses that Argentina rejects as illegal and illegitimate. Any such activity not authorized by the Argentine Republic in this regard constitutes an unlawful act under both international law, including the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, and Argentine domestic law. That is why I wish to ask a question: what use is a resolution if, for decades, the other party can act in direct contravention of it, while that resolution remains intact in the archives but powerless in the face of reality? There's no shortage of words or resolutions. What is lacking is consequences. Because an institution that cannot ensure that its words carry weight in the real world loses the most important thing of all: its authority. In these circumstances, those who follow the rules receive no reward for doing so, while those who break them suffer no repercussions whatsoever. That's why the Malvinas are not merely an issue between Argentina and the United Kingdom. They also raise a question regarding the ability of this organization to enforce its own resolutions. Argentina has taken note of that reality, and in the face of the unauthorized exploitation of our resources in the disputed area, we've acted. We've submitted formal notes of protest. We've availed ourselves of the legal remedies at our disposal. We've imposed sanctions on the companies involved and their suppliers. And we've submitted a national sovereignty defense bill to Congress. For far too long, Argentine governments opted for a rhetorical defense. We have chosen a peaceful, practical, and effective defense. I repeat: we have chosen a peaceful, practical, and effective defense. I also wish to reiterate our position regarding the population of the islands. As this very Assembly has determined in numerous resolutions, the principle of self-determination does not apply in this case, since the population was implanted by the occupying power on a territory whose sovereignty is in dispute. That principle exists to liberate colonized people, not to legitimize situations arising from colonization. If the United Kingdom maintains a selective interpretation of the principle of self-determination with regard to the Malvinas Islands, it must also explain how it reconciles that position with the debates on self-determination taking place within its own territory. Once again, we call on the United Kingdom to resume negotiations with a view to finding a peaceful solution to the sovereignty dispute, as required by international law. We also reiterate our invitation to proceed without delay to an exchange of views with a view to resolving the issue concerning the aforementioned dispute over the exploitation of our natural resources. And I want to say something more to the global energy sector. Waka Mwertha represents a historic opportunity, with the potential to become one of the major players in the energy sector in the decades ahead. Come, invest, develop it with us. But there's a limit to this invitation. We will not remain indifferent to those who exploit resources under illegal foreign occupation.
It does not aim to circumvent institutions nor to distribute power. It ought to help us address the structural causes of our vulnerabilities, to consolidate national unity, and to build a state that is more just, more involved, and more protective. Our hand remains outstretched toward all of the children of Congo that choose peace, Republican debate, and loyalty to their homeland. We Congolese speak to each other with frankness and responsibility, but no internal dialogue can transform an external aggression into a simple domestic dispute. At the same time, no external aggression should absolve us of correcting our own weaknesses. National cohesion and the defense of our territorial integrity are not mutually exclusive but mutually complementary. Because the peace that we seek cannot be limited to a ceasefire, it ought to also help our country regain full control of its future by transforming the wealth that has too often gone to fuel conflict into tools for development and shared prosperity. Mr. President, it is another paradox that my country's experience is showing the world, that some of its resources that fuel conflicts on its territory are also those that a growing proportion of the transformations of the global economy depend upon.
We also need to keep the promise of a world where no one is condemned to suffer hunger, to be deprived of care, or to be displaced by war, or to fall victim to exclusion or discrimination. This same requirement for dignity needs to guide our approach to migrations as well. Because behind statistics and debates there are women, children and men who carry with them a history, talents, hopes and sometimes the burden of exile. For generations, Haitians settled abroad have contributed to the societies that welcomed them. From this rostrum, I wish to express my thanks to the countries that have opened their doors and have encouraged their integration. Haiti was a land of welcome, refuge and hope, and we are working to make sure it becomes that again. We want it to be a country where one can stay, return and live and build one's future in dignity. But I also want to recall forcefully that respect for dignity and fundamental rights of all migrants must be upheld, no matter their situation. No circumstance can justify trampling their dignity underfoot. The protection of a border and respect for human dignity are not incompatible. These must go hand in hand. A border can and must be protected without sacrificing human dignity. The destiny of migrants calls upon us to shoulder a shared responsibility and ensure sustainable responses. Because crises that are left to fester will breed displacement and forced migration. That is the case with the security crisis in Haiti, which led to the exodus of thousands of Haitians. The response to this crisis in Haiti will mean reestablishing security, stability and economic recovery. These are the three priorities of my government.
Whether in the Security Council or in the international financial system, institutions built for another age are being asked to govern a completely different world that we live in today. Restoring trust requires more than defending those institutions. It requires having the courage to reform them. This is not a conversation we are beginning today. For decades, member states have debated how to make the Security Council more representative, legitimate, and effective. In 2008, after years of discussion, this General Assembly moved Security Council reform into intergovernmental negotiations. Those negotiations began the following year. Seventeen years later, we are still negotiating. The central question remains before us: membership, the veto, regional representation, the size and working methods of the Security Council, and its relationship with this General Assembly. The world has not stood still while we have been debating these issues. In the Pact for the Future, member states agreed that redressing the historical injustice against Africa must be a priority in the Security Council reform. We should not accept that reform is impossible because it is difficult. This organization has changed its architecture before. In 1963, this General Assembly adopted amendments to enlarge the Security Council. The council grew from 11 members to 15 because member states recognized that the institution had to respond to a changing membership. What was possible then, ladies and gentlemen, is possible today. Reform must deliver equitable and permanent representation with all the prerogatives and privileges of permanent membership to Africa and other deserving regions. Political reform and financial reform are not separate projects. They ask the same fundamental question: whether the institutions that govern our common future will reflect the sovereign equality they proclaim or preserve inequalities inherited from another age. More than half a century ago, this General Assembly called for a new international economic order founded on sovereign equality, interdependence, and cooperation among states. We need not recreate the debates of another era. But we must ask the question they left unfinished: what does equality among nations require in the world of today? It requires a world in which no continent is permanently excluded from the highest decisions on peace and security. A world in which international law does not change with the identity of the state to which it is applied. A world in which a nation's prospects are not determined by how expensive the world has decided its capital to be. It requires that no child lose a classroom because debt service came first. That no mother finds an empty clinic because essential investment became unaffordable. And that the resources of developing countries became foundations for their prosperity rather than pathways for extraction.
Mr. president, the theme of this session, Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: a United Nations that delivers for all, perfectly chimes with the concerns of those peoples aspiring to peace and progress, even while bombs and other devices of mass destruction are endlessly causing death and devastation in every corner of our planet. How can we restore trust and manage transformation in the world, so that the United Nations can effectively bring peace and good fortune to all peoples? How then, can we achieve this goal? I would recall that our previous session called upon us to act better together. That message remains just and it remains relevant, but it requires us to take stock to look at what has been accomplished and to acknowledge what has not been accomplished. Because trust is not built through more and more promises, but rather through their effective implementation for the benefit of the peoples. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, trust cannot be decreed. It is built, it is earned, and it requires truth and justice. How to restore trust when for decades, propaganda has been used to maintain the idea of a poor Africa condemned to do everything it is told to do to survive, thanks to the assistance of supposed international generosity, even while its resources, its riches are stolen and locked away for the benefit of other agendas. How to restore this trust when the international institutions that are supposed to protect us have become the tools of a world order in which some peoples count and others merely survive, and in which international law does not apply equally to all. What can we say of the crimes committed in Libya, in Iraq, in Palestine in Lebanon, in Cuba, in Venezuela, and in our Sahel, the Sahel, in the name of supposedly universal values, which nevertheless remain unpunished. Those crimes, even while sovereign nations are threatened with sanctions for simply having wanted to decide on their own fate. Niger, my country is following with deep concern the tragic situation in Palestine, particularly in Gaza where civilians are paying an unbearable human cost. We call for the effective protection of civilian populations, for unhindered humanitarian access, and for the pursuit of just and lasting peace. Niger reaffirms its support for a two state solution, allowing the State of Palestine and the State of Israel to live side by side in peace, security and dignity. How to restore trust when 81 years after San Francisco, Africa, with its more than around 1.5 billion inhabitants and its 54 states, still does not have a single permanent seat on the Security Council. Through me, Niger reaffirms its commitment to the Ezulwini Consensus and calls for this historic anomaly to no longer be the subject of sterile debates, repeated day after day to at long last, become subject to a full and concrete decision. Excellencies, Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, our Sahel is at war. It is in a war of liberation against a conspiracy aimed at recolonizing it. What is happening in the Sahel is not merely not simply an armed rebellion or a war of religion, nor is it the inevitable result of our own weaknesses, what some call terrorism in our region is the cynical machinery of recolonization dressed in the trappings of extremism.
This assembly also calls on us to manage transformation. No one here needs me to tell them what the great transformation of our age is. Every great era in human history has had its driving force. Steam powered the Industrial Revolution. The transistor powered the digital age. No force in our time is as profound as artificial intelligence. We can already see its power in warfare, in the economy, and in our everyday lives. Unlike tools that merely transmitted what we said, these systems are part and parcel of the decisions that we make. The potential is immense. Paraguay today feeds 100 million people. And with this tool, it could feed 1 billion. It could enable us to cover, in years, distances that once took generations. This transformation cannot be held back. And no one should be left out of it. However, we're not blind to the risks. But we cannot allow fear to guide us. Like a child, artificial intelligence repeats what it has learned from those who trained it. If it has learned to deny freedom, then that lesson will not arrive in the form of a law that we can debate. It will arrive covert, in some minor task, in some action that no one regards as a decision. Democracy endures, provided that the decisions that govern us can be traced back to the will of those who must live with their consequences. When that thread is severed, the will of the people risks being replaced without ever having been defeated. Protecting that delicate thread doesn't mean forgoing the benefits. It means refusing to ignore the risk that truly matters. Artificial intelligence must serve human dignity and not replace it. As His Holiness the Pope reminds us in the recent encyclical Magnifica Humanitas, the values embedded in these systems are not a technical constraint. They are a choice made by those who trained them. The future demands that the choice be freedom, democracy, and equality before the law, and that those who make that choice be held accountable for it. It may seem that, so far, I have only talked about an endless series of problems and challenges.
For concern for creation and concern for humanity are inextricably linked. That is why, in the center of our reflection about the future of the world, what must remain is human and their dignity. Ladies and gentlemen, human rights are not an afterthought to international politics. They are at its foundation and also stem from ethical principles older than our organization. Violating them always leads to violence, destabilization, and conflict. History, including the history of my country, teaches us this lesson in a very clear way. The social movement that led to the fall of the communist government imposed on Poland was called solidarity. It was an expression of the courage of people who, despite repression and the lack of freedom, refused to live under a system based on lies and violence. We may differ in our assessments of the extent to which the crimes of the communist system have been addressed. This debate is still ongoing in my country, but this is precisely why we should pay tribute to all those people, especially the workers, thanks to whom we have a free world today and who do not boast of their wealth and status gained at the expense of others, but remain faithful to their values and commitments. They are the ones who showed that freedom begins with courage, always. Ladies and gentlemen, too many people around the world still face persecution because of their faith. This applies to many different religious communities, but today we must speak in particular about the plight of Christians in regions affected by conflict and persecution. Until recently, Christian communities were a natural part of social life there. Present for 2,000 years, helping to shape the culture, language, and identity of entire regions, today, in many places, their numbers have dwindled dramatically. Sometimes, only traces of their former presence remain. Along with these people, a living tradition is disappearing, the heritage of the first centuries of Christianity. This legacy has been stopped in many places and perhaps even lost. Attacks on places of worship, discrimination, violence, and even loss of life. This is a reality that cannot go unanswered by the international community.
This must change. Excellencies, The second test of power is inequality. Inequality is often framed as an economic problem. It is a power problem. Power over opportunity, resources, voice. Never has humanity possessed so much wealth, knowledge, and technological capability. Yet for billions, progress remains out of reach. They see prosperity around them, but not for themselves. They are told globalization expands horizons, but they experience exclusion. They are promised that technology will unlock new possibilities, yet many fear it will take away their livelihoods. Meanwhile, billions of people still live without the essentials embedded in the Sustainable Development Goals. Food. Clean water. Education. Decent work. Health care. Dignity. Excellencies, No country should be denied a sustainable future because it is on the wrong side of a deeply unequal financial system. Yet so many throughout the developing world are being crushed by unsustainable debt. Battered by disasters they did little to cause. And locked out of affordable finance. That is why we have pushed relentlessly: For reform of the international financial architecture – which is not a technical debate, but a question of representation, fairness and power. For debt relief that is timely, effective and just. For Multilateral Development Banks that are bigger, bolder and better equipped to provide affordable long-term finance at scale and massively leverage private finance.
Mr. President, Secretary General of the United Nations, excellencies, distinguished delegates. I stand before this assembly conscious that I speak on behalf of a nation and a people whose future is being shaped in halls like this one. I bring warm greetings from the people and government of Solomon Islands, a nation of nearly a thousand islands stretching across as many miles of the blue Pacific. Our people hold the same hopes as people in every land, to live in peace and to raise their children in dignity. Mr. president, I congratulate you on your election and assure you of the full support of Solomon Islands. I also commend your predecessor for her determined leadership of the 80th session. I pay special tribute to Secretary General Antonio Guterres as he takes part in his final debate in office.
