But if the West wants to take its rightful place in the emerging multi-polar world, it must change. It must understand that the future of our planet lies in cooperation and not confrontation. Yes, it will have to make room on the global bench of international relations and do so in a meaningful way. It will require abandoning the policies of neocolonialism and putting aside the self-imposed isolation to which the EU is condemning itself by creating a new Iron Curtain along its borders with Belarus and Russia. Now on the UN. Is our organisation keeping pace with the times? No, it does not correspond to today's realities. It cannot keep up with change and it is not reforming significantly. Criticism of our organisation is growing every year and it is fairly justified. The very fact that new international global initiatives are emerging outside the system, for example Trump's Board of Peace or the World Artificial Intelligence Cooperation Organization, China's project. This confirms that the UN is failing to recognise new trends. That is why new formats of cooperation are emerging. The BRICS, the SCO and regional economic and political alliances and they are gaining momentum. But we in Belarus do not see them as competitors to the UN, but rather as catalysts for necessary reform. We have a recipe for restoring the UN to its intended purpose. And it's very simple. Individual countries must stop using the organisation, our shared organisation, for their own selfish ends, and they must begin to think about the fate of our planet, our shared planet as a whole. Only then will the theme of this session cease to be a romantic wish, and instead become a real programme of action. Concrete structural steps are also necessary. First, reform of the UN Security Council. This body cannot remain in a form that was appropriate for the mid-20th century. The council must be strengthened by expanding the category of permanent members to include the countries of the South, which today play an ever increasing role in world affairs. The voice of the global majority must be heard loud and clear in the Security Council. Second, restoring respect for international law and the UN Charter and specifically respect for the law, not the rules based order. The UN Charter has been and remains the only universal document that recognises the sovereign equality of all states. Third, reform of specialized UN agencies. First and foremost, the international financial institutions, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the International Finance Corporation, the World Trade Organization.

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Mr. president, for decades, my small but great country was known for a reality that it seemed impossible to change. The scourge of violence was deeply entrenched in our society. An entire nation was resigned to being condemned to live with this reality. After decades of institutional indifference, in 2019, the El Salvadoran people opted for Nayib Bukele, our president, who is now known across the world, a young leader who dared to challenge something that an entire generation thought they were condemned to and strove to profoundly transform the reality of our country, regardless of the consequences or the criticisms he had received from the international community. El Salvador went from being the most violent country in the world, with a murder rate of 103 people per 100,000 inhabitants. We as a country in peace, had more deaths than a country at war. So we moved from 103 murders per 100,000 inhabitants to 1.3 murders per 100,000 inhabitants in just five years. Unimaginable. Just think about it. But we achieved that. Por eso. Thank you. So thanks to this, my country is now a benchmark for others who suffer from the same problem. The International Monetary Fund has said that improvements for security has strengthened trust in and the economic activity of my country. And it's estimated the El Salvadorian economy will grow by 4.5% in 2026. So this has skyrocketed. And this is driven by investment, private consumption, remittances, tourism and inward capital flows. However, it would be a mistake to boil all of this down to numbers, because behind each and every number, these numbers that we have got used to when we say millions, they're not just numbers, they're millions of faces, individual people, individuals. So in my country, that we're talking about a mother who no longer has to be scared about whether her children are coming home in the evening or not. A business owner who used to face so much anxiety that knew that their basket of mangoes that they had to sell, they had to sell them for more than $10. Because if they didn't sell them for more than $10, they wouldn't be able to pay their protection money and they'd get shot in the head. So now behind these figures, we have a business owner who's able to open their business without fear, somebody who's able to breathe easily and cross the city freely, and a child who's able to run around all of the streets of our country, streets and spaces that they weren't able to dream of going in before, and something more profound, even the fact is that we now have a society that has recovered hope, grounded in the ability to imagine a different future. This is what recovering security really means. It doesn't just mean reducing crime, it means giving freedom its rights, its rightful space back. And I'm talking about freedom for each and every one of our citizens and each and every person that visits our country. And when a society recovers its freedom to walk around, to work, to do business and to live and breathe without fear, a second transformation begins. That is the recovery of trust. And this explains why El Salvador is now a benchmark for countries that are seeking support and looking for answers to their own security challenges. And it's not that our journey can be copied and pasted mechanically because there's no universal formula. Each situation needs to be resolved according to each country's individual experience. However, there is a lesson that we believe can be a universal lesson, and that is that no nation should have to accept collapse and government impotence as their destiny, the destiny for their people. No country. El Salvador, no. El Salvador has not come to this assembly to say that we've resolved all of our problems. No, we still got a lot to do. That would be false. To claim that we've come to say something much more profound. With determination, we have demonstrated that a problem that seemed irreversible could be tackled and turned around, regardless of whatever problem it is. And I want to be clear in line with the vision of my president, Mr. Bukele, security is not the final destination.

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Since 2021, this organization has been working on recommendations and calling out illegal migration across the Darien and established a base of humanitarian aid, and it looked like more of a concentration camp in the midst of the 21st century. However, in practical terms, the transit of people increased in 2022, and even more in 2023 and in the first six months of 2024. So it went from being uncontrolled migration and turned into huge illegal migration. People trafficking organizations linked to drug trafficking used and abused this space to transport more families, and the result of it was women and children, children ending up orphaned in one of the worst social disasters that my country can remember. In addition to this, we must add the ecological damage caused in a biodiversity reserve, the Darien Gap Reserve, and this has still not recovered. And this is a situation where there's more than a million people transiting across it, and since the first day I knew that we needed to resolve this issue individually, like I did, because this organization wasn't able to do it. And it's for this reason that at the beginning of my term I signed a memorandum of understanding with the government of the United States. This, at the end of the day, is a border issue for the United States also, but it was taking place in Panama. And so in the second six months of 2024, with colossal effort being made by my country, we managed to oversee a 50% drop compared to the first six months of the year. In 2025, when restrictive measures were implemented in the United States and we worked in better coordination with one another, we saw a 99% drop. So this means halting one of the worst humanitarian disgraces that Panama has ever seen in its history, putting an end to family separation, and also we stopped criminals profiting. This description is something that should not be seen as an isolated criticism, but rather as an inflection point to understand the increasingly widening gap between what citizens expect and what they are able to obtain from this organization on issues such as illegal migration, for example.

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At the same time, criticism of government policy must never become a cover for anti-Semitism. If civilian lives are equal, our attention should be guided by the scale, duration and severity of suffering, Not primarily by geography, political alliances, media visibility or political influence. These principles must also guide our approach to Belarus. We condemn the authorities systemic repression arbitrary detention and persecution of political opponents, human rights defenders and independent voices. All political prisoners must be released immediately and unconditionally, and those responsible for human rights violations must be held accountable. We should speak about this. Slovenia stands with the Belarusian people and supports a peaceful democratic transformation founded on free and fair elections, the rule of law, and full respect for human rights. Belarus belongs in a free and democratic Europe.

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And it is precisely because I recognize the value of that cooperation that today I want to speak frankly about the UN. I've been critical about this, of this organization. I was critical of it before I became president, and it would be inconsistent to address this Assembly today and conceal my attempt to seal my convictions. This criticism isn't born out of whim or hostility towards the United Nations. It's based in political, institutional, doctrinal considerations. I believe in the UN as an organization, and it is precisely for that reason that I believe it's legitimate to ask whether the institutions that we've been building are effectively responding to the problems that it was created to address. The charter itself is very clear here. This organization was born to maintain international peace and security, to foster friendly relations among nations, and to promote cooperation in resolving the major common problems. Eight decades on, the question cannot be whether those purposes remain valid. Of course they do. The questions have completely changed, though. Is the UN fulfilling those purposes with the effectiveness demanded by today's world? Are there bureaucratic structures that have become excessively cumbersome? Are we dedicating too many resources, too much energy to administering procedures or too little to resolving problems? Are we measuring our results rigorously enough? Another matter that I wish to address is human rights. Colombia defends human rights and will continue to do so.

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The supreme sacrifice that our heroes have made is a seed of liberty, of justice and sovereignty that are oppressed peoples aspire to. It is the source that nourishes our determination on a daily basis to recover the integrity of our territories, to defend our dignity, and to ensure our sacred rights to live free in peace and security. To the people of the Confederation of the States of the Sahel, including its diaspora, I pay a tribute and renew my pride in them. Courage, resilience, commitment and mobilization as they are showing each and every day, supporting the efforts of the heads of state of the AES Confederation, remain the centre of gravity of our journey towards sovereignty and stability and development. To all of the peoples of Africa and the world who share our struggle and who recognise themselves in the ideals of peace, dignity and liberty that the Confederation represents, I reiterate my gratitude. Mr. President. The confederal dynamic that has been engaged in and taken up by our States, far from being an act in isolation, brings forward the rejection of fatality and chronic wardship that we faced, as well as the rejection of selective criticism when we see human tragedies. It's the sign of a shared willingness of our states to escape the vicious cycle of structural domination and exploitation that are profoundly rooted in the colonial and neo colonialist legacies. It carries the hope of a renaissance of the central Sahel that for too long has been devalued and disregarded. The new course embarked on since the 16th of September 2023 by adopting the charter of Liptako-Gourma, consolidated by the creation of the Confederation of Sahel States on the 6th of July 2024, ushered in a new era for the people of the AES. And each area of land recovered, each terrorist base destroyed, each battle won over the forces of evil, each school recovered, each village rebuilt, each reform initiated brings us closer to this new horizon, defended with determination by Comrade Captain Ibrahim Traore, Army General Assimi Goita and General Abdourahamane Tiani. Under their enlightened leadership against the winds and the tides, the Alliance of Sahel States is consolidating itself every day, taking charge of its own destiny, a destiny of dignity, prosperity and freedom and justice. And this is affirmed thanks to the mobilization of a people over a common space with a shared destiny. One people, one space, one destiny. This motto guides each and every one of our actions, and is embodied by the operationalization of the unified force of the Confederation, and is also embodied by the creation of the confederal Bank, investment Bank and development Bank, and is embodied by the consolidation of relations between all of the different institutions of the countries of the AES, as well as strengthening the historic, centuries long links between the communities and the vital forces of our space.

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