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You have brought us together to restore trust and manage transformation. To achieve this, we now require serenity, clarity, and unity— serenity because the international order is going through a profound transition, clarity because this organization faces an unprecedented financial situation and conflicts that are ongoing, and a technological revolution that is progressing quicker than our ability to govern it, and unity because none of these challenges can be addressed by one country acting alone. As a developing island country, the Dominican Republic is well aware of vulnerability. Situations that happen far away from our coasts can directly impact the dinner tables of our families.
Climate change must never be allowed to erase a nation's sovereignty, its statehood, or the rights of its people. Antigua and Barbuda and other vulnerable states sought clarity on the obligations of states in relationship to climate change. The International Court of Justice has spoken. Climate obligations are not acts of generosity. They are responsibilities under international law. For small states, international law is more than a moral aspiration. It is our strategic shield. For SIDs, climate justice is survival.
The United States are our strategic partner. Full membership in the European Union is our strategic commitment. These are not three separate policies. They are one geopolitical orientation, an orientation grounded in democracy, collective security, the rule of law and an open economy. In a time of uncertainty, our response is not strategic ambiguity. Our response is clarity. But clarity in our alliances does not mean turning away from the world. Quite the opposite.
Our presidency demonstrated that mine action is indispensable foundation for poverty reduction, human dignity, and sustainable development. Mr. president, as the Secretary General, Antonio Guterres, prepared to complete his distinguished tenure at the helm of our organization the government and the people of Lao PDR wish to express our profound appreciation and heartfelt gratitude for his principled leadership, moral clarity, and unwavering dedication to the United Nations. A true and trusted friend of Lao PDR and fellow peace loving developing nations across the Global South, Secretary-General Guterres, will be warmly remembered for his tireless advocacy for international financial architecture reform, climate justice, sustainable development financing, and the dignity of the countries in special situation. His legacy of solidarity and bold championing of equity would continue to inspire our collective, multilateral effort for years to come. Mr. president, in conclusion, the Lao PDR firmly believes that the United Nations remains the essential home of global cooperation. No single nation can overcome today's complex global challenges alone. Let us unite our collective strength, renew our trust in multilateralism, and work together to build a peaceful, resilient and prosperous world where no nation and people is left behind.
And I'm here not to sell you a product or a policy, or yet another declaration. I am here to sell you an idea. An idea conceived and spearheaded by His Majesty King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck, an idea embraced by the people of Bhutan. An idea already being built. That idea is Gelephu Mindfulness City, GMC. And my sales pitch is simple. Come and build it with us. Now, the world has built new cities before financial centers, freeports, technology hubs, special economic zones. But GMC is different. You see, Gelephu Mindfulness City is a special administrative region, an SAR. Under its Royal Charter, GMC exercises full autonomy in governance, legislation and the judiciary. Think one country, two systems. Think of the agility of a microstate. But GMC was not inherited from history. It was not created to manage a transfer of sovereignty. It is being deliberately created by Bhutan within Bhutan on sovereign Bhutanese territory for the future. GMC covers more than 4000km². That is more than five times the size of Singapore. But its greatest opportunity is not its size. Its greatest opportunity is an institutional blank slate. GMC was given something extraordinarily rare the freedom to design an entire city and its operating systems from first principles. So we asked if you could begin again. How would you govern? What laws would you write? How would we regulate business? How would we guarantee an independent judiciary? How would we attract the best talent? How would we use technology and especially artificial intelligence? How would we create wealth while protecting nature? And ultimately, what would all that prosperity be for? These were not theoretical questions. We answered them. And we are making full use of that institutional blank slate. If Singapore has legal principles that work, we learn from Singapore. If Abu Dhabi has financial regulations that work we learn from Abu Dhabi. If leading jurists from the United Kingdom can help us build an independent judiciary, we learn from them. And if international experts can strengthen our institutions, we learn from them. The principle is simple. Search the world for what works. Take the best, adapt it, and make it work for GMC. The result is a core operating system that is now in place, designed to give investors clarity, familiarity, and predictability. But GMC's operating system was designed around a deeper conviction that prosperity and values should reinforce one another. That means rejecting the assumption that we must choose between enterprise and well-being, between technology and humanity between development and nature. At GMC, we believe a balanced approach can deliver substantial profits while protecting the values that make prosperity worthwhile. Balance is not the enemy of profit. It is the foundation of lasting profit. And at GMC, balance is not a slogan. It is built into the operating system. And this matters deeply to Bhutan. You see, Bhutan is peaceful and stable. Our forests are intact. Our culture is alive. Our people are educated. But our economy is small. It cannot yet create enough opportunities for our young people. So too many of them leave home to find opportunity elsewhere. For a country as small as ours, this is not only an economic challenge, it is an existential one. We cannot simply tell them to stay. We must give them a reason to stay and a reason to return. Jobs. Opportunities. Enterprise, a future. So Bhutan must transform. But we refuse to believe that transformation requires us to become somebody else. We want economic growth. We want investment. We want technology. We want successful companies. We want our people to become wealthier. But we also want to protect what makes Bhutan Bhutan. That is the driving force behind His Majesty's vision for GMC. And that is why His Majesty is personally spearheading its development. GMC is not a project on the margins of Bhutan. It is at the heart of our national transformation. Our people have embraced GMC as a people's project and investment in our children, our economy and our shared future. Bhutan is not waiting to see whether the world believes in GMC before committing to it.
As he prepares to hand over the leadership of our organization in an international context marked by tension and uncertainty, I extend my best wishes to his successor. At a time when confidence in international institutions is declining, and they are often perceived as favoring power politics over law, our organization must rise above partisan interests. God willing the next leadership will embody unity and the renewal of a more credible multilateralism, and this will have the full support of the Comoros. It will be essential for that voice to defend the aspirations of developing countries, particularly small island and vulnerable states, and to foster collective responses to the challenges we share. For 81 years, this General Assembly has remained the central pillar of multilateralism. And now that we are meeting in New York, humanity is at a crossroads. Despite our efforts the Sustainable Development Goals of the 2030 agenda remain unfortunately out of reach. Growing inequalities, the climate emergency, the fragility of international peace all require renewed clarity and determination on our part.
Repetition does not make violation acceptable. And because these are not abstract questions for Moldovans watching at home, allow me to speak to them directly for a moment. My fellow Moldovans, I know many of you are anxiously following the news about the war next door and the growing threat from Russian drones, and are already thinking about the winter ahead. Yes, a difficult winter awaits us. Our duty as a government is to prepare and to help those who need it most. That is what we are working on, and that is what we are discussing with our partners here. But I want to ask something important of you. Let us stick together. In difficult times, this is what has always helped us through being there for one another, helping our neighbours, our parents and those struggling the most. We may hold different views, we may vote differently. That is natural in a country where people think freely, but caring for those around us must unite us. We are a small country. That makes it all the more important to know that we are not alone and that we can count on one another. That solidarity at home must go hand in hand with clarity about the danger around us. This is not a tragedy without an author.
And in this regard, the Republic of the Congo is following very closely the selection process for the next UN Secretary General. We believe that Africa a continent at the centre of many UN challenges and global geopolitical issues, must remain at the heart of the future Secretary-General's agenda. The next Secretary General must embrace a truly universal vision of the United Nations, one that leaves no continent at the margins and which fully takes into account Africa's place, responsibilities and legitimate interests. Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, for the Republic of the Congo, restoring trust and managing transformation of our international institutions is a collective imperative. The theme of this session, Restoring Trust and Managing Transformation, resonates as a call for clarity and courage in a world where trust is eroding, tensions are rising and double standards and relationships of force threaten to replace both the spirit and the letter of the UN charter. Humanity has never needed a renewed, inclusive and representative multilateralism more than it does today, a multilateralism that can reflect the realities of a multi-polar world in which Africa occupies its rightful place. This renewal requires a deep reform of international institutions, foremost amongst them the Security Council. Africa, strengthened by its history, its demographic dynamism and geopolitical importance, can no longer remain on the sidelines of decisions that shape its destiny. It must become a full and legitimate actor in accordance with the consensus. Africa's demand for two permanent Security Council seats with veto power is not a request, but a right, a legitimate right, grounded, which reflects the realities of the 21st century. The world has changed and our institutions must evolve with it. This is an imperative, and Africa is not asking for a favor. It is claiming its rightful place. The Republic of the Congo is a member of the Committee of Heads of States and Governments of the African Union on Security Council reform. The C10 Committee will not compromise on this shared demand. Your Excellency, ladies and gentlemen, the Republic of the Congo reiterates its willingness to serve the international community. With your support, we renew our aspiration to serve as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council for the 2030 2031 term. This candidacy of ours is rooted in a long diplomatic tradition, our sustained commitment to peace and a strong sense of international responsibility.
The Holy Quran commands: Wa in janahu lis-salmi fajnah laha wa tawakkal ala Allah, innahu huwa as-Sami al-Alim. If the enemy is inclined towards peace, make peace with them. Surah Al-Anfal. Ladies and gentlemen, Pakistan's founding father, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, had famously declared, we stand by the United Nations Charter and will gladly make our full contribution to the peace and prosperity of the world. These pearls of wisdom have shaped Pakistan's national ethos and guided our conduct at home and abroad. The unanimous adoption of resolution 2788 on strengthening mechanisms for peaceful settlement of disputes under Pakistan's UN Security Council presidency demonstrated our unwavering commitment to global peace. Mr. President. Unfortunately, in February this year, conflict engulfed Gulf along with wider Middle East. Precious lives were lost. Economies suffered. Critical maritime routes, particularly the Strait of Hormuz, came under severe pressure. At this critical moment, Pakistan chose to act swiftly. Through concerted efforts, Pakistan successfully brought Washington and Tehran under one roof in Islamabad. From the Islamabad talks to the Islamabad Memorandum of Understanding, many historic steps were taken to bring an end to this serious conflict here. I deeply appreciate Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir, Pakistan's chief of defense forces and chief of the Army staff, whose relentless efforts helped create space for diplomacy under exceptionally difficult and challenging circumstances. I would also like to commend the efforts of our Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar, in this behalf. Regrettably, Mr. President, recently we have witnessed a dangerous surge of hostilities. Yet amid the roar of missiles, drones and guns, the voice for diplomacy must echo even louder and stronger. The Strait of Hormuz and Bab el Mandeb are arteries of the global economy. They must remain open, connecting nations, not becoming choke points of confrontation. These waters must carry the promise of prosperity, not the perils of war. Excellencies, we once again condemn in the strongest possible terms the recent deplorable attacks by the Houthis against the kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The attempted drone attack on the holy city of Makkah Al-Mukarramah has outraged Muslims across the globe. Any threat to the safety and sanctity of the Haramain Sharifain is a red line that must never be crossed. No Muslim can even dare to think of committing such a heinous crime. Pakistan stands in complete solidarity with the brotherly people of Saudi Arabia, as we always have throughout our history. Ladies and gentlemen, our enduring commitment to peace is also reflected by the historic Makkah Joint Defense Agreement among the brotherly countries Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Pakistan. This alliance is not directed against any country. It is a collective commitment for defense, stability and peace in the region and nothing more. Mr. president, a year ago, Pakistan faced external aggression from India under a false pretext. Pakistan exercised its inherent right of self-defense under article 51 of the United Nations Charter. Our brave and valiant armed forces, under the courageous leadership of Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir, responded with precision and professionalism. They silenced the enemy, repulsed its attack, and taught it a lesson it shall never, ever forget. And of course, thanks to President Donald Trump's resolute and visionary leadership that hundreds of millions of lives in South Asia were saved. His timely intervention came at a decisive juncture when two nuclear armed neighbours stood at the brink of an all out war. And who knows, Mr. President, the extent of devastation that could have taken place had President Trump not stepped in at this critical moment with clarity of thought and action? Mr. president, we must therefore ensure that South Asia never reaches that precipice ever again. But this requires a just and fair solution of the Kashmir dispute. For eight decades, the Kashmiri people have waited for the United Nations to fulfill its solemn commitment of a free and impartial plebiscite under its auspices. Generations have endured illegal occupation, arbitrary detention, extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, sexual violence and collective punishment. More recently, there have been attempts to alter the legal status of Jammu and Kashmir through demographic reengineering and other illegal measures. Helpless Kashmiri mothers and fathers yearn for their sons and daughters who never return. Their homes lie silent under curfew and in deep grief. For many, there is no closure, only a lifetime spent searching for graves that bear no names. Mr. president, from this podium, I assure my Kashmiri brothers and sisters with fullest authority at my command that we shall continue to extend our full diplomatic, political and moral support to them till they are granted their inalienable right to self-determination. Kashmir has and always will be Pakistan's jugular vein. Excellencies, another foundation of stability in South Asia is now under strain. The shared waters of the Indus River system are the lifeblood not only for the people of Pakistan, but for the entire region. India's unilateral decision to hold the existing treaty in abeyance has no legal basis whatsoever. In fact, both its claims and actions have been rejected by UN experts and more recently by the Court of Arbitration. Our legitimate stand that the treaty remains valid, binding and fully operative has been vindicated beyond any doubt. Ladies and gentlemen, water must never be weaponised. Rivers should nourish nations, not divide them. Therefore, any attempt to stop, impede or divert Pakistan's share of the waters will be treated as an act of war. India. India. India must make no mistake about it. Ladies and gentlemen, for generations, Palestinians, particularly women, children and the elderly have been subjected to occupation, eviction, suffering and death. Last year, Mr. President, I had shared with you the heart wrenching story of Hind Rajab, an innocent Palestinian girl who was brutally shot by Israeli soldiers. This year, another tragedy weighs heavy on our hearts, your hearts and the world's heart. This time it is the deafening cries of the sobbing mother of eight year old Wafaa Akila, who embraced martyrdom in this senseless aggression. What should have been the first day of her school, alas, became the last day of her life. Does not a child born in Gaza deserve the same life and the same future and same dream as a child, anywhere else in the world? The tragedies of Rajab, Wafaa Akila and countless others will echo through history as an indictment of our collective silence, failure, and inaction. Excellencies, it is deeply worrying that Israeli violence has now spread to the West Bank where the forcible eviction of Palestinians clearly reflects Israel's genocidal agenda, which continues unabated. Pakistan believes that the only just and lasting solution is the creation of an independent, sovereign, viable and contiguous state of Palestine, based on the pre 1967 borders, with Al-Quds Al-Sharif as its capital. Ladies and gentlemen, we also condemn continued Israeli aggression against Lebanon and Syria. This, too, must stop immediately. Ladies and gentlemen, terrorism remains one of the greatest threats to international peace and security.
Mr. president of the General Assembly. Mr. Secretary General excellencies, distinguished ladies and gentlemen. I congratulate His Excellency Khalilur Rahman on his election as president of the 81st session of the General Assembly. President Rahman assumes this responsibility at a moment that demands principled and steady leadership. He has Sierra Leone's full support. I pay tribute to His Excellency Secretary General Antonio Guterres, who is in the closing months of his mandate. He has served this organization with steadfastness, moral clarity and the courage to speak difficult truths.
Mr. President, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, we are often tempted to look to the future with disquiet. But let's look to the future with clarity, confidence and above all, responsibility. We already know a great deal about what the future has in store. The climate will continue to change. Technologies will continue to transform our societies and our economies. Africa will have greater weight in global demographic and economic equilibria. Security threats will continue to try and cross borders. But we know one thing more than anything no state will be able to tackle these challenges on its own. So let's prepare. Let's prepare our countries. Let's prepare our institutions. Let's get multilateralism ready. Above all, let's prepare ourselves to pass the baton, because the responsibility of a generation is not just to receive the world bequeathed to them from those who came before. It is also to have the courage, the vision, the determination to hand down a better world to those who come after you. This is the responsibility that Benin intends to shoulder for us, for Africa and the United Nations. Let's restore trust, rebuild our capacity for working together. Let's manage these transformations. And that means deciding to prepare for them rather than simply enduring them. Let's ensure that the United Nations serves us all, which means that multilateralism once again becomes a source of strength, that it is of use for the people of the world. This is the basis for multilateralism, legitimacy, and Benin intends to contribute to this effort.
It recognized the trafficking of enslaved Africans as the gravest crime against humanity. It approves a more accurate representation of the world map. Now it needs to focus on issues crucial for the future of humanity. We are called to choose between multilateralism or unilateralism, democracy or extremism, sovereignty or subordination. These choices require courage, political will and clarity of objectives.
Say our name. Naoero. Mr. president, Naoero is an ocean state. We are not merely guardians of the ocean, but rightful participants in its future. For Naoero, the ocean represents both opportunity and responsibility. Never one without the other. Both are essential, or the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea is left hollow. Today I focus on a part of it that belongs to no one, the deep seabed area beyond national jurisdiction. Mr. president, the convention established the International Seabed Authority and charged it with a clear legal obligation to put in place regulations and regulate activities in parallel with sponsoring states. Its role is not to determine whether deep seabed mining is, as a matter of public policy, a correct course of action. Naoero joined trusting in the commitment set out in the convention and the 1994 agreement. For 15 years, Naoero has invested critical resources in sponsoring the exploration of a portion of the deep seabed. Our sponsored entity, NORI or Nauru Ocean Resources, has contributed about one petabyte of data more than one third of all Clarion-Clipperton Zone data held in the authority's DeepData. We called on the authority to seek an advisory opinion on the responsibilities of sponsoring states, and we followed it. We established a national regulator with the powers and due diligence obligations that opinion requires. At every stage, our decisions have rested on the best available scientific evidence, on the convention and on that opinion. At every stage, we have called for the mining code to be finished, and when progress stalled, we looked to the 1994 agreement and invoked the two year rule. We were told then that we were rushing. That was five years ago, and today the rules remain unwritten. We are participating in the first contentious proceedings before the Seabed Disputes Chamber, because our obligations as a sponsoring state require legal clarity. For 15 years, we have done everything a member state can do, consistent with our obligations as a sponsoring state. And today we continue to wait. Mr. president, there is a general understanding within the authority's council that nothing is agreed until everything is agreed, and that the regulations will be adopted by consensus. Achieving that is a great challenge for an institution whose members remain deeply divided on whether deep seabed mining should proceed at all, a question the convention never asked the authority to decide. Naoero welcomes every effort to ensure that seabed mineral development proceeds responsibly, and I ask this Assembly to reckon with this. A principle declared in 1970 and a bargain struck in 1994, both in this hall still wait for the rules that would give them effect. When a multilateral process cannot deliver, the world does not stand still. Those with the means to act will not wait. And every year of delay makes that more likely not less. That is why the theme of this session matters. A multilateral system that cannot deliver for a state like mine does not deliver for all. That holds here, in this assembly and in any institution we build. Naoero therefore calls upon the authority to let the waiting end.
When we condemn Russia's clear violation of international law in Ukraine, it is equally important to speak out of Israel's violations of the same rules in Palestine. International law is only relevant if it's enforced. There is no alternative to the two state solution. At this General Assembly, there has been a record number of Palestine related meetings. The support for a Palestinian state has never been stronger. Yet the situation on the ground is more dire than ever. We must act now with moral clarity and ensure that the coming year becomes a year of implementation. My message is this: only if we apply international law to all people in all places and at all times, can we claim that these are universal rules. Double standards quickly translate into no standards at all. Secondly, the UN is in a financial crisis. Major contributors are withholding or delaying payments. Wars and security concerns diverts resources away from the fulfilment of our Sustainable Development Goals. And when resources are available, they too often come with strict earmarking.
International law has spoken with increasing clarity. Saint Kitts and Nevis welcomed the International Court of Justice's advisory opinion on states' climate obligations. Clarification must now become compliance. Commitments must become conduct. And promises must become performance. States must reduce emissions, strengthen adaptation, honour climate finance responsibilities, and cooperate with countries bearing consequences vastly disproportionate to their contribution to this crisis. Mr. President, those who contributed least must not pay the greatest price. Our oceans must also move from promises to protection.
The situation in the Middle East demand clarity. San Marino unequivocally condemn terrorism, including the horrific attack of 7th October 2023. But we must be equally clear on another point. The Palestinian people have an inviolable right to self-determination and to their own state. Statehood is not a reward for terrorism. It is a right. At the same time, nothing can justify the collective punishment of civilians. The suffering in Gaza cannot become new normal. We call for a permanent ceasefire and for full, safe and unhindered humanitarian access. Humanitarian assistance must reach those who need it. Civilian lives must be protected. UNRWA and other humanitarian organisations must be able to operate. We call for the permanent disarmament of Hamas and other non-state armed groups, and for the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Gaza Strip. We support the Palestinian Authority and its reform efforts, including democratic elections. We urge Israel to release withheld clearance revenue and to facilitate correspondent banking services for the Palestinian Authority. In the West Bank and East Jerusalem, settlement expansion, settler violence, land appropriation, demolition and eviction must stop. The situation is rapidly deteriorating amid unprecedented level of settler violence and settlement expansion, including an unacceptable decision to publish tender for the E1 settlement project. This development undermines the possibility of a viable Palestinian state. The status quo of Jerusalem holy site must be respected. All communities, including Christian community, must be protected. Last year, San Marino endorsed the New York Declaration for a two state solution. Following a unanimous mandate from our parliament, the Great and General Council, San Marino recognised Palestine as a sovereign and independent state within secure and internationally recognised borders and in accordance with relevant United Nations resolution. We stand by that decision. There is no alternative to the two state living side by side in peace, security and mutual recognition. The window for that solution is narrowing. We must act now. Mr. president, the consequences of the conflict extended far beyond Gaza and the West Bank. Escalation across the region, threatening international peace and security. We are deeply concerned by the hostility involving Iran and by threat to maritime security in the Red sea and the Strait of Hormuz. Freedom of navigation is essential to global stability. International law, including UNCLOS, must be respected. In Lebanon, we call for full respect for sovereignty and for the implementation of Security Council Resolution 1701. Civilian infrastructure must be protected. In Syria, we support an inclusive and peaceful political transition that respects sovereignty, protect civilians and strengthen institutions. Peace cannot be imposed by force. It requires diplomacy and dialogue, and it requires international rule. Mr. president, Europe is also facing a war that continues to cause immense humanitarian suffering. San Marino condemned Russia's ongoing aggression against Ukraine, the bombardment of the city, the killing of civilians, attack on humanitarian aid workers, the unlawful deportation of children. These are not simply tragedy. They are violations of international law. No state can be allowed to redraw borders by force. San Marino therefore, reiterate its call for a full, immediate and unconditional ceasefire, leading to a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. Any peace must respect Ukrainian sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. Mr. president, from Ukraine to Gaza, from Sudan to Syria, from the Sahel to Afghanistan, civilians continue to pay the highest price.
Mr. President, seminal changes are taking place across the world at a pace faster than many institutions are able to adapt or respond. People across the globe are demanding greater clarity, honesty and action from their leaders and institutions. The theme of this year's general debate Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all, goes to the heart of this challenge. The erosion of trust is reflected in unresolved conflicts, humanitarian crisis that outpace available resources, increasingly frequent climate disasters, widening inequalities and technological advances that are moving faster than governance.
Today, once again, we choose dialogue over confrontation, cooperation over isolation, democracy over authoritarianism, peace over war, and development over resignation. The United Nations will not restore trust simply because we declare it so in this hall. We must be firm and unequivocal in our defense of multilateralism, democracy, peace, and, above all, human dignity. And before this assembly, I wish to say this with absolute clarity. Paraguay is ready to play its part. Because our history has taught us to resist. And our future calls on us to build. Beyond words lie actions.
No more exploitation. Excellencies, The fourth power test is technology, and above all artificial intelligence. For centuries, power came from territory. Then industry. Then finance. Today, power increasingly comes from data, computing capacity and algorithms. This new power is highly concentrated. It is advancing at extraordinary speed. And racing ahead of our ability to understand its full consequences. In 2017, AI was barely on the world’s radar. Yet in my first address to the opening of the General Assembly, I warned – and I quote: “Artificial intelligence is a game changer that can boost development and transform lives in spectacular fashion. But it may also have a dramatic impact on labour markets and, indeed, on global security and the very fabric of societies.” Unquote. Here we are, almost a decade later. AI is indeed a game changer – with enormous promise to advance medicine, accelerate scientific discovery, expand opportunity, and improve lives. Make no mistake. The danger is not technology. The danger is technology without accountability: Capability without oversight. Decision-making without transparency. And that danger cannot be minimized. The very developers building these systems are now pulling the alarm. Excellencies, The first duty of government is to protect its people. Governments must assume their responsibilities. And governments with the greatest AI capabilities have the greatest responsibilities to humanity. To establish channels for dialogue, transparency, trust and cooperation. Not despite geopolitical rivalry – but precisely because of it. At a pivotal moment during the Cold War, strategic rivals came to recognize the need to manage shared existential risks. They built mechanisms to reduce misunderstandings, manage escalation, and prevent catastrophe. Artificial intelligence demands the same clarity of purpose and sense of urgency. Those countries leading this technological revolution must share information on emerging safety risks. Cooperate on testing and evaluation. And work towards common safeguards that protect us all. But because this affects us all, global coordination is indispensable. And there is only one place where every country has a voice in shaping our common future: The United Nations. Through the Global Digital Compact, you agreed for the first time on universal principles for AI governance. Through the Global Dialogue on AI Governance, we created a platform for governments, scientists, industry leaders and civil society to work together. Through the Independent International Scientific Panel on AI, we have brought together global expertise to ensure that policy is guided by evidence. Just yesterday, the AI Scientific Panel released a thematic brief on AI safety and risks from loss of human control. Building on these efforts, we must take the next steps. First, to advance the conditions for the responsible pacing of AI and the additional safeguards needed to address risks. Second, to work towards a multilateral AI Risk Management Framework, supported by credible and independent oversight. And in all our efforts, we must ensure no country is left behind. Artificial intelligence must be shaped by humanity, with humanity, and for all humanity. And as we confront the challenges ahead, let us not retreat from two fundamental principles. Let us say with one voice: Children must never become the test subjects for unregulated systems. And let us resolve that life-and-death decisions must never be surrendered to machines. Killer robots must have no place in our future. Excellencies, Peace and security. Inequality.
