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NZ
No. 1
New Zealand09/28 · first at about 1 min12 mentions
Fundamental norms governing state behaviour are being violated with increasing impunity, contravening the UN Charter and other universally applicable rules of international law. Core human rights that protect the well-being and dignity of our citizens are increasingly being ignored. Humanitarian needs are growing faster than our collective ability to meet them. After decades of progress, hard won development gains have slowed, and it is clear we will fail to meet most of the Sustainable Development Goals by their 2030 target.
It is a carefully crafted agreement to safeguard peace and security, promote development, and uphold human rights. I still believe in that promise, enshrined in the United Nations Charter. But the world around us is changing, and not for the better. Over the past year in particular, it has become increasingly clear that the multilateral world order, with the United Nations and the Charter in its core, is at a profound turning point. Blatant disregard for international law and the principles of a charter, reinforced by the sense of impunity, too often dominates over adherence to the rule of law and cooperation between countries for a better future. Mutual dependence has come to be treated as a critical vulnerability. Aggression, wars, and conflicts are becoming the new normal. Millions of people are suffering in Ukraine, Gaza, Sudan, Haiti, Myanmar.
The traditional system of international justice is seriously undermined whenever interests prevail over law, and the same rules do not apply to everyone. The greatest problem of today is not a lack of rules or political principles, but the fact that they were not respected in the past or now. You will notice, dear friends, that today, with the exception of a few countries, everyone speaks of and invokes the UN Charter, the spirit of the Charter, and the principles on which the world order that was in force until recently was based on. It is as though they want to tell us, "Never mind, it doesn't count," that the fact that in the past we tore down and violated that Charter by which we opened a Pandora's Box which is impossible to be closed, and today we would like, without consequences, to return to the future. They would like to revitalize the observance of the very same principles that powerful and great countries trampled so brutally. How many times, over the past two days from this rostrum, have you heard calls and appeals for observance of the principles of international public law, particularly when it comes to the conflict in Ukraine, while the majority of those same countries shamelessly and recklessly remain silent about the fact that they themselves participated in trampling the Charter and destroying the foundations of the international public law system? And today, they would, at any cost, like to return to those principles now that they see that more powerful and stronger ones have resorted to the very same violations that they themselves carried out when they were the most powerful and the strongest. Here, I am referring to all the countries that recognize the unilaterally declared independence of the so-called Kosovo, and without any basis whatsoever in international legal documents attempted to seize 14 percent of the territory of the Republic of Serbia. To many of you, this may sound like a distant past, but the wounds inflicted on international public law are becoming ever deeper and more severe. To be completely precise, the order based on respect for the UN Charter and the law founded upon it no longer exists. It was destroyed by those who tore apart the territories of other countries for the sake of their own political and economic interests. They did so unscrupulously, recklessly, and shamelessly.
Mr. President, Excellencies, Ladies and gentlemen, The faultlines in our world are widening. Cracks have become canyons. Over the last decade, wars erupted with devastating consequences and dragged on with despicable cruelty. Civilians were targeted. Human rights trampled. Hunger weaponized. Humanitarians killed. International law cast aside. Geopolitical divides have deepened. Inequalities have intensified. Trust has frayed. The climate crisis went from distant warning to daily reality. And artificial intelligence moved at a speed that has blindsided even those who created it. These are not separate crises. They are chapters of the same story. The story of power. Who has it. Who is denied it. How it is used. And how it is changing. Excellencies, Power is being reshaped in three fundamental ways. First, among States. New centres of economic, political and technological influence have emerged. Second, we are witnessing an extraordinary transfer of power away from governments to a handful of private corporations and individuals. Their reach now extends across politics, economies, information flows, technological development, and the civic space on which societies depend. And, third, humans are increasingly handing over power to machines – with Artificial Intelligence agents going rogue, and lethal autonomous weapons going from science fiction to military reality. Yet our institutions and systems of global governance continue to reflect the power realities and interests of a largely bygone age. That is the defining challenge before us. At the very moment when humanity faces an unprecedented convergence of threats, our mechanisms for collective action are under growing strain. Excellencies, We are clearly moving towards a multipolar world. And that movement is irreversible. But there are different ways that multipolarity can take shape. One possibility is a world of fragmentation and transactionalism. A world of rising tensions and deepening mistrust. Of fractured markets and weakened institutions. Of shrinking cooperation and zero-sum calculations. In many respects, that is the trajectory we are on today. But there is another path. A path towards networked multipolarity. A world built on interdependence – and sustained by a dense web of economic, political, social and technological connections. A world in which multiple centres of influence coexist within a common framework of international law and shared rules. Such a world can help us avoid hegemonic tendencies and what I have called the Great Fracture: The division of the world into two rival blocs with separate economic, technological and security systems. A networked world recognizes that no power can solve today’s challenges alone. Of course, competition will remain a permanent feature of international relations. But competition does not have to mean confrontation. Healthy competition can drive innovation, strengthen resilience, and expand opportunity. But only when it operates within frameworks that preserve stability and enable cooperation where cooperation is indispensable. Building a networked future begins with a recognition, especially by superpowers: That their power isn’t so super. That their power has limits. The events of recent years have made that unmistakably clear. Military power alone cannot secure peace. Economic power alone cannot command stability. And technological power alone cannot guarantee security. A networked multipolar world can create the conditions for more balanced and representative global problem-solving. But it requires a multilateral system centred in the UN that is balanced and representative. Strong, effective institutions that reflect the realities and the progressively changing relative weight of countries and economies in today’s world – not the power arrangements of 80 years ago. Fortunately, we are not starting from scratch. We already have a binding foundation: The Charter of the United Nations. And the principles that give it life. The primacy of international law. Upholding human dignity. And the pursuit of justice in all its dimensions. These are the backbone for the effective, legitimate and responsible exercise of power in the 21st century. Excellencies, It comes down to this: Will we act to ensure that power is governed by law or by force? By cooperation or coercion? By responsibility to young people and future generations or indifference to their fate? Because the defining challenges of our age are not separate from the question of power. They are expressions of it. And they will determine whether we drift deeper into division and instability – or move toward cooperation, justice and collective security. Looking ahead, our future will be shaped by how we address four great tests of power: The power over war and peace. The power that concentrates wealth and drives inequality.
Over the course of your tenure, you have led United Nations through some of the most tumultuous periods in recent international history. You have stood consistently for multilateralism at a time when multilateralism itself was under enormous pressure. Vanuatu hopes that the next secretary general will carry forward that same commitment to all member states, large or small. Mr. president, Vanuatu comes to this 81st session of the General Assembly with a simple message the world needs the United Nations more than ever, and the United Nations must deliver for the people who depend on it. The theme of this session Restoring Trust, Managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all, therefore comes at an important moment. The 81st session opened against a backdrop of profound geopolitical uncertainty and rapid transformation. For Vanuatu, developments in international systems are never distant or abstract. The effects reach our villages, our markets, our schools, our hospitals, our oceans and our homes. Mr. president, the international political and security environment is becoming increasingly difficult. We are witnessing geopolitical competition, strategic rivalry and conflicts, growing military expenditures, economic fragmentation, technological disruption and weakening of confidence in the multilateral institutions. The rules that were designed to provide predictability and stability are increasingly being tested. The prohibition against the use of force is being challenged. The international humanitarian law is being tested, the peaceful settlement of disputes is being undermined, and the authority of international institutions is being questioned. For small states, this is deeply concerning. Small states do not possess the military, economic or technological capabilities of major powers. We do not have the ability to impose our will through coercion. Our security depends fundamentally on something else international law, multilateral institutions, diplomacy and the equal sovereignty of states. This is why Vanuatu has a profound interest in the success of the United Nations. The charter begins with a commitment to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, and reaffirms the equal rights of nations, large and small. It establishes sovereign equality, peaceful settlement of disputes and the prohibition of the threat or use of force as fundamental principles of international relations. These are not merely legal concepts for Vanuatu. They are our security architecture. When international law is respected, a small nation has protection. When the charter is respected, a small state has a voice. When disputes are resolved peacefully, a small state does not have to choose between submission and confrontation. And when sovereignty is respected, independence has meaning. We therefore cannot accept a world in which international law applies differently according to the size, military strength or economic power of a state. The charter must apply equally to all. Mr. president, the security environment is also changing in ways that are particularly important for the Pacific region. The Pacific Islands are increasingly viewed through the lens of strategic competition.
Mr. President, Excellencies, as the UN Secretary-General reminded us a few years ago, the United Nations is a product of hope. Eighty-one years after its birth, that hope is being tested. Technology, including artificial intelligence, is advancing at rapid speed; climate change is reshaping our societies; the international landscape is becoming more complex, more contested, and more unpredictable. The international order is not simply changing; it is being tested in an unprecedented manner. But it is in such times of uncertainty that the foundational values of multilateralism must be protected: international law, the UN Charter, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, the peaceful settlement of disputes, respect for human rights, the equality of states. All these are not principles of the past; they are principles that transcend time, the essential ingredient for the present and for the future. The challenge before us is therefore clear: as the world changes, our institutions must be able to respond to new realities and threats while guided by the painful lessons of history and the vision of the founding fathers of this organization. And this is the essence of the theme of the 81st General Assembly: restoring trust, managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all. Ladies and gentlemen, transformation is inevitable. What must remain constant is the UN Charter as our compass. It directs all of us, irrespective of power, size, and leverage. For small-sized countries, the principle of equality of states is fundamental, and it has formed the binding trust between us. We rely on an international system in which sovereignty and territorial integrity are respected. We expect international law, including the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, to be applied consistently. We believe in the peaceful resolution of disputes, and we demand that the rights of every state be protected. These are the integral elements of our collective trust, and this is the code of conduct of Cyprus's diplomatic engagement. And in a rapidly changing world, small-sized states must seek synergies while continuing to pursue strategic autonomy. Preserving trust also requires institutions capable of responding to the world as it is today. The United Nations must therefore continue to evolve. The UN80 initiative is an important part of this effort. The Pact for the Future and the 2030 Agenda and its Sustainable Development Goals are also part of the effort to ensure that multilateral cooperation can respond to the needs of our time. This moment of reform also comes as the UN Secretary-General approaches the completion of a decade leading this organization. Cyprus wishes to acknowledge his leadership during a period of extraordinary global developments, his steadfast commitment to multilateralism, and his effort to strengthen and reform the UN. But reforming our structural setup is only part of the answer. What is also needed is a genuine willingness of member states to contribute and protect the multilateral system. After all, states bring different capabilities, experiences, and perspectives. Great powers have scale; smaller states must have persuasion. We cannot compel, but we can coalesce. We cannot dictate outcomes, but together we can help shape them. There is no doubt that the challenges of today require cooperation and partnerships based on the knowledge of regions and of the realities.
Germany, Japan and all NATO countries are voting against it. This comes as no surprise. We wish to underscore the outcome of the Second World War is the basis for the post-war world order. It's enshrined in the UN charter. The former axis powers ratified this document, and thus they recognized their responsibility for these countless atrocities, a result of Nazi ideology and practices. And today, when they turn a blind eye to Ukrainian Nazism, well, they are undermining the basis of the UN-centric world order, consigning to oblivion the responsibility of Nazi Germany, including responsibility for the genocide of the Soviet people. And in fact, in doing so, Germany is also Kiev's main sponsor. Thus, Chancellor Merz is stating that Germany must once again be a leading military power in Europe. Does Berlin understand what this could lead to?
Dear friends. Since this morning, we've heard a number of speeches from this rostrum about the state of the world, and I fear I will not be very original in my description. Every speaker has described the return of imperialism, of arrogance, the return of unrestrained force which knows no rules, a world in which we see power concentrated in the hands of the few, a world in which some believe that they can undermine the international order so as to push their borders outwards. Those that believe that people's sovereignty can be toppled over that they could use that sovereignty. People who believe that they can decide the fate of the planet, whether that be as regards the climate or AI. The question we must answer is very simple. The question is, do we want to live under this state of affairs with a return to the law of the jungle? Or do we want to live in a civilised international society? Our duty today, more than ever, is to hold firm here at the United Nations in order to make decisions to further our common interests so that people can choose their fate freely, their development model choose their future. To refuse their sovereignty being taken hostage by unjust forces, by fear. Therefore, the very raison d'etre of this organisation is to bring together free people on an equal footing. It is our charter that prevents the power wielded by some from making decisions for others. This is what compels us to work together to demonstrate our commitment and our capacity to act, and usefully so. You know just how committed France is to the United Nations and its ability to shoulder the responsibilities conferred upon it by the charter. I wish to reassert our commitment to take action hand in hand with each and every one of you, so as to revive multilateralism and to demonstrate that we are stronger, more effective, more capable of tackling common challenges if we do this together. Today's challenges, future challenges, ones we do not know about yet, challenges we haven't yet tackled. I talked about the climate. It also applies to war and peace, new technologies and development. Across all of these areas, wherever might is right is being imposed, we must defend justice and our common interests, and it is in the interests of each and every one of us as well, because our charter affords us the protection, the right to live together. Given the sorry state of the world, given what we're seeing today, and that is a growing number of wars we haven't solved, multiplying myriad crises and contemporary challenges which are weighing on new generations in new ways, I believe we are duty bound not to yield. And at the end of the day, the message I wish to convey to you today, as I've been doing over the last nine years, is a message of determination. Optimism through action. What I'm trying to tell you is that we will not yield to fatalism, to defeatism, which is very much in vogue according to this rhetoric. There's not much point coming here to deliver speeches. They say might is right. We can impose a different kind of peace. That is what they say.
Mr. President, we meet during a pivotal moment when the world is facing numerous interconnected and complex crises. Conflicts are spreading, climate shocks are intensifying and technology is advancing faster than the rules that govern it. As the current crop of leaders, it should concern us that today, somewhere a child is born into war, a family is displaced by conflict, a farmer loses another harvest to drought, and the young person wonders whether technological progress will expand opportunity or deepen inequality. Though separated by geography, these experiences reveal a common truth. Humanity's challenges are increasingly interconnected, and no nation can overcome them alone. The trust deficit among nations has continued to erode the gains that cooperation fostered within the United Nations system. We must therefore choose between purposeful reform or unmitigated regression. Trust will be restored when conflicts are prevented, international law is applied equally, development commitments are fulfilled, and all nations are fairly represented in global institutions. Multilateralism is a crucial equalizer. It ensures that all have an equal voice under international law, and an equal role in shaping our shared future. Undoubtedly, the Charter remains our common compass sovereign equality, political independence, territorial integrity, non-interference, peaceful settlement of disputes and international cooperation must be applied universally, not selectively. International law cannot be a shield for some and a sword against others. The United Nations has a sacred duty to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war.
President, Liechtenstein joined the United Nations 36 years ago as its 160th member. We did so driven by the conviction that we, as one of the smallest members of the international community, should be part of the most important conversation on global governance, with the participation of all states, big or small, in developing international norms and standards, and also in upholding respect for them. Sovereignty was a key theme of our domestic discussions, resulting in our UN membership. We joined out of enlightened self-interest the belief that we need the UN to secure respect for our sovereignty through upholding international law as the basis for our security and prosperity. To this end, we also decided to make our own contribution to make best use of the opportunity offered to us as a small state, to be an active part of the biggest peace project in the history of humankind. President, our belief in the United Nations remains steadfast. This is the place where we can make our voice heard, where we can put ideas forward, and where we can gather to try to solve the issues that affect us all. We have greatly benefited from our membership, and the UN has consistently been a key platform for our foreign policy. Our membership has consistently enjoyed high levels of support in our population. But today we also find ourselves in a moment where instability and uncertainty dominate the conversation. Our organization no longer seems able to deliver on the key promises of the UN Charter to save future generations from the scourge of war. It can no longer count on the unconditional support of its most powerful members for the guiding rules of international law. It is increasingly ignored or sidelined in efforts to address both the traditional and new challenges, such as the regulation of artificial intelligence. It is permanently squeezed financially. Legal obligations to pay are turned into tools to exercise political leverage. As a result the United Nations has moved down the foreign policy agenda, even of states who have a strong history of supporting it. We can no longer take it for granted that our people will continue their strongly positive views of our organization. President. This is the difficult moment in which we find ourselves. But rather than engaging in doomsday scenarios, we have to find the opportunities hidden in the challenge. The overwhelming majority of the states present in this room believe in the United Nations. They want to see positive change for the UN to emerge stronger, more effective, more relevant. But we all have to be prepared to be part of the change that we want to see. Resisting the temptation of collective inertia and of waiting for positive change to happen on its own, will require our active political investment. We are grateful to Secretary-General Guterres for his service to the organization, and for his proposals to adapt the organization to the needs of today. On the basis of his ideas, our delegations here have done good work that will show positive results over time. This is important. It shows that we can come together also during times of deep political division. It is also not enough. The steps we have taken are just the beginning of what we need, a political agreement that combines significant structural change with a reliable financial commitment and firm support for the UN Charter from all. This is also the vision we are looking for in the person that will be appointed as the next Secretary-General. We hope that this decision will come very soon, in order to give the new Secretary-General the time she needs to prepare for this most unique of jobs. And we remain convinced that having a woman at the helm of the United Nations is long overdue for an organization that prides itself on its role in gender equality. President. At its core, the United Nations is a peace organization.
We also recognize the work carried out by your predecessor, Her Excellency Annalena Baerbock, in the service of this organization, whose contribution we greatly value. Mr. President, the topic chosen for this session—"Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: A United Nation That Benefits All"— invites us to return to the opening words of the United Nations Charter: simple words, yet perhaps amongst the most powerful ever inscribed in an international treaty. We, the people, together, as the most comprehensive expression of our collective responsibility toward humanity. Eighty-one years ago, in the face of devastation caused by war, humanity chose cooperation over confrontation; the law over force and hope over fear. That promise has shaped generations; it has protected millions of lives in the whole world, and it gave voice to those that, during many times, remained on the margin of international decisions. Today, however, the promise that we face is one of the toughest tests, as we live in a world marked by protracted wars, growing geopolitical rivalities, persistent humanitarian crises, severe weather events, and other highly complex challenges in the world. At the same time, Your Excellency, the digital revolution, the demographic changes, and the organization of the value chains are transforming our economies every day and society at an unprecedented pace. Never has the world been so interconnected and, at the same time, so fragmented like today. And it is precisely in this context that the theme of this session takes on important significance:" Restoring Trust" requires consistency between the principles we proclaim as leaders and the decisions we make. It requires the fair application of international law and concrete results that translate into improvement in the lives of the people in the whole world. In short," restoring trust" means renewing the promise made eighty-one years ago. I repeat: we, the people. Mr. President, Mozambique knows from its own experience the value of multilateralism and the value of the United Nations, this organization. This organization has stood by our people at decisive moments of its history, on the path to our national independence as a people, in the pursuit and building of peace in Mozambique, and in the national reconstruction, in the responding to natural disasters, and in the promotion of sustainable development. Today, in the process of the national dialogue, thank you so much, UN. The trust of Mozambique is a result of a living memory of the Mozambican people. It is in this spirit that Mozambique would like to commend the leadership of the Secretary-General, António Guterres, whose tenure coincided with a period marked by enormous global challenges, and in which the limits of multilateralism were put to the test. He leaves behind a robust organization that is prepared to better respond to the challenges of our time. His legacy is, in our point of view, unquestionably positive and marked by transformative achievements of this organization. Thus, the best tribute we can pay to his legacy is to continue the work of strengthening this organization, because no generation is going to inherit the United Nations as a finished legacy.
Today, however, these ideas are not only being called into question; they are being attacked by political actors and governments that want to take us back to a dark past. And I don't need to point them out; we all know who they are and what their modus operandi is. They start by questioning the rules, then they break them, knowing full well that nobody will dare to hold them accountable. They cut their contributions to multilateral bodies like this one. They point to their leaders and officials. They obstruct these organizations' ability to act, to then write them off as useless entities that we can do without. What they're doing, nevertheless, is a planned and coordinated demolition attempt that is presented as something that we can't stop and that's necessary. However, the reality is that it runs counter to the structural currents of history and is based on three misguided pillars. The first of these pillars is selfishness, the absurd belief that the world is a zero-sum game, where some winning must imply that others losing. The second pillar is ignorance, disregarding scientific evidence and assuming that there are countries that are so powerful that they can abuse all of the others and they don't need anyone else to prosper. And the third pillar, the worst in my opinion, is cruelty. Cruelty that isn't even moved when it sees the ribs of a starving child or a hospital reduced to rubble. Over these 8 years, I've seen these selfish, ignorant, and cruel forces grow. I've seen how they took off their masks and seized power in many places. And then I saw them start illegal wars, massacre innocent civilians. I've seen them treat millions of human beings like livestock and take away aid from those suffering the most, from poverty and disease. I've seen them pollute the atmosphere and also the ocean as if it's their own property, and conspire to destroy this organization and everything it represents. I'm saying this because bearing witness to these things has changed the way that I understand the world. However, it hasn't led me to lose hope. Because also, over these 8 years, I've seen wonderful things that allow me to still have confidence in humanity. For example, I've seen millions of people mobilized to defend nature, peace, and civil rights. I've seen thousands of activists and public servants confront these reactionary powers, knowing full well that they're putting their professional careers and even their own lives at risk. I've seen scientists make progress that we thought was impossible. And I've seen many governments do things right, opting for cooperation, social justice, and environmental sustainability. All of this has taught me something that I want to share with all of you, and that is that humanity is not intrinsically good or bad. Humanity can actually be both. And every day, every year, and in each and every crisis, we must decide how to act. The United Nations is one of these spaces where these decisions are made at the highest level. And the UN doesn't always do it well. Of course, I myself, on several occasions, have called out the contradictions and lackings of this body. However, with the same belief, I must call out the fact that the majority of the voices that today insist on criticizing the United Nations are not describing its failure; what they're doing is trying to cause its failure. And I must also say that multilateralism is the best tool that humanity has to manage its diversity and its interdependence, especially in a globalized and multipolar world like the world we're living in today. And this is why what we need to do is ramp up our trust in this organization. We must renew it and strengthen it so that this century it can play the same key role that it played last century. And doing this will not be easy. However, the good news is that all of the guidance we need is right here, in the United Nations Charter. In this charter, they wrote the best chapters. Our forefathers wrote it, the men and women who saw the world burn, and even then, they dared to imagine a better future. These men and women laid down their wisdom and their hope in this charter. And they didn't ask us to keep it in a glass case. They asked us to fulfill it. They asked us to defend it, and for us to turn back to it in times of uncertainty and extraordinary difficulty. And today is one of those times. And therefore, it's our duty to rise to the courage and the ambition present in this text, in the United Nations Charter. And this is why, ladies and gentlemen, we need to reform the Security Council so that all of the regions in the world have fair representation, and so that we can do away with the right of veto of the permanent members. Because as the UN Charter sets out, no country should be judged in its own case, no matter how powerful they are. We therefore need to strengthen all of the other main bodies and reorganize the agencies, funds and programs, and provide them with more resources and more executive capacity so that they can have a more decisive impact on the great challenges that beset humanity. We must strengthen bodies like the International Criminal Court so that they can investigate, prosecute, and punish those that break the rules. It took humanity centuries to replace might is right with the rule of law. And we must not be the generation that backtracks on this. It's for this very reason that we must rebuild the nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament architecture to avoid a poorly designed security policy that brings us back to another global conflict. And we must impose strict regulations on the tech oligarchs who control the functioning of social networks and the development of artificial intelligence. Because at the end of the day, the future of our children is more important than the pockets of these tech oligarchs. And of course, doing all of these things will require compromise, time, strong leadership, being able to build agreements, to listen, to look beyond our known reality, and imagine a better alternative. And what I'm advocating for, for this leadership, is very clear. Nine men have served as Secretary-General of this organization in its 80 years of existence.
Instability is further exacerbated when competition goes unchecked, commitments are left unfulfilled and international law is applied selectively. An erosion of trust is further impeding efforts at cooperation. What should concern us is not only how the international order is changing, but where the change will take the world. Change is inevitable, for it is part of the objective course of history. However, conflict and confrontation are not inevitable. From our own history, Vietnam understands the cost of war, the value of independence, and the power of reconciliation and cooperation. It is therefore my belief that the theme of this session Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a UN that delivers for all aptly reflects the urgent demands of the time. Distinguished guests. From the losses of the Second World War, humanity created the UN with the aspiration to prevent wars, safeguard peace, promote cooperation, and place relations among nations on the foundation of common principles. Over the past eight decades, despite its limitations, the UN has helped sustain dialogue, advance decolonisation, uphold the right of peoples to self-determination and support development. This must be preserved and carried forward. Our institutions must be reformed to keep pace with the times, while fundamental principles of the UN charter must be respected and reinforced. What we seek is a more equitable, democratic and inclusive international order where every country has a voice and every nation has the opportunity to develop. The mission of our generation is to help shape and manage change so that competition does not turn into confrontation, differences do not lead to conflict, and advances in science and technology do not create new divides. In this spirit, I wish to put forward four key priorities. First, we must restore trust among nations on the basis of respect for the UN charter and international law. The UN charter and International law formed the Foundation for the International Order. They must be respected fully, consistently and without selectivity. All states must respect each other's independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and right to choose their own path of development; refrain from interference in internal affairs and refrain from the threat or use of force inconsistent with the UN charter. Restoring trust does not require countries to erase differences, but rather to manage such differences responsibly. Crisis must be prevented, competition must be kept under control and dialogue must be sustained. Major powers should lead by example in respecting international law, exercising restraint and responsibly addressing common challenges.
Mr. President, excellencies, I am appearing addressing this assembly representing the first female president of my country, doctor Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo whose government places people at the heart of the actions of the state and works on a daily basis to achieve freedom, democracy, social justice and substantive equality. Mexico conducts its public life according to a conviction that I'm bringing to you today, from this rostrum, to make shared prosperity a reality for all people. This conviction coincides with the commitments that we all made in the United Nations Charter, whose first article establishes as goals to maintain international peace and security, to engage in friendly relations between nations, and to cooperate to resolve economic, social and cultural problems and humanitarian problems. Promoting respect for human rights without any type of distinction. Mexico, a culture with more than 3000 years of history, is experiencing a profound transformation that is a continuation of the journey that, uh, was started with the independence movement, the reform, and then the revolution the three defining moments when my country expanded the rights of its people. My country today aspires to achieve a prosperous society with rights and a decent life for all. This is a transformation with clear goals to bring about shared well-being, to strengthen our competitivity, to develop our own capacities, and to determine our own destiny. It's for this reason that my country has come to share the experience of a nation that decided to show, through concrete actions, that it is possible to improve the quality of life of our people by expanding their rights and their capacity to exercise these rights. Please allow me to underscore some of the progress made. The first is the reduction of poverty. Between 2018 and 2024, more than 13 million people were lifted out of poverty in Mexico, the most significant reduction in the history of our country. It's also important to underscore that in 2025, we had the lowest in-work poverty rate in our history. This effort continues with a national social policy. In 2026, the well-being programs of our countries reached 42.8 million people. In addition to this, we have sustained investment in infrastructure, healthcare, trains, highways, schools and water infrastructure. Looking towards 2030, the investment in infrastructure for development with Well-Being plan plans to make investments in energy, transport, water, health, education and emerging technology. The second concrete action is security that the government of President Sheinbaum understands from a comprehensive perspective, addressing the causes that push youth towards crime and also zero impunity. And the results speak for themselves.
About eighty years ago, the UN was founded in San Francisco on a simple but enduring principle: that nations can prevent war and advance peace through trust, collective action and respect for the UN Charter. Today, war and insecurity are not the only existential threats to our survival, but a range of challenges including climate change, pandemics, ungoverned Artificial Intelligence and energy insecurity, just to mention a few. These challenges should remind us of a need for a stronger and much more coordinated UN. Therefore, the theme of this session, that is “Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: A United Nations that Delivers for All”, is timely for it requires us to revert to the founding principle of maintaining peace and restoring trust. Managing transformation requires reforming the UN to meet the realities of our time. In that regard, I commend our illustrious Secretary-General, H.E. Antonio Guterres, for championing the UN80 initiative that aims to advance the transformation agenda. In our opinion, the UN80 initiative must go beyond administrative efficiency to include overall Organizational effectiveness, accountability, and representativeness, for the UN to be able to deliver for all. Further, the transformation must be undertaken with utmost caution to avoid going off-track on the development pillar and incapacitating the UN Country offices and programs.
Regrettably, however, the organization still fails to recover from functional paralysis owing to high handedness and unilateralism of a handful of countries pursuing only chauvinistic interests. All the crises the international community is faced with point one clear fact that infringement on sovereignty, threat to security interests and denial of a right to development of other countries are bound to breed regional instability and crisis and lead to aggression and war. In order to overcome all the existing crises and challenges and promote peace, security and sustainable development, all Member States should seek appropriate solutions to problems while strictly complying with the intrinsic purposes and principles of the UN charter and giving priority to unity and cooperation among nations.
It has held back conflict where it could and named it where it could not. It has given the powerless a language of rights. It has built one instrument at a time, the body of international law, on which every state in this hall, large or small, now depends. It has survived a Cold War, as it has division and doubt, because each generation that comes through its doors understood the same simple truth. No nation, however powerful, can secure peace, prosperity, or a habitable nation on its own. That was true in 1945. It is truer today. The Charter is hope. It speaks to our common humanity. It speaks to the rule of law, to the dignity of every person, to the sovereign equality of states, and to our duty to keep the peace. These are not the words of one region or one era. They belong to all of us. They bind all of us. Few in this hall would question that mission. But let us be honest with one another.
Mr. president since last February, the state of Kuwait, the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan have been subjected to illegal Iranian aggression involving ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and drones. All while we are not a party to the conflict in the region. These attacks are a flagrant violation of the international law, international humanitarian law and the UN charter. These brutal attacks have systematically and repeatedly targeted civilian objects and critical infrastructure, including Kuwait International Airport, power and water stations, oil facilities as well, revealing a hostile approach aimed at disrupting the foundations of life and critical infrastructure. These heinous attacks have claimed the lives of several martyrs and innocent civilians. They have also resulted in numerous injuries and have inflicted material and economic damage. And furthermore, to inflict harm on the economies of the region and the world, and to disrupt global trade and oil markets, Iran is obstructing maritime navigation and closing the Strait of Hormuz to use it as a bargaining chip in the war in violation of international law and the relevant Security Council resolutions. In this regard, the State of Kuwait expresses its deep appreciation to the brotherly and friendly nations who have stood by Kuwait and demonstrated solidarity. We also salute the countries that have sponsored Security Council Resolution 2817 and the other resolutions issued by the Human Rights Council and the International Maritime Organization, which have condemned the Iranian aggression as a threat to international peace and security, demanding its cessation and affirming the inherent rights of states to self-defence, as per article 51 of the UN charter. They have also stressed the importance of guaranteeing freedom of navigation without restrictions or conditions and based on Kuwait's belief that the security and stability of the Arabian Gulf region constitutes a fundamental pillar of regional and international security and stability, as demonstrated by the repercussions of the war and Iranian aggressions. We reiterate the support for all diplomatic efforts aimed at de-escalation and a peaceful resolution to the existing dispute, and we applaud the mediation efforts led by Qatar and Pakistan, while emphasizing the need to reach a sustainable regional understanding based on a firm commitment to the principles of good neighbourliness, respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs, as well as refraining from the use or threat of use of force. In addition to ceasing support for proxies and militias and addressing the security concerns of all countries in the region, including the Iranian nuclear file, ballistic missiles and drones, while stressing the guarantee of freedom and safety of navigation and the right of passage through the Straits of Hormuz and Bab el Mandeb, in accordance with the international law and the 1982 UN convention on the law of the sea. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait is committed in its foreign policy to the principles of the UN charter, in particular, respect for the principle of good neighbourliness, respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs. Accordingly, the State of Kuwait views the brotherly Republic of Iraq as a neighbour with whom we share close ties and our partners in security and stability. Since the fall of the former regime in 2003, Kuwait has supported and stood by Iraq in facing security, political and economic challenges in order to help Iraq restore its regional and international role and standing. Kuwait believes that a stable, secure and prosperous Iraq serves the shared interests of Kuwait and the entire region. In this context, the State of Kuwait commends the measures taken by the Iraqi Prime Minister, Mr. Ali al-Zaidi, to consolidate arms under state control and to strengthen Iraq's bilateral relations with neighbouring countries. We look forward to enhancing confidence building measures between the two countries and to elevate our bilateral relations to broader horizons, as well as to resolve all outstanding issues. Most important of these issues are the maritime border demarcation beyond marker 162, as per the rules of International law and the 1982 UN Convention on Law of the sea. We also emphasize the need to adhere to bilateral security and technical agreements and arrangements signed between the two countries. Very important among these agreements is the Abdullah Agreement and the 2008 Security Exchange Protocol. These agreements serve as vital legal and practical instruments for regulating navigation, protecting the environment, combating terrorism, as well as combating the illicit trafficking of arms and narcotics, and enhancing shared security. The State of Kuwait calls upon Iraq to cooperate with the high level representative of the Secretary-General pursuant to Security Council Resolution 2792, in order to achieve the progress and desired outcomes regarding Kuwaiti prisoners and missing persons, as well as nationals of third countries and the recovery of Kuwaiti property, including the National Archives. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait reiterates its principled and firm position, condemning the ongoing violations by the Israeli occupation forces against the brotherly Palestinian people. The Palestinian people continue to suffer under difficult living conditions caused by policies of displacement, arrests and settlement. We call for the full implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Plan and its subsequent phase adopted by Security Council Resolution 2803. This includes the complete withdrawal of Israeli occupation forces from Gaza, the assurance of humanitarian aid, access, and the return of the Palestinian Authority to the Gaza Strip. We affirm that the Gaza Strip is an integral part of the occupied Palestinian territory. In this regard, we welcome the measures and decisions taken by the United Kingdom, France and several other nations to condemn settlement activities and to impose sanctions against settlers involved in acts of violence and terrorism against Palestinians, as well as banning the import of goods and products originating from the settlements. The State of Kuwait reiterates that a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in the region remains contingent upon an end to the Israeli occupation of all Arab territories, as well as enabling the Palestinian people to exercise their legitimate and inalienable rights. It also rests upon the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on the borders of June 4th, 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital. Mr. president, the sisterly Republic of Yemen is witnessing a serious military escalation as a result of the attacks by Houthi militias against several governorates and areas along the West Coast aimed at threatening navigation in the Bab el Mandeb Strait. In this regard, the state of Kuwait reiterates its full support for UN led efforts aimed at a comprehensive, sustainable and Yemeni led settlement, in accordance with the three agreed references and the relevant Security Council resolutions, in particular resolution 2216. The State of Kuwait affirms that any political settlement must safeguard Yemen's unity, sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. A settlement must end the suffering of the Yemeni people and must open prospects for security, stability and economic development. We also stress the need to preserve the security and safety of maritime navigation in the Red sea and the Bab el Mandeb Strait. We also condemn in the strongest terms the attacks by the Houthis against the sisterly kingdom of Saudi Arabia, targeting civilian and economic facilities in several cities. In this context, we affirm that the security of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is an integral part of the security of the State of Kuwait and the security of the GCC states. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait reiterates its solidarity with the sisterly Syrian Arab Republic. We welcome the measures taken by the international community to lift the sanctions against Syria and to remove Syria's name from the list of state sponsors of terrorism. We also affirm our support for all efforts aimed at rebuilding state institutions and aimed at advancing a Syrian led, comprehensive, inclusive political process led by the Syrians, with the active participation of all segments of society in Syria and aimed at fulfilling their aspirations for security, stability and a life of dignity. In this context, we stress the need to respect Syria's sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity. We condemn and reject the attacks and incursions by Israeli occupation forces into Syrian territory. These acts are a serious escalation and a violation of the 1974 Disengagement of Forces agreement. They undermine security and stability in the region. With regards to the sisterly Lebanese Republic, the state of Kuwait affirms the importance of Lebanese state institutions and the need to extend their full authority over the entire territory of Lebanon, and to restrict the possession of arms exclusively to the state, thereby reinforcing Lebanon's sovereignty and preserving its security and stability. Here, we also emphasize the importance of maintaining an international presence along the blue line to ensure the full implementation of UN resolution 1701, and we reiterate our demand for Israel's withdrawal from all occupied Lebanese territories. And with regards to developments in the Republic of Sudan, the Federal Republic of Somalia and the state of Libya, we affirm the need to adhere to peaceful resolution and to engage in political dialogue to resolve disputes as per the relevant Security Council resolutions and the principles of international law, so as to protect the unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty of these sisterly nations. Mr. president, since Kuwait's independence, our foreign policy was based on firm principles, namely moderation and balance, and a firm commitment to the charter of the United Nations and International law, and on support for multilateralism and the belief that dialogue and the peaceful settlement of disputes are the best means to maintain international peace and security. The State of Kuwait also believes in a complementary relationship between security and development. There can be no security without development and no development without security.
It helped Namibia achieve independence, supported Cambodia's transition from conflict, disarmed combatants in Sierra Leone and Liberia, and helped Timor-Leste take its place among sovereign nations. More than 2 million peacekeepers have served under the UN flag, proving that peace can be built, protected, and sustained. Its impact reached further into the lives of ordinary people. The United Nations system helped eradicate smallpox, vaccinated generations of children, fight hunger and disease, expand access to education and bring clean water and humanitarian assistance to communities across the world. Since the year 2000, deaths among children under 5 have fallen by more than half. These achievements matter. They changed borders, ended wars, defeated disease, and transformed lives. They tell us that multilateralism works when nations summon the will to make it work. The United Nations has not fulfilled every promise of its charter, but without it, our world would have been poorer, more dangerous, and less free. That is why Kenya speaks today, not from despair in this institution, but from conviction in its possibilities. Yet conviction in what this institution can be requires us to confront what this institution has become. Distinguished delegates, last year the world recorded 65 state-based armed conflicts, the highest number of documented incidences in eight decades of global conflict data.
President, 81 years after the adoption of the charter, the best way to defend the United Nations is to defend its ability to discharge its mandates. We need a U.N. which is more effective, transparent and agile, able to prevent conflicts, forge consensus even in times of deeply rooted polarization. We need a UN able to offer tangible responses to the challenges of the 21st century. For this reason, Costa Rica has presented the candidacy of Miss Rebeca Grynspan to the position of Secretary general of the United Nations. She is a Latin American woman with a wealth of political, economic experience and experience in the multilateral arena. She has a proven track record of leadership. She knows the United Nations from the inside and from outside, and she understands that knowing an institution intimately and serving it also involves having the courage to reform it. Her candidacy is rooted in a simple but powerful idea. Defending the United Nations means and requires having the courage to reform it. Today, we need a leader able to unite the membership, strengthen the organization, and renew trust in international cooperation. We need a UN that does what it is called upon to do in its founding charter, that is, maintain international peace and security, ensure respect for human rights and advance development. Costa Rica firmly believes that the next secretary general must be a Latin American woman.
For some, security means protecting borders; for others, it means food, water, energy, or the future of their children. And many countries face all of these challenges at once. That is why a world ruled mainly by power rather than by rules would be dangerous for everyone. For small countries such as Slovakia, this is especially clear. But no country, large or small, is truly safe in a world where international law is ignored and institutions are weakened. Sadly, we no longer need to imagine such a world. We can already see parts of it around us: trade is becoming less predictable, security cooperation is more fragmented, the idea that every country should have a voice is under pressure. And when rules are weakened, when cooperation is replaced by confrontation, all of us become more vulnerable. But we still have a choice. The international system we have built is not perfect. It can be slow. It can be frustrating. At times, it does not deliver as quickly as people need. But the solution is not to destroy it. The solution is to make it work better. Slovakia is firmly anchored in the United Nations, NATO, and the European Union. We believe in cooperation. But we also believe that institutions must produce real results. Over the past year, Slovakia has hosted several international meetings and offered space for dialogue. Where we can be useful, we are ready to help bring parties together and to support diplomacy within the UN framework. Because when diplomacy stops, confrontation fills the space. That is why, when we speak about the United Nations, I believe in evolution rather than revolution. The world has changed, and the United Nations must change with it. The Security Council should better reflect today's realities and give a stronger voice to countries and regions that are still underrepresented. Countries from the region often understand a crisis best. Giving them a stronger voice can help us act earlier and prevent escalation. Slovakia sees its engagement in UN reform as a part of its responsibility to this Organization, including through UN80 and the implementation of the Pact for the Future. Our responsibility to the wider international order is also reflected in our candidacy for the Security Council for 2028 and 2029. We would be, of course, grateful for your trust and support. If elected, Slovakia will focus on four priorities: international law and the UN Charter, accountable security institutions, the protection of strategic resources and critical infrastructure, and the security challenges linked to digitalization and artificial intelligence. I fully share the concern of the United Nations about the inequalities that can be created by unequal access to artificial intelligence. It is in our common interest that innovation benefits all of humanity, not only the strongest economies or the biggest companies.
Different threats, the same lesson: none of us can face them alone. We are in the same boat. Perhaps Noah's Ark is no longer just a biblical story. Different nations, different realities, but increasingly a shared fate. And when we share the same boat, we need something that holds us together. And we already have it: the United Nations Charter and its principles. Sovereignty, territorial integrity, the peaceful settlement of disputes, respect for human rights, the rejection of aggression. These principles were not written for an easy world. Quite the opposite. They emerged from the devastation of a war, and from the determination not to repeat it. International peace and security— these words are at the heart of the Charter. They appear 32 times, and that is no coincidence.
Mr. President. Excellencies, distinguished delegates. First, I wish to extend my warmest congratulations to Your Excellency Doctor Khalilur Rahman on your election as president of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly. Cambodia assure you of its full support as you guide our work under the timely theme Restoring Trust, managing transformation: A United Nations that delivers for all. I express Cambodia's appreciation to Her Excellency Madam Annalena Baerbock for her active leadership of the Eightieth session. It is my great honor to pay tribute to Secretary General Antonio Guterres for his steadfast leadership and dedicated service to the United Nations throughout his two mandates, and for his unwavering commitment to multilateralism, peace and security, sustainable development, and the principles and purposes of the UN charter during a decade marked by profound turbulence and transformation.
The Russia-Ukraine war is a painful reminder of the tragic human toll that occurs when diplomacy gives way to conflict, and how challenging it is to de-escalate tensions once violence erupts. The Strait of Hormuz situation demonstrates how quickly disruption in an important waterway threatens international stability, energy security, and trade worldwide. Reaffirming the primary responsibility of the UN Charter to maintain global peace and security, we uphold the sovereignty of Bahrain, Jordan, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE, and condemn the actions of Iran to jeopardize maritime security and aim to obstruct, close, and interfere with international navigation through the Strait. At our Pacific leaders' meeting in Palau, leaders expressed deep concern that China's ballistic missile test overflew several Pacific nations without adequate notice. Let me remind you: our region must never be treated as an empty expanse for strategic competition or test of military power. The Pacific is home to peoples, communities, cultures, fisheries, and ecosystems. It is the foundation of our security and the source of our nourishment and lifeline for the global community. In the face of these risks, the Pacific way is to address tensions before they become crisis, make room for dialogue before disagreement becomes conflict, seek inclusion rather than isolation, and uphold respect, restraint, and international law. The Pacific is our home, not a theater for geopolitical competition. It must remain an Ocean of Peace where nations meet in cooperation, international law is respected, and the security of the Pacific peoples is never compromised. In Palau, we say we are a friend to all. We choose our partners based on our shared values of democracy, human rights, and a rules-based international order, principles that underpin our friendship with Taiwan, a trusted partner that can contribute even more fully if given the space to do so.
That is why in Guatemala, we are restoring the state's capacity to reach those who have been excluded from opportunities for far too long. The intersectional mano a mano strategy brings together health education, housing, nutrition and community development to address poverty at the local level following crop losses caused by climate related events. More than 450,000 families have received food assistance, while small scale producers have gained access to seeds, tools, inputs and insurance mechanisms. Public education is central to this effort. More than 1 million students have participated in initiatives to strengthen reading comprehension. We have expanded educational opportunities, promoted scholarships, strengthened instruction in national languages, and accelerated the digital transformation of the school system. In healthcare, we have expanded and refurbished facilities, strengthened regional services, and made progress in the comprehensive treatment of chronic diseases and cancer. Alongside the revival of road projects and public works in historically underserved communities, the National Digital Connectivity Plan now provides internet service to 383 public entities. We have also strengthened early warning systems for earthquakes, tsunamis, floods and volcano hazards, restoring the legitimate presence of the state also means providing security in accordance with the law, strengthening prevention, protecting communities, and pursuing criminal networks rather than only their visible manifestations. It means improving investigations, institutional coordination, and the tracing of the financial flows that sustain illicit economies. Guatemala maintains that the charter of the United Nations and international law must remain our common point of reference. The sovereignty and territorial integrity of states must be respected.
And yet, in this forum, there are no small or large states. Here, every one of the 193 members has a voice, one alone and of the same weight. Here the charter only recognizes states equal in sovereignty, equal in rights, but also, and I wish to stress this point, equal in terms of responsibility, because the equality that our organization bestows upon us is not a privilege that we enjoy. It is a responsibility that we bear. This responsibility is our shared, unique duty to uphold the law and multilateralism. Shared, because no state, regardless of how powerful it is, can preserve peace alone or address global threats alone. Unique because everybody must shoulder it without leaving it to others to honor the promise of San Francisco.
For Sao Tomé and Principe, this reality underscores the importance of an international order based on the charter of the United Nations International Law and the sovereign equality of states with principles applied universally and consistently. As a small island nation, we stand as a consolidated democracy and a state governed by the rule of law, grounded in peace, stability, and harmonious coexistence among our citizens. It is on the basis of this experience that we reaffirm our confidence in dialogue, diplomacy, cooperation and the peaceful settlement of disputes. Mr. President, for small island developing states, geographic, economic, financial and social vulnerabilities are compounded by the effects of climate change.
Nova Scotians all know the same thing. The tide does not wait. You must move with it. The tide has turned in the global order. As well as Canadian historian Margaret MacMillan has observed, we have arrived in a new age of disorder. We are facing a rupture, not a transition. Great powers are walking away from global economic cooperation, dismantling economic integration. Great powers want the rest of us to accept what we are offered. And too often, state sovereignty, the cornerstone of the UN Charter, has been treated with disdain. We are facing serious challenges in the global order, but at their core, Canadians and billions of others around the world want to live peaceful prosperous and predictable lives. That is why, in the face of this rupture, Canada's goal is to achieve greater strategic autonomy, greater autonomy, to make our own choices, and to determine our own sovereign future. We can no longer afford to be overly reliant on any one partner. Instead, we are diversifying our ties and building stronger relationships with new and old partners alike so that our people can enjoy peace and prosperity. We will prioritize decisive, effective action by forging issue based coalitions of nations that share a sense of urgency on common challenges. We believe that these coalitions are the most flexible, effective, and immediate way to address emerging global challenges. We are already forming these coalitions with small states, middle powers and great powers alike. Through the Coalition of the Willing, Canada is working with over 30 allies and partners to bolster Ukraine and defend against further Russian aggression. And in regional groupings like the Arctic Seven and the Nordic-Baltic Eight, Canada and our Arctic allies are cooperating to keep our region stable and secure. To this end, I welcome Secretary Rubio's convening of the Arctic Seven earlier this week in Alaska. At a time when we are forming new coalitions, we should also strengthen the multilateral system. This is why Canada and our partners throughout the entire world have started a new initiative entitled Partners for Multilateralism. This initiative seeks to support United Nations reform and reform of other institutions to make them more representative, more effective and more trustworthy. Through a policy of values based realism, understanding the world as it is, we will make the right choices for Canadians while being guided by our values. We will diversify our ties. We will work with trusted partners to strengthen our strategic capabilities, especially in emerging technologies, critical minerals, defence production, and clean and conventional energy. And we will lead other middle powers to act collectively and decisively. Because middle powers are playing a key role in building the framework for the new international order, which is being established as we speak.
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No. 29
South Africa09/24 · first at about 5 min4 mentions
We know that inequality is at the heart of the rising appeal of politics, founded on hate and exclusion. Across the world, citizens who have seen little improvement in their economic fortunes are turning to ideas diametrically opposed to the values of the UN charter. As we mark the 25th anniversary of the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action, South Africa reaffirms its commitment to confronting racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and all forms of intolerance. We are determined to confront racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and all forms of intolerance through our Constitution, our laws and our institutions.
Trust is an intangible asset, perhaps the most valuable of all. It takes great effort to build, yet very little to destroy. When international commitments are relativized, when the Charter of the UN ceases to serve as the shared framework guiding the actions of states, when international humanitarian law is violated with a frequency that risks normalizing horror, what is weakened is not only peace itself, but also confidence in the international order and in all the organizations that represent and promote it. From this Assembly, Andorra wishes to reiterate a conviction it has upheld for more than three decades: for small states, multilateralism is not a strategic option, but a guarantee that all countries, regardless of their size, can make their voices heard on an equal legal footing.
Friends, the United Nations is entering its ninth decade at a moment of great uncertainty and challenge for the global community. Conflicts are having devastating effects on the most vulnerable. The impacts of the climate crisis are felt in every corner of our world. Hard won rights are being rolled back. Narrow self-interest is breaking the bonds of solidarity, which have so often lifted us to meaningful progress. The international legal order is under tremendous strain. New and emerging technologies that offer unlimited potential could also, without human intervention, create unprecedented dangers. In such moments of uncertainty, it can be easy to question our foundations, to retreat, to turn inward, to say that international cooperation is too difficult, that multilateralism does not work, that the problems of others are not our problems. But that would be the wrong conclusion, because the answer to a world under strain is not less international cooperation. It is more. The answer to the weakening of principles is not to abandon them. It is to defend them. And if our multilateral system is not working effectively, the answer is not to walk away from it. It is to make it stronger, fairer and fit for the world we live in. That is Ireland's position, and that is what all of us, as members of the United Nations need to deliver on. We should also remember what our collective commitment to the United Nations has achieved. The multilateral system anchored in the United Nations Charter has been the foundation of many of humanity's greatest achievements. It has driven advances in poverty alleviation health care, education, social protection, and food and nutrition security. It has championed human rights and dignity and insisted that accountability matters. It has given voice to the marginalised. Mr. President, the people of Ireland understand that we live in an interdependent world, that the challenges we face are interconnected, cross borders and require collective solutions. Ireland currently holds the presidency of the Council of the European Union. Our stewardship of the European Union's agenda is deeply rooted in the principle of strength with unity, and this principle is at the heart of our vision for the United Nations, as well as our unwavering commitment to the pillars which guide its work. Peace and security. Human rights and development. These pillars equally bear the weight of our shared ambition for a better, fairer and peaceful world. Collectively, however, we are not delivering on their ambition. We are not staying the course. At a time when global needs are increasing and becoming more complex, our responsibility to act does not diminish.
On this month, Tuvalu also celebrates its 26th anniversary of UN membership. Tuvalu reaffirms its strong commitment to the values and the principles of the UN charter, and to international law, and to a multilateral system that protects the dignity and security of all people. This year also marks the historical and first deployment of Tuvalu police officers to serve in the UN Mission in South Sudan, a deployment that confirms that even the smallest member of the UN can contribute meaningfully to international peace and security. Mr. president, the theme for this session,
In the name of Allah, the most merciful and gracious, peace and blessings be upon our prophet and his family and his companions. Your Excellency, Mr. Khalilur Rahman president of the General Assembly, at its 81st session. Your Excellency, Mr. Antonio Guterres, Secretary General of the United Nations. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, esteemed delegations. At the outset, I wish to congratulate Mr. Khalilur Rahman on his election as president of the General Assembly at its 81st session. I wish him every success in the discharge of his duties. I also extend my appreciation and gratitude to Miss Annalena Baerbock for her capable stewardship of the previous session. I would be remiss not to express our appreciation to His Excellency Mr. Antonio Guterres, secretary general of the United Nations, for his defence of legitimate causes and his protection of the charter.
We meet at a time when the Arab Gulf is facing a security situation of a severity not witnessed in decades. The states of the Gulf Cooperation Council and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan have been subjected to waves of unjustified Iranian attacks involving ballistic missiles and drones targeting civilian infrastructure, residential areas, ports, airports and energy facilities. This came in flagrant violation of international law and the charter of the United Nations. These are indiscriminate attacks without justification under any law. My country also condemns the attacks carried out by the Iran backed terrorist Houthi militia against civilian objects and Islamic holy sites in the brotherly kingdom of Saudi Arabia. We also condemn their threats to freedom of navigation in the Bab el Mandeb and the Red sea. Allow me to put the facts before you in figures. Our countries have been subjected to nearly 7000 attacks at the hands of Iran, involving 1700 ballistic missiles, 80 cruise missiles and 5220 drones. 2000 cargo vessels and tankers with 20,000 seafarers on board have also been detained, while 72 commercial vessels have been targeted, resulting in the deaths of 22 seafarers. These are not merely numbers. Behind every figure is a ship, a port, a market and families waiting for those that provide for them to return home. Commercial vessels have been targeted in the Straits of Hormuz. Mines have been laid in an international shipping lane. Restrictions on passage have been imposed in contravention of international law. The consequences of all the above extend far beyond the Arabian Gulf. It affects energy and food prices, shipping and insurance costs, as well as supply chains across the world. As the kingdom renews its full solidarity with the brotherly countries subjected to these attacks, it commends the professionalism of the Bahrain Defence Force and the Air Defence Forces of brotherly countries, and their readiness in confronting these attacks. We reaffirm the right of all states to take all lawful measures to defend their sovereignty and territorial integrity, pursuant to article 51 of the UN charter and the Joint Defense Agreement of the GCC states. All the same, we continue to exercise the utmost restraint, seeking to ensure that security and peace prevail for the benefit of the people of the region. Mr. president, the position of the Kingdom of Bahrain is grounded in international law, the rights of peoples and. The Strait of Hormuz is an international strait, and the right of transit through it is established for the vessels of all states under the UN convention on the law of the sea. That right may not be suspended or obstructed, nor may it be subjected to conditions imposed unilaterally by any state. Accordingly, the Kingdom categorically rejects any permit or fee regime imposed on the passage. It rejects the use of international waterways as instruments of pressure or economic coercion, or any attempt at the seizure of vessels. Such actions would set an extremely dangerous precedent, because what is accepted today in one strait may be demanded tomorrow in every international waterway upon which global trade depends. Alternative routes cannot be treated as a solution to conduct that violates international law. Mitigation measures are an emergency response. They should not be used as a pretext to claim that the strait is no longer necessary, or to accept a new status quo. The right of passage does not cease to exist because alternatives are available. Nor does the violation cease just because those affected have found ways to reduce the loss. This threat is not confined to the Strait of Hormuz. Security Council Resolution 2817 also referred to Bab el Mandeb, recognising that a threat to one waterway is a threat to navigation through all waterways. The security of navigation in the Red sea, the Gulf of Aden and the Bab el Mandeb is part of the same system. We are now not only defending a regional interest, but a rule that applies to every international waterway, and if it does apply to our strait alone, it wouldn't have been a rule. The Kingdom of Bahrain has not only stated its position in principle. On behalf of the Gulf Cooperation Council states and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and by virtue of its current presidency of the GCC and its non-permanent membership of the Security Council, Bahrain led efforts resulting in the adoption of Security Council Resolution 2817, with a historic and unprecedented support of 136 countries. The resolution condemned the attacks against our countries, reaffirming their sovereignty and rejecting any action intended to close the strait or obstruct navigation through it. The Kingdom also introduced a draft resolution under chapter seven of the charter to protect commercial navigation. The resolution, adopted by the Council of the International Maritime Organization on the 19th of March, together with the Human Rights Council resolution 61/1, both have further demonstrated that the international rejection of such conduct extends beyond the Security Council. We stress the need for the full implementation of these resolutions to ensure that those responsible are held accountable, and there are compensation for the damage caused. On the 17th of this month, the Kingdom convened an Arria-formula meeting of the Security Council dedicated to freedom of navigation. In this session, we heard from 53 affected states, the maritime transport sector and relevant international bodies. And we heard a conclusion expressed by all delegations. That is, the freedom of passage through international straits is a prerequisite for global economic prosperity. The Kingdom contributes to the protection of a rules based maritime order across an area exceeding 3,000,000mi² through its hosting in Manama, of the headquarters of the Combined Maritime Forces. This comprises 47 nations. We welcome the establishment of the Multinational Maritime Defence Alliance, led by the brotherly Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The Kingdom is proud to participate in the alliance as a founding member in support of efforts to safeguard international trade routes and global energy supplies in accordance with international law. As efforts continue in the Security Council, this General Assembly has an equally important role to play as the forum in which all states stand equal. From this podium, we call upon Member States to support a firm collective position which upholds freedom of navigation and the right of transit passage in accordance with international law.
In Montenegro we have an old and simple saying:" A person's word carries weight." This implies that a promise creates responsibility, and what is true between people should also be true between nations. In the opening words of the UN Charter, the nations of the world made perhaps the most important promise of all: to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. And eight decades later, as conflicts take lives and displace millions, geopolitical rivalries place the international system under growing pressure, and new challenges test our collective capacity to respond. So how well have we kept our pledge?
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No. 36
Burkina Faso09/28 · first at about 5 min4 mentions
The supreme sacrifice that our heroes have made is a seed of liberty, of justice and sovereignty that are oppressed peoples aspire to. It is the source that nourishes our determination on a daily basis to recover the integrity of our territories, to defend our dignity, and to ensure our sacred rights to live free in peace and security. To the people of the Confederation of the States of the Sahel, including its diaspora, I pay a tribute and renew my pride in them. Courage, resilience, commitment and mobilization as they are showing each and every day, supporting the efforts of the heads of state of the AES Confederation, remain the centre of gravity of our journey towards sovereignty and stability and development. To all of the peoples of Africa and the world who share our struggle and who recognise themselves in the ideals of peace, dignity and liberty that the Confederation represents, I reiterate my gratitude. Mr. President. The confederal dynamic that has been engaged in and taken up by our States, far from being an act in isolation, brings forward the rejection of fatality and chronic wardship that we faced, as well as the rejection of selective criticism when we see human tragedies. It's the sign of a shared willingness of our states to escape the vicious cycle of structural domination and exploitation that are profoundly rooted in the colonial and neo colonialist legacies. It carries the hope of a renaissance of the central Sahel that for too long has been devalued and disregarded. The new course embarked on since the 16th of September 2023 by adopting the charter of Liptako-Gourma, consolidated by the creation of the Confederation of Sahel States on the 6th of July 2024, ushered in a new era for the people of the AES. And each area of land recovered, each terrorist base destroyed, each battle won over the forces of evil, each school recovered, each village rebuilt, each reform initiated brings us closer to this new horizon, defended with determination by Comrade Captain Ibrahim Traore, Army General Assimi Goita and General Abdourahamane Tiani. Under their enlightened leadership against the winds and the tides, the Alliance of Sahel States is consolidating itself every day, taking charge of its own destiny, a destiny of dignity, prosperity and freedom and justice. And this is affirmed thanks to the mobilization of a people over a common space with a shared destiny. One people, one space, one destiny. This motto guides each and every one of our actions, and is embodied by the operationalization of the unified force of the Confederation, and is also embodied by the creation of the confederal Bank, investment Bank and development Bank, and is embodied by the consolidation of relations between all of the different institutions of the countries of the AES, as well as strengthening the historic, centuries long links between the communities and the vital forces of our space.
Without it, treaties risk becoming little more than words. Institutions become arenas for accusation, and countries increasingly feel compelled to rely only on themselves. At a time of profound transformation, rebuilding confidence among nations lets us confront change and uncertainty together. Today we not only see declining confidence between countries, but also a growing crisis of faith in the rules meant to bind us together. When nations begin to believe that rules are applied differently depending on power or circumstance, the instinct is to turn inward and act alone. That weakens us all. Dialogue becomes harder. Multilateral institutions lose authority, and the international order becomes more fragile, leaving smaller and more vulnerable states particularly exposed. For Brunei Darussalam, multilateralism is not an intellectual concept. It is assurance that sovereignty and territorial integrity will be respected, that every nation, irrespective of size, has a voice, and that international law protects the weak as surely as it restrains the strong. The charter of the United Nations must therefore remain our common foundation. It cannot mean one thing in one crisis and something different in another. Its principles must be upheld consistently if this organization is to retain its legitimacy and credibility. Few issues demonstrate this more painfully than the question of Palestine.
With this in mind, I propose that we take the following four steps. First, we should safeguard the postwar international order and foster lasting peace based on common security. The world wants peace not war. The international system centered on the UN and the international order, underpinned by international law that emerged after World War Two must be upheld. We should turn into action the vision of common, comprehensive cooperative and sustainable security and reject the Cold War mindset and block confrontation. We should settle differences and disputes through dialogue and consultation, and oppose unilateral military actions that violate the UN Charter and circumvent Security Council authorization. Major countries shoulder special responsibilities for safeguarding international peace and security, and they should take the lead in complying with the rules, upholding the rule of law and doing what's right. China holds that the sovereignty and security of countries in the Middle East, including the Gulf should be respected. International industrial and supply chains should be kept stable and unimpeded, and global trade should be safeguarded. China calls for advancing the governance of the West Bank and the post-conflict reconstruction of Gaza, in accordance with the principle of the Palestinians governing Palestine. It also calls for bringing the Palestinian question back onto the right track of the two state solution at an early date. On Ukraine, President Xi Jinping has put forward four points on what must be done, which are the fundamental guidance for China in playing a continued constructive role in its own way for achieving a political settlement of the crisis. China urges the relevant country to immediately stop using threat of force against Cuba, and immediately and completely lift the blockade and sanctions against Cuba. Second, we should address the global development predicament and promote prosperity for all through openness and cooperation.
International law applies everywhere. International humanitarian law applies everywhere and human rights apply everywhere in Ukraine, in the Middle East, in Africa, in Asia or in Latin America. We are well aware that conflicts never remain purely local. They have repercussions on food security, energy markets, immigration development and global stability. We can see that with the war of aggression by Russia on Ukraine, this was a war chosen by Russia the consequences of which are worldwide in scope. This is a devastating aggression on a sovereign state committed by a permanent member of the UN Security Council, the violation of the UN charter and of international law. Attacks by Russia on Ukraine also threaten the security of civilian populations beyond Ukraine's borders, and it is unacceptable that over the last 12 months, Russia has on several occasions threatened the security of several European Union member states. Russia must bring an end to this dangerous escalation, and the international community must do its utmost and use all of the tools available to it to bring an end to this war and to create the conditions for negotiations for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. This war must end. The same goes in the Middle East. We regret the current stalemate in Gaza and more broadly speaking, in Palestine, which is prolonging the suffering of millions of civilians, despite the momentum towards the end of the conflict that we thought we saw at the end of last year. The European Union and its member states have made their positions clear. The two state solution is the only one that can ensure lasting peace in the Middle East. With the State of Israel and the State of Palestine independent and living side by side in peace and security. And we also support all of the efforts to find a solution to the conflict in Iran. The cease fire must be fully respected. Freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz must be preserved without conditions and without hindrance. For a lasting solution, it is also necessary that security of the countries in the region be ensured. It is essential that Iran never be allowed to acquire nuclear weapons.
They also stand as judgments on the greater state policies that, through a joint criminal enterprise, sought to divide and destroy Bosnia and Herzegovina as an independent, sovereign, indivisible and internationally recognized state. Ladies and gentlemen, we live in a world of injustice, insecurity and intolerance. The strengthening of authoritarian populism, the aggression against Ukraine, the suffering in Gaza, the war in the Gulf region, the catastrophic situation in Sudan and other flashpoints have brought humanity into a profound crisis marked by great uncertainty and fear. We must not remain silent in the face of injustice. The world did not respond adequately to the aggression against Ukraine and genocide against Palestinians in Gaza, just as it did not during the aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina. The aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine is a flagrant example of a violation of the UN charter and international law, while Gaza is humanity's greatest defeat in the 21st century. The greatest global crises are directly interconnected and have the same root: the erosion of international law. Disrespect for international law cannot lead the world towards prosperity and a better future.
Madam president, excellencies, distinguished delegates. A compass does not change with the weather. It helps you find a way in fair weather as well as in storm. 81 years ago, the world gave itself a compass. We named it the United Nations Charter. It has helped us stay the course even when the seas have been anything but calm. It has pointed us toward a world of equal rights, self-determination of peoples and territorial integrity of all states, large and small, towards a rules based international order. The progress has been real. More than a billion people lifted out of poverty. Standards of living transformed. Colonial empires brought to an end. Independent nations emerged. Peoples gained the right to shape their own future. That progress was made possible because we kept consulting the compass, because we stayed the course. Today it seems we are losing our way. Wars and conflicts are at the highest level since World War Two. Extreme poverty is on the rise. Extreme weather and climate related disasters are hitting record highs. Mistrust, polarization and divisions are growing both among states and within societies. Even the most basic principles of international law, including international humanitarian law, are violated with impunity. To get back on track, we must turn our attention to the compass. Excellencies, respect for the charter, for Human Rights, for international law is not a courtesy we extend when convenient. These are binding obligations we all agree to. Respecting them is the precondition for international peace and security.
Mr. President, when Sweden joined the UN in 1946, the world was emerging from the devastation of war. The lesson from that catastrophe was clear peace must not be taken for granted. Defence of sovereignty and territorial integrity has been at the heart of Swedish foreign policy ever since. Eight decades later, these principles are once again being challenged. Bad faith, conflict and utter contempt for the common rules are weakening the institutions that we built together. These are times of upheaval. The number of armed conflicts is growing and civilians are paying the price. In Ukraine, Sudan, Yemen, Palestine, Lebanon, Myanmar, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and many other conflict zones, millions are suffering. Mr. President, Russia's aggression against Ukraine is a blatant violation of international law. It strikes at the heart of the very principles upon which the United Nations was founded. Sweden's support for Ukraine is felt deeply throughout our entire society. It comes from our people, our civil society and the business community. We will support Ukraine for as long as it takes. Russia has not only violated the UN charter, it has repeatedly violated international humanitarian law and human rights law. Attacks targeting civilians, forcible transfer of and deportation of children, conflict related sexual violence and torture, the list is far too long. Ensuring accountability for these violations is crucial. If there is anything that we have learned from history, it is that there cannot be a just and lasting peace without accountability. Sweden stands firmly behind the ICC, its independence and integrity and recognises its vital role, not least in Ukraine. Russia must also be held accountable for its breaches of the Chemical Weapons Convention, both on and off the battlefield. Russia's war of aggression against a peaceful neighbour is one of the biggest strategic mistakes and moral failures of the 21st century. Four and a half years after launching its full scale invasion, Russia has failed to achieve its objectives. Its economy is under strain and its casualty numbers are devastating. Ordinary Russians are withdrawing their funds from the bank, and a substantial share of Russia's young people are dying on the frontlines. The impact of Russia's war of aggression extends far beyond Ukraine. Russia intensified its systematic attacks on civilian infrastructure and on vessels in the Black Sea this summer. This has once again disrupted global food supply chains, exacerbating an already dire situation for vulnerable people across the globe. To President Putin and Mr. Lavrov, I say this the path to peace is clear. The choice should be easy. Withdraw your troops.
193 states that have signed up to the UN charter that have signed up to one essential principle that relations between states are not governed by sheer power, but by rules. Today, this commitment is being tested by conflicts, by shifts in power, by new technologies. And our global institutions are struggling to keep pace. So let me ask you a simple question that I believe sits underneath everything we are discussing this week. Who decides? Who decides whether a border is a line to be respected or a target to be crossed? Who decides whether a human being or a machine pulls a trigger? Who decides who gets heard and who is left waiting outside the room? For more than 80 years, this organization has stood for one answer. Power must be bound by rules agreed together. That answer secured Austria's sovereignty and our prosperity. It still does. We are a nation of 9 million people, an open, liberal democracy, and we are proud of it. Alone we cannot. We cannot keep trade routes open, stabilize energy markets, or prevent wars. Like most countries in this hall, we depend on a world in which borders are respected, agreements are kept, and strength is bound by law. When that order weakens, the gravest price is paid by those least able to bear it, by countries already in crisis, by populations heavily dependent on food imports and by people caught in conflict.
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No. 44
Turkmenistan09/28 · first at about 1 min3 mentions
I would also like to express our appreciation to Miss Annalena Baerbock for her leadership of the General Assembly during its previous session. Distinguished participants. The current international environment requires all states to demonstrate a high degree of responsibility, political foresight and readiness for concerted action. Rising conflict potential, the erosion of trust, economic instability, climate risk, and the rapid development of new technologies are becoming increasingly intertwined, directly affecting the security and well-being of peoples. In these circumstances it is particularly important to uphold the common purposes enshrined in the charter of the United Nations, ensure respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states, their sovereign equality and non-interference in the internal affairs, and strengthen the rule of international law. Turkmenistan firmly believes that the United Nations must continue to serve as the universal and legitimate foundation of international cooperation, and as the principal mechanism for reconciling interests and developing solutions in the areas of peace, security and sustainable development. It is from this perspective that our country approaches the work of the 81st session of the General Assembly. Ladies and gentlemen, ensuring international peace and security remains a key priority for Turkmenistan.
The United Nations was created precisely for a moment such as this. When a challenge is too large for any one nation to address alone. When risks need to be managed to protect people all over the world. And when opportunities need to be exploited in a way that benefits the largest and the smallest, the richest and the poorest member state. But today the United Nations itself is under pressure. There are great powers that believe that they fare better if they ignore the rules enshrined in the UN Charter. The erosion of international law jeopardizes the enormous civilisational progress that the United Nations stands for. The commitment to peace, the principle of sovereign equality of all states, the belief in norms and rules, the conviction of the dignity inherent in every human being. The erosion of these principles may serve the interests of a few who believe themselves powerful enough to survive in a world without norms, or to write their own rules. For us, for the overwhelming majority of the 193 states represented in this General Assembly, this is harmful. We know that the people of this world will pay the price if the respect for international law erodes, and if its institutions are under attack. If this erosion continues, we all stand to lose. But this pressure on the international order does not come from political actors alone. It also comes from the forces of technological revolution. This poses a crucial question how do we enable our international institutions to keep pace with the technologies that are reshaping our world? Faced with this question, it will not be enough to invoke what we still have or once had in the United Nations, nor will it have helped if we ignore its weaknesses. What we need is honesty, realism, and cooperation. Honesty in our analysis, realism in our ambition and cooperation as our method. We must acknowledge that many of the beams of this common house cannot carry the burden we put on them. We must decide which parts of the house do we preserve and which do we rebuild? For this endeavour to succeed, we need the new Secretary-General to lead a profound process of reform. Above all, we must close the gap between what we expect from the United Nations and the capabilities we give to the organization.
Sovereignty must be respected and colonialism must be brought to an end. This is where Palestine remains one of the clearest tests of these principles, and the test of our conscience. The clear violation of international law in Gaza and the West Bank are reminiscent of our world pre 1945, a world pre the UN charter pre the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and pre the 1949 Geneva Conventions, a world where a certain race was almost annihilated. Indonesia knows what it means to struggle against colonialism, to struggle in a world where international law was weak and might was right. Our nation's journey to independence has shaped our consistent support for the Palestinian people and their right to determine their own future. Indonesia will continue to stand with the Palestinian people until their right to self-determination is fulfilled, and until an independent and sovereign state of Palestine is realised based on the two state solution, in accordance with international law and internationally agreed parameters. Palestine is not only a question for one region, it is a test of whether multilateral system can uphold the very principles it was created to defend, and whether it can deliver when it matters most. Mr. President, an effective multilateral system also requires effective leadership. Indonesia's leadership philosophy, passed down through generations, teaches us that leaders must possess the capability to lead by example from the front, build confidence while standing among the people, and empower from behind. Leadership is not simply about commanding.
Mr. President, confidence in the international system is increasingly declining; international organizations are grappling with reduced capacity; political and economic impunity is being entrenched. The UN Charter underscores resolving international disputes through peaceful means, and the obligation of states to pursue diplomatic solutions before resorting to escalation or the use of force. Notwithstanding, we continue to be inundated with the image of suffering of innocent civilians, such as in Sudan and Eastern DRC, large-scale internal displacement, cross-border migration, and humanitarian crises across the world. Those conflicts continue to undermine international mechanisms and the structures established to maintain international peace and security.
The rule of force, such as witnessed by Croatia during the brutal aggression and occupation of more than one quarter of our territory in the 90s in the war which claimed nearly 20,000 lives, and after which, more than three decades later, Croatia continues to search for 1725 missing persons a poignant example that the consequences of war do not end when the weapons fall silent. Instead, peace requires courage, credible institutions and rules that apply equally to everyone. Russia's ongoing war of aggression against Ukraine is a direct assault on those rules. Croatia will continue to support Ukraine's sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity and a comprehensive, just and lasting peace based on the UN charter. Peace cannot reward conquest and recovery cannot be separated from justice. The same compass must guide us in the Middle East. Protection of civilians, unhindered humanitarian access, respect for international law and a credible political horizon are essential to breaking the cycle of violence. Croatia supports a negotiated two state solution in which Israelis and Palestinians will live in peace and security. From Sudan and Myanmar to the Sahel and the Great Lakes region, civilians bear the highest cost when rules are ignored and diplomacy fails and no crisis remains local for long. War disrupts food and energy supplies, while insecurity from the Strait of Hormuz to the Black Sea affects shipping prices and livelihoods across continents.
Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine is a flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter and a direct assault on the sovereignty and territorial integrity of a member state. Russia's occupation and attempted illegal annexation of Crimea in 2014 challenged the fundamental rule of our international order: territory cannot be acquired by force. As Mustafa Dzhemilev, the leader of Crimean Tatars, reminded us at yesterday's Crimea Platform Summit, the international response to Russia's aggression in 2014 was too little, too late. Russia was never effectively stopped. Its impunity began in Crimea. The full scale invasion of 2022 was the consequence. The Russian leadership chose this war. Russia is the aggressor. Ukraine is defending its people and its independence. For my country, for Slovenia, sovereignty and territorial integrity are fundamental to our own security. If a powerful state can seize its neighbors territory by force, every smaller state becomes less secure. The United Nations has documented torture and executions of Ukrainian prisoners of war by Russian forces, as well as grave abuses in occupied territory. Those responsible must face justice. Prisoners of war and civilian detainees must return home. Ukrainian children forcibly transferred or deported must return to their homes. Our goal must remain a just and lasting peace, based on the United Nations Charter and Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity. Ukraine must participate fully in decisions concerning its future. Any settlement must provide credible security guarantees against renewed aggression, and Slovenia will continue to support Ukraine on its European path. Ukraine's future belongs in the European Union. A permanent member of the Security Council of this organization, entrusted with the special responsibility for international peace, is waging a war of aggression against another member state. This is waging war against another member state, and Russia's permanent seat cannot place it above the charter. Its veto cannot erase aggression or responsibility for international crimes.
Economic uncertainty, disrupted supply chains, and rapid technological change, and an information environment corroded by disinformation. These crises do not remain where they begin. Conflict raises the cost of fuel and food far beyond its borders. Carbon emitted from the Pacific takes our shorelines, our homes and our sacred places. For small island developing states, decisions are no longer insulated from the global shocks. Too often, it magnifies their cost. Trust, therefore, is not restored by declarations alone. It is restored when commitments are kept and when international law is applied consistently, and when institutions listen, and when people can see and feel the results of multilateral action in their daily lives. Mr. President, Fiji reaffirms an enduring principle. The international law is not optional and peace cannot be secured by power alone. For small states, the principles of the charter sovereign equality, territorial integrity and peaceful settlement of disputes are the safeguards against the world in which the size or military strength decides whose rights matters. When the world asks small states to choose between competing power blocs, Fiji chooses principles and we choose the charter.
Created in the aftermath of the Second World War, the immediate focus was obviously on peace and security but the UN system has evolved significantly over the decades to expand its scope and sphere of influence within the confines of its charter. However, the UN must now look to the future, building on its record of achievements as well as from lessons learned from what it could not achieve. As we look to the next 80 years, we must ask ourselves a searching question is the UN fit for the purpose for the 21st century, not the world of 1945, but the world of today and beyond? We are entering a new era of international relations defined by unprecedented technological developments, often absent from the table where the rules of tomorrow are being adopted, developing countries risk being left further behind. The same exclusion afflicts the international financial architecture, which remains skewed against the Global South. Developing nations must have a seat at the table as equal stakeholders. We all acknowledge that the three pillars of the UN charter are peace and security, development and human rights. The twin institutional pillars provided in the charter were and still are, the Security Council and ECOSOC as the apex bodies for achieving these purposes. However, over the years, optimal use has been made primarily of only one of these organs. We need to enhance and accelerate the revitalization of the General Assembly and that of ECOSOC so that they are not merely forums for debate, but engines of action. This must be done as we bring about the reform of the Security Council, the historical injustice regarding the composition of the Council was acknowledged in action 39 of the pact for the future, but the process for reform is still stalled. Mauritius fully supports the Common African Position, the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration calling for no fewer than two permanent and five non-permanent African seats on the council. Mauritius also supports the call for SIDS to have a seat on a reformed council. On the question of the veto, Mauritius aligns itself with the position of a growing number of states that, in the event the veto is retained, any new permanent member must have the same rights as the original permanent members. Mauritius also supports the Franco-Mexican initiative on the suspension of the veto in cases of mass atrocities. We support the positions of the G4 and the L69 on council reform, and we reiterate our support for India's candidature for a permanent seat commensurate with its constructive role in global affairs. Mr. president, Mauritius welcomes the increasing recourse to the International Court of Justice as a mechanism for the peaceful settlement of disputes and determination of issues of international law. We call upon Member States which have not yet done so, to accept the compulsory jurisdiction of the ICJ. We welcome the landmark unanimous advisory opinion of the ICJ on the obligations of states in respect of climate change. This was a vindication of the tireless advocacy of Vanuatu and the core group of states. Mauritius was proud to stand among them.
Mr. President, let us restore trust through the pursuit of peace and security. Trust in the international system begins with the conviction that everyone matters, and that the security of small states is as precious as that of great powers. International conflicts far from our shores in Ukraine and the Middle East continue to have devastating consequences for our daily lives, disrupting agricultural trade and global food stability, and driving up fuel prices and shipping premiums. We therefore join others here and call for an immediate end to the war in Ukraine, with full respect for state sovereignty and territorial integrity under the UN charter. And likewise, we call for a permanent ceasefire in the Middle East, the protection of civilians and the realization of a two state solution guaranteeing peace and security for Palestine and Israel. Mr. President, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines does not stand alone.
It will be restored when institutions act consistently, uphold international law, and produce results that people can see and experience. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the United Nations Charter is founded on sovereign equality, territorial integrity peaceful coexistence, human rights and dignity of every person. The most important word in this year's theme is all. Not some. Not a selected group of nations, not only those with the greatest economy and military might. The promise of the charter belongs equally to every human being and every Member state. Yet the United Nations has increasingly become associated with political gridlocks in the Security Council, prolonged negotiations without tangible outcomes and a weakening capacity to mobilize collective action in response to the threats to international peace and security. This should concern all of us, not because the United Nations is not important, but precisely because it is indispensable and appears absent from the global solutions for peace and stability in this dangerous and unpredictable time. The Security Council must become more representative, transparent, and effective. Africa remains unrepresented in the permanent category and not represented enough in the non-permanent category as well. This historical injustice against the 54 sovereign states cannot be postponed indefinitely. Somalia supports the common African position and a meaningful African representation in both categories of the Council. Given that many of the discussions directly concerned African states, they have the right to full representation on equal par with all other permanent Security Council members. Reform is not an attack on the United Nations. Reform is necessary to protect its legitimacy, renew confidence in its institutions and ensure that it remains capable of responding to the realities of our time. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Somalia currently proudly serves as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council and as a member of the African Union Peace and Security Council. We carry these responsibilities with great seriousness, humility and determination. In both institutions, Somalia works to uphold the principles of the United Nations Charter and Constitutive Act of the African Union, strengthening cooperation between the United Nations and the African Union, prevent conflict and support peaceful African led solution with global benefits. Respect for national sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity is not an abstract principle for Somalia only. It is a foundation for peace and stability in our country, our region and the wider international community. Therefore, Somalia firmly rejects unilateral actions that undermine its sovereignty, unity and internationally recognized borders. Disagreements between nations must be resolved through dialogue and in accordance with international law, and not through actions that create new tensions or threaten regional stability.
But if the West wants to take its rightful place in the emerging multi-polar world, it must change. It must understand that the future of our planet lies in cooperation and not confrontation. Yes, it will have to make room on the global bench of international relations and do so in a meaningful way. It will require abandoning the policies of neocolonialism and putting aside the self-imposed isolation to which the EU is condemning itself by creating a new Iron Curtain along its borders with Belarus and Russia. Now on the UN. Is our organisation keeping pace with the times? No, it does not correspond to today's realities. It cannot keep up with change and it is not reforming significantly. Criticism of our organisation is growing every year and it is fairly justified. The very fact that new international global initiatives are emerging outside the system, for example Trump's Board of Peace or the World Artificial Intelligence Cooperation Organization, China's project. This confirms that the UN is failing to recognise new trends. That is why new formats of cooperation are emerging. The BRICS, the SCO and regional economic and political alliances and they are gaining momentum. But we in Belarus do not see them as competitors to the UN, but rather as catalysts for necessary reform. We have a recipe for restoring the UN to its intended purpose. And it's very simple. Individual countries must stop using the organisation, our shared organisation, for their own selfish ends, and they must begin to think about the fate of our planet, our shared planet as a whole. Only then will the theme of this session cease to be a romantic wish, and instead become a real programme of action. Concrete structural steps are also necessary. First, reform of the UN Security Council. This body cannot remain in a form that was appropriate for the mid-20th century. The council must be strengthened by expanding the category of permanent members to include the countries of the South, which today play an ever increasing role in world affairs. The voice of the global majority must be heard loud and clear in the Security Council. Second, restoring respect for international law and the UN Charter and specifically respect for the law, not the rules based order. The UN Charter has been and remains the only universal document that recognises the sovereign equality of all states. Third, reform of specialized UN agencies. First and foremost, the international financial institutions, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the International Finance Corporation, the World Trade Organization.
Here is the most uncomfortable thing I came to say. The hardest pill to swallow in my speech. This organization has not been commensurate with the challenges of our times. It's not only a leadership problem, one of the present or the future, but rather a problem in terms of action. For decades and for several reasons, the United Nations has not been part of the solution to the problems I've outlined. We cannot simply continue to play by the same rules of an order that was established in 1945 in 2026. What we've seen is the development of a UN architecture that holds too many discussions and is too quick to act. A Security Council that reflects the political arena of 1945 and the reality and not the reality of 2026. We have red tape that continues to proliferate, as is true for indeed many countries. We're seeing agendas that, however noble they might appear have ultimately postponed what this organization committed to do with its founding charter that is maintain peace, protect rights, life, and defend the freedom of its peoples. We believe in the United Nations, and believing in the United Nations means ensuring that the organization discharges its mandate. I propose three things reducing bureaucracy and focusing our resources where there are lives at stake. We must suspend agendas that are not priorities to return the spotlight to those that really are priorities. We must reform the Security Council, not as a symbolic gesture, but as a vital prerequisite to ensure that the council's decisions are once again respected and upheld. Chile signed the San Francisco Charter and has been present, ready and willing to defend all of its causes. We are committed to the High Seas Agreement known as the BBNJ, and we proposed Valparaiso as the headquarters of its executive Secretariat. That means that we now have the first UN body to ever have had a headquarters in Latin America and this is an agreement which brings together many different sectors in Chile to play this role, this housing of this headquarters is an expression of the multilateralism that we believe in a tangible, ambitious and able to yield results. There needs to be a multilateralism that is effective and efficient. And allow me to say that the reforms I talked about cannot wait.
The coalition of the willing for Ukraine is particularly close to my heart. It's a group of countries working to end Russia's war of aggression. The war is unlawful, unjustified and unprovoked. Its solution will have far reaching consequences for Ukraine and beyond. It is really about upholding international rules. The coalition works for a just and lasting peace in Ukraine, in accordance with the UN charter. It seeks to uphold the basic tenets of the international order.
And I do so at a moment of particular importance, as Greece reaches the end of our second year on the U.N. Security Council and is again preparing to assume its presidency next month. 12 months ago, as we marked the 80th anniversary of the United Nations, we spoke of the need to reinvigorate multilateralism. And one year later, that need has only become much more urgent as we are living through extremely perilous times. Conflicts are multiplying, tensions are deepening, and perhaps most alarmingly, we're witnessing a further erosion of restraint in international affairs. The rules and understandings that have long provided a relative degree of stability in international relations between states are increasingly being tested. Secretary-General António Guterres has steered these United Nations through this exceptionally turbulent decade, with a steadfast commitment to its charter and the values it embodies, and the selection of the 10th Secretary-General presents a historic opportunity for the reinvigoration of the organization when it is most needed. Ladies and gentlemen, the first step in restoring confidence in multilateralism is acknowledging where it has actually succeeded.
The possibilities before us are immense. We have the possibility of silencing the guns through dialogue and diplomacy. The world does not need more sophisticated instruments of destruction. It needs a more sophisticated capacity for peace. In this regard, I reiterate Guyana's call for a just and lasting solution to the crisis in the Middle East, one that brings an end to the suffering of innocent civilians and recognises the Palestinian people's legitimate right to self-determination and to secure a homeland of their own. Reiterate our support for a two state solution. We call as well for an end to the Russia-Ukraine war and the war in Sudan, and for peaceful resolution of all conflicts that continue to consume lives, uproot families and extinguish the hopes of millions in other parts of our world. We reiterate our call for a viable solution for Cuba, one that is peaceful, people centred, development focused and allows for a full aspiration of the Cuban people to be realized. Guyana reiterates CARICOM's offer to play a meaningful role in achieving this objective. In Haiti, resolving the multidimensional challenges remains central to achieving democracy, stability, peace and prosperity for the Haitian people. The sustained support of the international community through the provision of key financial and material resources, is critical to realising these objectives. Ultimately, the future of Haiti must be Haitian led and Haitian owned. Mr. president, turning to my own country, Guyana has always advanced the peaceful settlement of the controversy in relation to our border with Venezuela. Despite the historical truth clearly outlined in the Arbitral Award of 1899 that determined the full, perfect and final settlement of our border with Venezuela, we endured long and repeated provocations and aggression. The matter was referred to the International Court of Justice by the Secretary General, acting pursuant to the Geneva Agreement, and the court twice pronounced on its jurisdiction to hear the matter. Recourse to the ICJ came after decades of efforts to resolve the controversy bilaterally, including through a mixed commission and the good offices of the UN Secretary General. In full respect for international law, Guyana participated and encouraged Venezuela to participate in the proceedings of the ICJ. Now that we have both participated in the hearings, which were completed in May 2026, we urge Venezuela to abide by the forthcoming ruling in accordance with their obligations under the UN Charter, as Guyana will do. We look forward to a new era of neighborly relations in the interests of our peoples, the development of our countries and the stability and prosperity of our region.
Second, Japan is devoted to enhancing cooperation towards peace and stability. Since the end of the Second World War, Japan has consistently and seriously pursued efforts towards nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. At the very heart of our aspiration for a world without nuclear weapons lies the earnest plea of the hibakusha. The catastrophic consequences of nuclear weapons must never be repeated. It is Japan's mission as the only country to have ever suffered atomic bombings during war, to lead the efforts of the international community towards a world without nuclear weapons. Japan strongly calls for solidarity within the international community to maintain and strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty NPT regime, to which both nuclear weapon states and non-nuclear weapon states are parties. Further, Japan will persistently advance realistic and practical efforts, including enhancing the transparency of nuclear forces and promoting a deeper understanding of the realities of atomic bombings. The situations in Ukraine and North Korea have reminded the world of growing risks and threats posed by nuclear weapons. There are also concerns regarding the proliferation of nuclear and missile related technologies through the strengthening of military cooperation between Russia and North Korea. The security of the Indo-Pacific and Euro-Atlantic is inseparable. The advancement of North Korea's nuclear and missile programs, as well as its use of malicious cyber activities, including cryptocurrency thefts as a source of funding, are clear violations of relevant Security Council resolutions and pose a serious threat to international peace and security. The full implementation of Security Council resolutions under the principle of the complete denuclearization of North Korea is essential. Moreover, the issue of abductions by North Korea is an ongoing matter with lives at stake. The abductees are still denied their freedoms and their families continue to suffer. This is a matter of grave concern not only for Japan, but for the international community. As the abductees and their families are aging, the abductions issue must be resolved immediately. For the sake of the future of both Japan and North Korea, I am prepared to engage in dialogue and take concrete action to establish a mutually fruitful relationship in accordance with the Japan DPRK Pyongyang Declaration. Third, Japan will continue to contribute to the maintenance and development of a free and open international order based on the rule of law. Any attempts to unilaterally change the status quo by force or coercion are contrary to the principles enshrined in the charter of the United Nations, and must never be tolerated anywhere in the world. Russia's aggression against Ukraine is the most obvious example. A permanent member of the Security Council, with a special responsibility for international peace and security, has initiated an act of aggression against another country and has vetoed Security Council resolutions concerning its own actions. In this current situation, it must be said that the Security Council is not functioning for international peace.
Today, Central Asia is becoming an example of constructive inter-state cooperation as well as economic, infrastructural and technological development. In this regard, we are ready to share the experience we have accumulated along this path. Distinguished heads of delegations. For the first time in its history, Kyrgyzstan has been elected as a member of the United Nations Security Council for the 2027 2028 term. Taking this opportunity, I would like to express my profound gratitude to all countries that supported our candidacy. The support of 142 member states not only confirms Kyrgyzstan's readiness to contribute to international affairs, but also demonstrates the growing role of the Central Asian region in international relations. This achievement is clear evidence that even small states can make a meaningful contribution to addressing global challenges. We fully understand that membership in the Security Council is not a privilege or reward. It is a great responsibility. One year ago, standing at this stage, I stated with confidence that Kyrgyzstan is among those states whose experience enables them to put forward substantive issues for consideration by the Security Council. We do not forget the promises we have made and will make every effort to implement them fully. Therefore, I would like to reiterate Kyrgyzstan firmly adheres to international law, justice and the protection of human rights and supports the multilateral system based on mutual respect, balance of interest and responsibility towards future generations. We intend to work closely with every country and remain committed to productive cooperation. Distinguished colleagues as you all may know, since the establishment of the United Nations in 1945, its member states and leaders have attempted to undertake systematic reforms. Reforms have ranged from expanding the membership of the Security Council to modernizing mechanisms of governance, peacekeeping and the protection of human rights. These initiatives continue to be actively discussed at the international level. However, despite numerous efforts and years of discussion, the institutional structure of our organization continues to face various challenges. Therefore, I believe that expanding the membership of the Security Council is one of the reforms that the international community expects. I consider it fair to grant two permanent seats to the African continent, with a population of more than 1 billion people and one permanent seat to Latin America. Today, the world has changed. At the same time, a number of developed countries have also expressed their aspiration to become members of the Security Council. I believe that the request of this country should be also considered. Another issue, in my view, the weakness of effective mechanisms for ensuring the implementation of the decisions of the organization. The systematic failure to implement the organization's decisions undermines the legitimacy of multilateralism concept, creates the impression that international law is not binding and encourages disregard for international obligations. Therefore, we must expand and strengthen the authority of the United Nations. In this regard, we propose to develop the United Nations mechanism for the implementation of decisions and accountability. First, it is necessary to establish, within the framework of the General Assembly, the permanent Public registry of the implementation of resolutions and obligations by Member States. This registry could include the following information and ensure the implementation of such mechanisms as. First, systematically record and verify the level of implementation of adopted decisions. Second, establish the obligation for Member States to regularly submit report in accordance with the agreed standards. Third, provide analytical reviews on sectors and regions. Fourth, ensure transparency and equal access to information for all states. The registry could be administered by the United Nations Secretariat with the support of independent experts. If decisions of the organization are systematically not implemented, I propose the gradual response mechanisms. The first stage an official notification to the concerned state, followed by consultations with the relevant bodies of the organization. The second stage deployment of a monitoring mission to the country concerned to assess the objective obstacles, preventing the implementation of the decision and to prepare recommendations. The third stage consideration of the case right here at a plenary meeting of the General Assembly to determine the status of the concerned state in terms of its systematic implementation or non implementation of United Nations decisions. The fourth stage, the initiation of appropriate procedures under the charter of the United Nations with regard to states that fail to comply with the requirements. In particular, the matter could be referred to the United Nations Security Council for consideration of restrictive measures provided for under international law, including the first temporary restriction on participation in United Nations programs. The second, recommendations to review existing formats of cooperation and other diplomatic measures, where appropriate. Distinguished colleagues, I believe that when cases of systematic non-implementation of United Nations decisions are considered, the permanent members of the Security Council should voluntarily refrain from using the veto. If a mechanism designed to ensure the implementation of the organization's decisions is systematically blocked by permanent members through the use of the veto, such practice would no longer be consistent with the spirit of the UN charter and the principle of equal responsibility of Member States. Therefore, we should once again consider the possibility of voluntarily restraining to use the veto in matters related to the implementation of the organization's decisions. This approach could promote universality, the equality of all states, regardless of their size, the primacy of diplomacy, and avoid the double standards. In order to implement this initiative, I propose establishing to open a working group within the General Assembly with the participation of the interested Member States. The working group could conduct inter-governmental consultations and prepare a report on possible models for the proposed mechanism. Following these consultations, the General Assembly and the Security Council should consider adopting the relevant resolutions and decisions. The strategic objective of this initiative is to ensure that the decisions of the organization are treated not merely as political recommendations, but as genuine international obligations. Improvement of their implementation would strengthen the rule of international law and reinforce confidence in the United Nations. Kyrgyzstan is ready to initiate interstate discussions on the development of such a mechanism. Starting from the 1st January 2027, as a member of the United Nations Security Council, we intend to formally submit all these proposals to the relevant committee. Distinguished colleagues, I would like to address separately the issues of sanctions. As we have all observed today, sanctions are in some cases, used by individual countries as an instrument to interference to the internal affairs of sovereign states.
On exactly 66 years ago, six days only after becoming independent and sovereign Mali, under the leadership of President Modibo Keïta, was admitted to the UN with the support of the Republic of Tunisia and of Ceylon, currently Sri Lanka. We welcome the theme of the 81st session of the General Assembly, namely restoring trust, supporting Transformation, a United Nations organization that delivers for all. This theme is very timely and relevant because beyond encouraging reflection on how our organization can regain credibility and effectiveness amid multiple crises and challenges to multilateralism, it especially calls on member states to restore trust and seek common solutions to the many challenges of our time. And how can this be achieved? For its part, Mali reaffirms its unwavering commitment to reformed multilateralism founded on strict respect for the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter, particularly sovereign equality, territorial integrity, non-use of force, mutual respect, and non-interference in the internal affairs of a state. The further we move away from these principles, the closer we come to cycles of conflict. And we all know that the blatant violations of international law its selective application, double standards in the management of crises throughout the world, abusive recourse to force and threats and policies of hegemony and domination in violation of the charter of this organization have seriously undermined public confidence throughout the world in international institutions, especially the United Nations. We therefore call for the lifting of unilateral coercive measures, which undermine state sovereignty and endanger the well-being of populations in approximately 30 countries throughout the world, which are affected by such sanctions. To these practices, which undermine the current governance, we need to add the slowness of anticipation within the United Nations, which too often leaves the organization reduced to observing crisis after they have erupted. That's the case in the Sahel, where for several decades we had a security crisis for. Also the crisis in Libya provoked by the NATO interference in 2011.
They are asking whether it works. Yes, there have been wars and conflicts that we could not prevent, and issues we could not resolve. The Palestinian issue continues unresolved for decades. Wars and conflict and their aftermath are ravaging Sudan, Gaza, Ukraine, Myanmar, and the Middle East. But even as those wars raged, the United Nations stayed and served. I’ve seen this in my own country, where the United Nations country team in Cox’s Bazar is striving to do more with less to support Rohingya refugees in the camps. Just recently, a representative from a war-torn nation said to me: “Your peacekeepers from Bangladesh were not just blue helmets. They built roads and communities. They fed children. They helped rebuild societies and put us on the road to proper governance.” In Iraq, the United Nations system helped nearly five million people return home. It rehabilitated hundreds of schools, electricity stations and water-treatment plants. And right now, in Haiti, the entire United Nations family is delivering amid immense security and governance challenges. These stories rarely make the headlines, but we should never lose sight of what is working. (BRIEF PAUSE) At the same time, let us not turn a blind eye to where we have fallen short, particularly in a world where challenges seem to multiply by the day. The war in Gaza has left over 70,000 people dead, including thousands of children. Humanitarian support has been a fraction of what is needed. The ongoing wars across the Middle East and Europe have consequences far beyond the frontlines. And the heartbreaking disaster in Nepal and China, was not just an isolated event, but yet another horrible climax to our collectively insufficient response to climate change. The circumstances and politics of these crises differ. But our commitments under the Charter do not. The principles of multilateralism, international law, the protection of civilians and humanitarian access cannot be applied selectively, not if we want the world to trust us.
12 people find themselves in a forest on an island. The guide who led them there is sitting among them, is dead, but they don't know it yet. They are waiting for him to return. They hear the wind, the sea, the voices around them. They know they are not alone, yet they can barely tell where the others are. At one point, one of the characters says, years and years we have been together and we have never seen each other. That line comes back to me when I look at our world. We too are together. We meet constantly. We exchange statements, messages and positions. At times we spend hours around the same tables and yet being in the same room doesn't mean that we understand one another. Do we still take the time to hear what others are telling us, to understand what they fear, what they need, and what the world looks like from where they stand? That, to me, is where diplomacy begins. Not when we agree, but when we no longer do. Diplomacy is not erasing disagreements, nor about abandoning our principles to secure consensus at any cost. It is about continuing to speak continuing to listen and finding ways to manage our differences without allowing them to lead to a breakdown in relations or to confrontation. In the play, one of the characters says something very simple let us try to draw a little closer. Maeterlinck wrote those words more than a century ago, yet they feel entirely relevant today. Drawing closer doesn't mean thinking alike. It means refusing to let distance turn into indifference, then mistrust, until eventually we stop speaking altogether. That risk is real today. It is one of the paradoxes of our time. We have never been more connected, yet we do not necessarily understand one another any better. Our economies, societies and technologies have become deeply interdependent, even as the temptation to turn inward returns with force. In other words, we depend on one another more than ever at the very moment when we are sometimes tempted to believe that we can do without one another. The more interdependent we become, the more we need common rules not to erase our differences, not to impose a single vision of the world, but to ensure that we can manage our disagreements without allowing the law of the strongest to become the only law that matters. In the play The Blind, the characters have lost the person who was meant to show them the way. We are not in the same position. No one will come and decide for us which direction to take, but that doesn't mean we can move forward without bearings. Faced with wars, humanitarian crisis, climate disruption, pandemics and technological upheaval, the question is ultimately quite simple do we still have a common compass? For Belgium, the answer is yes. That compass is the charter of the United Nations. It is international law, but the rule has value only if it continues to apply when respecting it becomes difficult. It is precisely when the law runs counter to a state's immediate interest that we discover whether it really matters. When a signature loses its value the moment it becomes binding, when a treaty holds only for as long as it suits the party that signed it, it is not merely a legal text that is weakened. It is trust in a promise made, and with it the security of all those who believed they could rely on that promise. That is why Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine concerns far more than two states.
Mr. president, Papua New Guinea comes to this assembly with profound respect for the charter of the United Nations and for the principles and purposes upon which this great institution was founded. The United Nations reminds us that whether we are big or small nations, rich or poor nations developed or developing, powerful or less powerful, we are all members of one international community. The challenges confronting humanity do not recognise the size of our economies, the strength of our militaries, or the boundaries on our map. No nation can address them alone. We must therefore continue to work together, respecting the sovereignty of all nations, upholding the international law and the United Nations Charter, resolving our differences peacefully and recognising that every nation, regardless of its size or economic strength or military might, has a voice and a place in this assembly. For Papua New Guinea and all the nations of the Pacific, multilateralism matters. The United Nations place provides a place rather, where small nations can sit alongside the largest, where voice can be heard and where we can work together on the common challenges facing humanity. And with this, I want to place on record Papua New Guinea's fullest acknowledgement on all speakers from the Pacific who have spoken, all leaders who spoke. We are fully, on behalf of Papua New Guinea, affirm all their points, the points that was raised. I also wish to acknowledge the Secretary General of United Nations, His Excellency Antonio Guterres as he approaches the completion of his tenure on behalf of the government and people of Papua New Guinea. I want to thank the Secretary General for his strong and consistent advocacy for humanity. At a time when our world has confronted war, displacement, poverty, inequality, climate change and many other challenges. He has consistently called for peace, human dignity, international cooperation and respect for the principles of United Nations. He has demonstrated the qualities of a global statesman. If there is anyone befitting of a Nobel Peace Award and label a global statesman, His Excellency Guterres is perhaps the leading person at this time. He has used his office to speak for humanity, including those voices that are often too dim and seemingly unheard. Secretary-General Guterres, on behalf of my 11 million people, Papua New Guinea, thank you for your service to the United Nations and to humanity. We remember fondly your three nights you stayed with us in the mountains and islands of Papua New Guinea. Thank you for being a strong voice of not just Papua New Guinea, but small nations, especially my small Pacific island nations. Your advocacy reminds us that beyond our national borders and political differences, cultures and beliefs, we belong to one human family. And we share one planet called the planet earth. Mr. president, it is in the spirit of common humanity that I wish to speak about human rights, human freedoms, and particularly freedom of conscience, thought, belief, and religion.
True leadership requires both. Prudence, in this case, means not only knowing what we want; it also is about pursue of goal while calling aggression by its name, and also condemning those who disrupt the world order without turning a blind eye when they violate the rules. Ladies and gentlemen, for many years, representatives of my country have been trying, in this chamber and in the Security Council, to point out that a situation in which a permanent member of the council, Russia, attempts unsuccessfully, but with ruthless persistence, to conquer a neighboring state and destabilize the entire region is a violation of the principles we all uphold as signatories to the Charter of the United Nations. Russia is destabilizing the situation in Europe through open aggression, hybrid operations, acts of subversion and sabotage, and by ignoring successive resolutions of this Assembly. It displays the same imperial arrogance that, in the past, led to unimaginable suffering and the tragedies of two world wars. Contempt for international law must not become the norm. It is not too late to restore the primacy of international law and strengthen the foundations of a system in which principles matter, and in which the international community, acting jointly and in solidarity, opposes aggression, which is prohibited by the Charter of the United Nations. Ladies and gentlemen, the Russian Federation, guided by an imperial and neo-colonial vision of the world, is attempting to impose its will on others. In doing so, it is effectively challenging the right of every nation to determine its own destiny. Neo-imperial and neo-colonial policies are, in essence, an attempt to return to a world in which the borders, security, and future of states and nations would be decided not by the states and nations themselves, but by other states that consider themselves stronger and predestined to dominate, and where might would replace law. It is an attempt to return to the concert of powers. This cannot be accepted. It is the force of law that should decide, not the law of force. Poland is particularly aware of the consequences of Russian colonialism and imperialism. History has taught us that freedom and sovereignty cannot defend themselves. That is why we are determined to counter the threats that the Kremlin's aggressive policies are posing to us, with increasing audacity. As a representative of a country neighboring Russia, I want to make it clear: we are not the ones seeking confrontation. We are strengthening our alliances, developing our military, and modernizing its equipment, not to wage war, but to prevent it. Our goal is deterrence and defense, the defense of two values that also form the foundation of the United Nations Charter: freedom and sovereignty. We continue to view the North Atlantic Alliance as the guarantor of European security. NATO remains united in the overarching goal of defending our community on both sides of the Atlantic, in Europe and America, on its eastern flank and along its northern border. We therefore welcome with satisfaction the strengthening of security in the Arctic region, which is now becoming a reality thanks to the agreement signed yesterday between our allies. Ladies and gentlemen, we must, however, make it clear: modern security threats are not limited to classical military actions. Russia is carrying out actions aimed at undermining the foundations of international stability, striking at global food security through attacks on ports and ships transporting grain, as well as by deliberately provoking crises that affect millions of people outside of Europe. At the same time, a large-scale hybrid war is being waged, involving sabotage, cyber attacks, and destabilization operations on an unprecedented scale, including an artificially induced migration crisis. These are planned, coordinated, and consistently executed actions. Their goal is to weaken states, undermine public trust, and shatter the unity of the international community. We are not dealing with isolated incidents, but with a sustained, well-thought-out strategy. And that is precisely why the response to these actions cannot be ad hoc or half-hearted. It must be firm, consistent, and it must also be united. For if aggression, whether military or hybrid in nature, is not met with an adequate response, it becomes an invitation to repeat it. Ladies and gentlemen, even if today we have reservations about the effectiveness of the Security Council, we respect the achievements of the United Nations in maintaining and building peace in many parts of the world. The role of UN peacekeeping operations in preventing the resurgence of conflicts is undeniable. Poland advocates for stable funding of peacekeeping missions and for granting them more transparent mandates that also take into account tasks related to the protection of the population and support for the reconstruction of state institutions. Poland also fulfills its commitments to global security through its participation in UN peacekeeping operations as well. Polish blue-helmet soldiers are currently serving in Lebanon, carrying out their duties with dignity despite the difficult security situation throughout the region. We will support efforts to de-escalate conflicts, protect civilians, and uphold international humanitarian law, and work toward the implementation of a two-state solution, ensuring the peaceful coexistence of Israel and Palestine. Ladies and gentlemen, this is precisely why the response to contemporary threats cannot be limited solely to reacting to crises. It must be based on clear principles and reliable partnerships.
First and foremost, I would like to express my sadness over a matter. The state of Palestine is officially recognized by the overwhelming majority of member states here, but His Excellency Mahmoud Abbas, the esteemed president of the State of Palestine, has been unable to attend these sessions for two consecutive years now. This injustice against our Palestinian brothers and sisters deeply offends the conscience of humanity. Let it be known that although President Abbas is unable to be with us here in person, we will as we did last year, continue to be the voice of a free and sovereign state of Palestine. And from this rostrum, from this podium, we'll continue to make the Palestinian people's fight heard throughout the world. On this occasion, I once again call upon all countries who have not yet recognized the State of Palestine to reconsider their position. Mr. president, distinguished members. When the UN charter was signed on the 26th of June 1945, the Member States declared the following with a lot of hope.
Ladies and gentlemen. Dialogue is the truest expression of what binds us together. It is also the optimal way to overcome differences, build trust and understanding, and resolve crises. The Sultanate of Oman will continue its steadfast approach to finding peaceful and consensual solutions to disputes, based on the values and principles that help us achieve our shared goals of achieving security and stability for all, and advancing economic development projects and prosperity. Shared prosperity for our peoples. Refraining from the use of force and interference in the internal affairs of states, and being guided instead by the charter of the United Nations and International law, and respecting the sovereignty and independence of states can provide a sound framework that governs international relations and that builds trust and constructive cooperation among states.
A one year transition period was set with the aim of creating the conditions necessary for the restoration of constitutional order. Within this framework, the constitutional review process has been completed and the new constitution of the Republic was approved by Popular Referendum on August 30th, 2026. This process is an important milestone in the transition and in the restoration of constitutional order in the country. The government is committed to creating the conditions necessary for the presidential and legislative elections scheduled for December 6th of this year, to be held in an inclusive, free, transparent and credible manner. I take this opportunity to express our gratitude to the Economic Community of West African States, ECOWAS, the African Union, the United Nations and our other international partners for their engagement and support in the efforts to ensure a return to constitutional normalcy in our country. Ladies and gentlemen, three decades ago, Guinea-Bissau had the honor of serving as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. Today, as we reaffirm our commitment to the purposes and principles of the charter of the United Nations and to the promotion of international peace and security, I wish to reiterate that Guinea-Bissau is a candidate for non-permanent membership of the Security Council for the term 2028 2029. Our vision of the world rests fundamentally on four key words prevention, dialogue, cooperation, peace.
Monsieur le président. Mr. president of the General Assembly. Mr. United Nations Secretary general. Excellencies heads of delegation. Ladies and gentlemen, president of the General Assembly. Allow me to begin by conveying to you the warm congratulations of His Excellency, Mr. Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema, president of the Gabonese Republic, on your outstanding election to preside over this 81st session of the General Assembly. I wish to assure you right now of my delegation's full support and express the hope that your term of office will be marked by a spirit of listening and dialogue, and by the tireless pursuit of compromise in the service of international peace and cooperation. As the Secretary General of the UN, Antonio Guterres comes to the end of his second term, the president of the Gabonese Republic pays special tribute to him for his steadfast commitment to multilateralism and to upholding the principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter. Ladies and gentlemen, Gabon fully aligns itself with the theme for this session Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: a United Nations that delivers for all.
Mr. president, the theme of this session Restoring Trust, managing transformation a united nation that delivers for all frames, in our view, a lingering crisis of legitimacy and relevance that demands urgent attention. Trust in multilateralism is broken and needs to be restored, not because the principles of the charter are no longer relevant, but because we have applied them inconsistently and selectively, fueling global fragmentation. Our answer to that maturity is a better, more multilateralism. 80 years ago, Liberia was among the only four nations to sign the charter establishing the United Nations, believing then, as we do now, that a peaceful world rests on international law, respect for human rights and dignity, a commitment to development. Having risen from the ashes of conflict to become resilient democracy, Liberia is living proof that dialogue can overcome division, that institutions can be built.
I also thank Her Excellency Ms. Annalena Baerbock for her stewardship of the 80th Session, and wish to thank the Secretary-General, His Excellency António Guterres, for his unwavering commitment to the United Nations." Mr. President, eighty-one years ago the United Nations was established in the aftermath of the Second World War to foster international cooperation and prevent future armed conflicts. As we convene here today, we must confront the reality of living in very uncertain times, shadowed by the persistent threat of global conflict. It is imperative that we work together to avoid warfare. We must reflect on the founding principles of the UN Charter and recommit ourselves to saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war, reaffirming faith in fundamental human rights and the dignity of human person, ensuring equal rights for all large nations and small, establishing conditions for justice and respect for international law, and promoting social progress alongside better standards of life. Uganda firmly believes that multilateralism and international cooperation remain the most vital mechanisms for addressing our shared challenges. Accordingly, we remain and reaffirm our commitment to the principles of the UN Charter as the cornerstone of global diplomacy, supporting the interconnected pillars of peace and security, human rights, humanitarian affairs, and sustainable development. We believe the United Nations must remain agile and adaptive to evolving global realities. Uganda is committed to working with the entire membership to build consensus on necessary systemic reforms, particularly within the UN Security Council. We call for a comprehensive reform to render the Council more equitable, transparent, democratic, and representative. In this regard, we demand Africa's rightful representation in both the permanent and non-permanent categories to correct historical imbalances in line with the common African position articulated in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. Regarding the ongoing UN80 Initiative, Uganda commends efforts to streamline the UN system to make it cost-effective, efficient, and well-coordinated.
Excellencies. Ladies and gentlemen, his Excellency Paul Biya, president of the Republic of Cameroon, has bestowed upon me the immense honor of representing him in this encounter for the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly, and to deliver the following statement on his behalf, I quote, Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, heads of State and Government. Ladies and gentlemen, heads of delegation. Mr. Secretary General, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Allow me to begin by warmly congratulating you on behalf of Cameroon for your election to the presidency of this 81st session of the General Assembly. Your eminent skill as a diplomat, your knowledge and your wealth of experience when it comes to United Nations issues as well as your vision, the vision that you proposed for our organization are a good omen for the success of our work. The delegation of Cameroon, through my voice, would like to assure you that you have our total and full cooperation to ensure that your mandate is a resounding success. I would also like to welcome the work of your predecessor, Madam Annalena Baerbock of the Federal Republic of Germany, for the commitment and dynamic energy that she brought to her mission, and this is remarkable, in a particularly turbulent period for the international arena. Finally, I would like to avail myself of this occasion to reiterate to the Secretary General of the United Nations, Mr. Antonio Guterres, Cameroon's sincere esteem for his constant commitment to the ideals, purposes and principles of the charter of the United Nations, as well as for his efforts and the remarkable results that have characterized his two consecutive mandates as Secretary General of our organization. We would like to welcome his courage and his tenacity in a context that oftentimes has been difficult. He is preparing to leave his important post in a few months, and at this time, Cameroon would like to thank him for his unswerving commitment to the United Nations, and we pay him a vibrant tribute for the magnitude of his legacy. Mr. president, you decided to select as a theme for this session Restoring Trust, managing Transformation for a United Nations that delivers for all. Cameroon appreciates the relevance of this theme and its pertinence for our current context. We are, in effect, facing together three needs that cannot be teased apart.
We remember both the cost of losing our independence, and the help that allowed our people to start again. Today, Ukraine is fighting to preserve its independence. Hungary condemns Russia's full scale war of aggression as a violation of United Nations Charter and international law. We affirm Ukraine's right to self-defense, its sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders, and the right of its people to decide their own future. The freedom Hungarians demanded for themselves in 1956 is a freedom we must uphold for Ukrainians today. We remember those who have lost their lives in this war, and we want diplomacy to bring the killing to an end. But a lasting peace must respect Ukraine's sovereignty. If taking territory by force becomes an accepted way of settling disputes, every smaller country will have reasons to worry about its own future.
We witness geopolitical instability in Europe, the Middle East and elsewhere. It is made worse by growing nuclear ambitions in the Middle East and Asia, as well as the irresponsible transfer of military related goods, dual use items and sensitive technologies. In recent months, Iran has continued attacking neighboring countries, often through its proxies, while actively impairing the freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz. These actions constitute a serious threat to regional and international peace and security. We reaffirm our full solidarity with the Gulf Cooperation Council countries and Jordan. We call on Iran to halt its nuclear and missile programs, as well as its collaboration with armed groups across the Middle East. Lithuania commends all efforts to find a solution ensuring freedom of navigation. We will contribute with our demining capabilities to the international maritime missions in the Strait of Hormuz. As regards the situation in the Gaza Strip, my country supports international efforts to maintain and consolidate the cease fire. The Comprehensive plan to end the Gaza conflict, including the deployment of the Temporary International Stabilisation Force, provides the guidelines to follow. Lithuania reiterates the importance of full demilitarization of non-state armed groups. Humanitarian aid must also be allowed to reach those in need safely and without obstruction. To this day, the two state solution remains the only way towards a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. In this light, it is crucially important to abstain from any further actions incompatible with a credible political process. Ladies and gentlemen, the one conflict that poses the greatest threat to the world order is Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine, supported by its proxies. In the 12 years since the illegal occupation of Crimea, Russia has escalated from clandestine operations and limited warfare in eastern Ukraine to massive military operations, mass killings and ultimately the largest drone attacks against civilian infrastructure the world has ever seen. The current stage of the war, which began with the full scale invasion in February 2022, has already lasted longer than the First World War. In the last 55 months, Russia has suffered 1.5 million military casualties. In the last year, it has gained 0.3% of Ukraine's territory, at the cost of over 400 000 soldiers killed and wounded. Yet all these enormous efforts, all that blood and tears, basically came to nothing. Ukraine is still standing proudly as an independent state. The Ukrainian language, culture and national identity are alive and thriving. In all but name, Russia has already lost the war. Yet its leadership does not allow itself to admit defeat, fearing international legal accountability and possible revenge from its own people. As inevitable approaches, the stakes get higher and the Kremlin regime increasingly finds itself cornered. How much more Ukrainian civilian lives will be sacrificed on Russia's war altar? How many people will be tortured, sexually assaulted thrown into dark dungeons, never to see the sunlight again? How many children will be illegally separated from their parents and sent to Russia to suffer indoctrination? We do not know the answers, yet we must all feel the deep pain brought by this brutal and pointless war. And we all should join our forces to draw Ukraine's victory closer, for it is only Ukraine's final victory safeguarding its sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity that could ensure the global peace, security and credibility of the United Nations Charter. What we can not allow is the brute force prevailing over international law. We cannot tolerate any longer Moscow's colonial aspirations, which undermine global food security and driving up food prices. Russia's imperial ambitions reach far into Europe, Africa and Asia. No country should consider itself immune from this threat. Naturally, Lithuania witnesses many dangers up close. In recent months, Russia's war of aggression has led to numerous violations of our airspace by combat drones. Russia has also intensified hybrid attacks, disinformation and sabotage efforts. Where Russia advances, opening Pandora's box of new techniques for destabilisation, other hostile actors follow, learning new skills and ideas.
May you all enjoy great health. President of the General Assembly, Secretary-General, Your Excellencies, Heads of State and Government, distinguished delegates. Honduras is coming to this Assembly today with the title of a founding nation, one of the 50 countries who, 81 years ago, signed the agreement in San Francisco, California, that was the United Nations Charter, the charter that today governs our work. Nine months ago the country went to the polls: our democracy and freedom were in peril.
Across your statements, one word came before all others peace. But peace was spoken of less as a distant aspiration than as an urgent defense of the United Nations Charter, international law and the protection of civilians. We heard anguish over the continued human suffering in Gaza over the plight of the Rohingyas, and we heard frustration over persistent conflicts across the Middle East, in Ukraine, Sudan and Myanmar. Speakers pointed out that effects of conflicts do not stay where they happen; their impacts reverberate throughout the world. We heard demands for civilian protection, humanitarian access, accountability and political solutions grounded in international law and international humanitarian law. We heard that the maintenance of peace and security, one of the three pillars of the organization, meant more than containing violence. It requires prevention, mediation and diplomacy, respect for sovereignty and rights, adherence to international law and investment in the conditions that sustain peace.
Bismillahirrahmanirrahim. In the name of God, the merciful, the compassionate. Mr. president, our region and the world are undergoing a period of rapid transformation marked by intensifying challenges and divisions. Against this backdrop, the United Arab Emirates stands tall, guided by a clear vision and unwavering determination to transform challenges into opportunities, to turn ambitions, into achievements, and to open new horizons for peace, development and prosperity for our people, the peoples of the region and the world. This stems from our principled approach rooted in de-escalation, bridge building, the promotion of diplomacy and dialogue, the peaceful settlement of disputes and the rejection of the unlawful use or threat of use of force as well as coercion. This approach is grounded in full respect for the sovereignty of states, good neighbourly relations, international law and the UN charter.
Mr. President, Botswana warmly congratulates you on your election to preside over the 81st Session of the United Nations General Assembly. We assure you of our full support, as you shoulder this important responsibility. We also commend the outgoing President for her distinguished stewardship. Her tenure reminds us of an unfinished chapter in the history of this organization. Eight decades later, the United Nations has yet to be led by a woman as Secretary-General. Mr. President, the theme of this session—restoring trust, managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all— aptly captures the central challenge before us: restoring trust requires fidelity to the UN Charter and international law.
Mr. president, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, we are here today at a unique moment in the history of our organization. At a time when the UN is discussing crucial reforms and multilateralism is at a crossroads, the topic of this 81st session, restoring trust, managing transformation is a very relevant topic. It summarizes the expectations of member states and the peoples of the world in all of their diversity vis a vis the UN. Each year we adopt new resolutions and we reaffirm our commitments. Each year, we renew our faith in multilateralism. Nonetheless, conflicts persist. People are still awaiting justice. Will generations still grow up with fighting as their backdrop? Mr. president, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Security Council reform illustrates alone this situation and this crisis of confidence. For decades now, positions have been well known. Calls for reform have stacked up and consultations have multiplied. But progress still remains insufficient. Chad reiterates to this end, its complete support for the common African position, as stipulated in the Ezzelini consensus and the Sirte declaration, and taken up in the African model for reform of the Security Council, presented in April by Sierra Leone on behalf of the Committee of ten of the African Union. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Chad considers that those difficulties facing multilateralism stem in part from the cynicism of the most powerful and from double standards policies. My country remains committed to multilateralism that is based on the UN charter, the sovereign equality of states, the respect for their independence, cooperation and international solidarity.
Where writing and law were born. And one of the founding members of the United Nations. I stand here to renew my country's commitment to the United Nations Charter and principles, and to present Iraq's vision for its future, its region, and the world at this critical juncture. Iraq, perhaps more than others. Has experienced wars and the damage they cause. We have lived through the conditions they create, along with the siege and terrorism imposed on us. Our people have paid a hefty price and lost the lives of their children, their resources and their development opportunities. Despite these difficulties that have made our country over several decades an arena of war and conflict. Today we are confidently presenting our vision for the future. Iraq aspires to exercise its influence and have an impact as an effective economic power in the region. And as a bridge for dialogue and cooperation among the peoples of the region.
The persistence of conflicts across the world recalls the purpose for which the United Nations was founded, to spare succeeding generations the devastation of war. We must therefore return to the founding principles of dialogue mutual respect and collective responsibility. Nigeria stands by the charter and its promise of a world in which diplomacy prevails over coercion, cooperation over isolation and international law over arbitrary exercise of power. Mr. President, the reform of this institution must begin with the reconstitution of the Security Council, for the world of 2026 cannot remain captive to the distribution of power in 1945. Africa cannot continue to fill the council's agenda while remaining absent from its permanent membership. Nigeria demands, in accordance with the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration, at least two permanent seats for Africa, with all the rights and responsibilities of permanent membership, including the veto for as long as it exists, and five non-permanent seats in total. The authority to speak for humanity carries an obligation to represent it.
This very simple experience seems to me to have something to teach us about the world in which we live. Because we are going through a time of upheaval. The international order established in the aftermath of the Second World War is under severe constraints. Conflicts are multiplying and becoming deadlocked. The most fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter, the prohibition of the use of force and respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity are being openly violated. Added to this are transformations that are reshaping our societies: climate change and the increase in the number of disasters, humanitarian crises, inequalities and also technological upheavals, notably artificial intelligence which are often advancing faster than our collective ability to assess their implications. At the same time, multilateral institutions are having to respond to an increasing number of crises while facing pressure, pressure on resources and an erosion of trust. The theme of this 81st session of the General Assembly Restoring Trust, managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all, therefore aptly sums up the task before us to restore trust to support transformation, and to demonstrate through concrete results that cooperation remains possible. This erosion of trust extends far beyond the realms of peace and security. We are also seeing it in the global economy. Protectionism is on the rise.
We meet at a time when tensions are growing, conflicts are multiplying, trust is eroding, and uncertainty is becoming part of our daily reality. Over the past several days, from this very rostrum, we have heard many delegations speak about the importance of peace. Peace remains our most fundamental responsibility, but peace cannot be taken for granted. It must be diligently built, and it must be steadfastly protected, and it must be passed on to future generations. It is precisely in this spirit that Tajikistan initiated the proclamation of 2027–2036 as the International Decade of Strengthening Peace for Future Generations, which was adopted by the General Assembly resolution on 25th June 2026. We are grateful to Member States, partners and the United Nations system for supporting this initiative of the President of the Republic of Tajikistan, His Excellency Mr. Emomali Rahmon. The idea behind the decade is simple our responsibility for peace does not end with our generation. We must work to resolve the conflicts of today, but we must also prevent the conflicts of tomorrow. Building on this vision, Tajikistan will convene a high level international Conference on Peace in Dushanbe in June 2027, in cooperation with the United Nations Alliance of Civilizations, the United Nations Youth Office and other partners. The conference will help launch the decade and turn our shared commitment to peace into practical cooperation. Mr. President, our position on conflicts and disputes is clear. They must be resolved peacefully through dialogue, diplomacy, negotiations and in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. In this context the situation in Palestine remains a matter of deep concern to Tajikistan. The continuing suffering of civilians must end. We reiterate our call for a lasting ceasefire in Gaza, and unhindered access to humanitarian assistance. Our position remains principled and consistent. A just and lasting peace can only be achieved through dialogue and diplomacy, in accordance with international law and the relevant resolutions of the United Nations. Tajikistan reaffirms its support for the establishment of an independent and sovereign state of Palestine, based on the 1967 borders and with East Jerusalem as its capital, living side by side with Israel in peace and security. But peace cannot endure in isolation. It needs development, opportunity, inclusion and hope.
And I'm here not to sell you a product or a policy, or yet another declaration. I am here to sell you an idea. An idea conceived and spearheaded by His Majesty King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck, an idea embraced by the people of Bhutan. An idea already being built. That idea is Gelephu Mindfulness City, GMC. And my sales pitch is simple. Come and build it with us. Now, the world has built new cities before financial centers, freeports, technology hubs, special economic zones. But GMC is different. You see, Gelephu Mindfulness City is a special administrative region, an SAR. Under its Royal Charter, GMC exercises full autonomy in governance, legislation and the judiciary. Think one country, two systems. Think of the agility of a microstate. But GMC was not inherited from history. It was not created to manage a transfer of sovereignty. It is being deliberately created by Bhutan within Bhutan on sovereign Bhutanese territory for the future. GMC covers more than 4000km². That is more than five times the size of Singapore. But its greatest opportunity is not its size. Its greatest opportunity is an institutional blank slate. GMC was given something extraordinarily rare the freedom to design an entire city and its operating systems from first principles. So we asked if you could begin again. How would you govern? What laws would you write? How would we regulate business? How would we guarantee an independent judiciary? How would we attract the best talent? How would we use technology and especially artificial intelligence? How would we create wealth while protecting nature? And ultimately, what would all that prosperity be for? These were not theoretical questions. We answered them. And we are making full use of that institutional blank slate. If Singapore has legal principles that work, we learn from Singapore. If Abu Dhabi has financial regulations that work we learn from Abu Dhabi. If leading jurists from the United Kingdom can help us build an independent judiciary, we learn from them. And if international experts can strengthen our institutions, we learn from them. The principle is simple. Search the world for what works. Take the best, adapt it, and make it work for GMC. The result is a core operating system that is now in place, designed to give investors clarity, familiarity, and predictability. But GMC's operating system was designed around a deeper conviction that prosperity and values should reinforce one another. That means rejecting the assumption that we must choose between enterprise and well-being, between technology and humanity between development and nature. At GMC, we believe a balanced approach can deliver substantial profits while protecting the values that make prosperity worthwhile. Balance is not the enemy of profit. It is the foundation of lasting profit. And at GMC, balance is not a slogan. It is built into the operating system. And this matters deeply to Bhutan. You see, Bhutan is peaceful and stable. Our forests are intact. Our culture is alive. Our people are educated. But our economy is small. It cannot yet create enough opportunities for our young people. So too many of them leave home to find opportunity elsewhere. For a country as small as ours, this is not only an economic challenge, it is an existential one. We cannot simply tell them to stay. We must give them a reason to stay and a reason to return. Jobs. Opportunities. Enterprise, a future. So Bhutan must transform. But we refuse to believe that transformation requires us to become somebody else. We want economic growth. We want investment. We want technology. We want successful companies. We want our people to become wealthier. But we also want to protect what makes Bhutan Bhutan. That is the driving force behind His Majesty's vision for GMC. And that is why His Majesty is personally spearheading its development. GMC is not a project on the margins of Bhutan. It is at the heart of our national transformation. Our people have embraced GMC as a people's project and investment in our children, our economy and our shared future. Bhutan is not waiting to see whether the world believes in GMC before committing to it.
Mr. president of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly. Your excellencies, heads of State and Government. Mr. Secretary General of the United Nations. Ladies and gentlemen, on behalf of His Excellency, Mr. Alassane Ouattara, president of the Republic of Cote d'Ivoire, and of the government and people of Cote d'Ivoire, I wish to extend our warm congratulations to the president of the General Assembly on his election to preside over the 81st session of our organization and to assure him of Cote d'Ivoire's full support in the discharge of his important mandate. And as his tenure draws to a close, I would also like to pay a heartfelt tribute to the Secretary General of the United Nations, Mr. Antonio Guterres. Over the past decade, he has exercised his high office with profound humanity and absolute fidelity to the ideals of the charter of the United Nations in an international context that has been among the most trying in the contemporary history of our organization. Cote d'Ivoire wishes to express its deep gratitude to him for the excellence of our cooperation, which has grown stronger throughout his term. Mr. Secretary General, President Alassane Ouattara has asked me to convey to you his warmest regards, grounded in high esteem and friendship, as well as his sincere wishes for success in the next chapters of your distinguished career. Mr. President.
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Saudi Arabia09/26 · first at about 1 min2 mentions
We also wish to express our thanks to Mrs. Annalena Baerbock for her efforts during her presidency of the 80th session of the GA. We further express our profound thanks and appreciation to His Excellency Mr. António Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations, for his continued effort in furthering the purposes of the UN. Mr. President, the work of this session is taking place at a time when the world and the multilateral system are facing rapidly evolving and unprecedented challenges, while crises and conflicts continue in many parts of the world. There is an increasing need to uphold the principles of the UN Charter, respect international law and strengthen the effectiveness of international institutions in maintaining international peace and security and advancing sustainable development.
Mr. president, distinguished delegates, I congratulate His Excellency, Mr. Khalilur Rahman on his election as the president of the 81st session of the General Assembly and assure him that he can count on Kazakhstan's full support throughout this session. Excellencies, Kazakhstan remains fully committed to the purpose and principles of the charter of the United Nations and to effective multilateral cooperation.
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, excellencies, I ask every nation here. Are we still willing to work together? The principles in the UN charter, affirmed by each one of us taking our seat in this hall, are now tested, not by argument, but by neglect or ill intention. The credibility and effectiveness of multilateral institutions is imperative for small nations. It is past time to better turn the urgency expressed in political declarations and resolutions into results, not repetition. We speak from our own experience when we underscore the importance of acting together. An institution that takes decisions collectively must also be accountable collectively. Mr. president, the United Nations is long overdue to reflect and renew the same spirit with which our Marshallese people first came to the United Nations by delivering an apology and acknowledgement of the harm caused by impacts from the 67 nuclear weapons tested on our islands during our time as a UN Strategic Trust territory between 1946 and 1958.
The Holy Quran commands: Wa in janahu lis-salmi fajnah laha wa tawakkal ala Allah, innahu huwa as-Sami al-Alim. If the enemy is inclined towards peace, make peace with them. Surah Al-Anfal. Ladies and gentlemen, Pakistan's founding father, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, had famously declared, we stand by the United Nations Charter and will gladly make our full contribution to the peace and prosperity of the world. These pearls of wisdom have shaped Pakistan's national ethos and guided our conduct at home and abroad. The unanimous adoption of resolution 2788 on strengthening mechanisms for peaceful settlement of disputes under Pakistan's UN Security Council presidency demonstrated our unwavering commitment to global peace. Mr. President. Unfortunately, in February this year, conflict engulfed Gulf along with wider Middle East. Precious lives were lost. Economies suffered. Critical maritime routes, particularly the Strait of Hormuz, came under severe pressure. At this critical moment, Pakistan chose to act swiftly. Through concerted efforts, Pakistan successfully brought Washington and Tehran under one roof in Islamabad. From the Islamabad talks to the Islamabad Memorandum of Understanding, many historic steps were taken to bring an end to this serious conflict here. I deeply appreciate Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir, Pakistan's chief of defense forces and chief of the Army staff, whose relentless efforts helped create space for diplomacy under exceptionally difficult and challenging circumstances. I would also like to commend the efforts of our Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar, in this behalf. Regrettably, Mr. President, recently we have witnessed a dangerous surge of hostilities. Yet amid the roar of missiles, drones and guns, the voice for diplomacy must echo even louder and stronger. The Strait of Hormuz and Bab el Mandeb are arteries of the global economy. They must remain open, connecting nations, not becoming choke points of confrontation. These waters must carry the promise of prosperity, not the perils of war. Excellencies, we once again condemn in the strongest possible terms the recent deplorable attacks by the Houthis against the kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The attempted drone attack on the holy city of Makkah Al-Mukarramah has outraged Muslims across the globe. Any threat to the safety and sanctity of the Haramain Sharifain is a red line that must never be crossed. No Muslim can even dare to think of committing such a heinous crime. Pakistan stands in complete solidarity with the brotherly people of Saudi Arabia, as we always have throughout our history. Ladies and gentlemen, our enduring commitment to peace is also reflected by the historic Makkah Joint Defense Agreement among the brotherly countries Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Pakistan. This alliance is not directed against any country. It is a collective commitment for defense, stability and peace in the region and nothing more. Mr. president, a year ago, Pakistan faced external aggression from India under a false pretext. Pakistan exercised its inherent right of self-defense under article 51 of the United Nations Charter. Our brave and valiant armed forces, under the courageous leadership of Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir, responded with precision and professionalism. They silenced the enemy, repulsed its attack, and taught it a lesson it shall never, ever forget. And of course, thanks to President Donald Trump's resolute and visionary leadership that hundreds of millions of lives in South Asia were saved. His timely intervention came at a decisive juncture when two nuclear armed neighbours stood at the brink of an all out war. And who knows, Mr. President, the extent of devastation that could have taken place had President Trump not stepped in at this critical moment with clarity of thought and action? Mr. president, we must therefore ensure that South Asia never reaches that precipice ever again. But this requires a just and fair solution of the Kashmir dispute. For eight decades, the Kashmiri people have waited for the United Nations to fulfill its solemn commitment of a free and impartial plebiscite under its auspices. Generations have endured illegal occupation, arbitrary detention, extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, sexual violence and collective punishment. More recently, there have been attempts to alter the legal status of Jammu and Kashmir through demographic reengineering and other illegal measures. Helpless Kashmiri mothers and fathers yearn for their sons and daughters who never return. Their homes lie silent under curfew and in deep grief. For many, there is no closure, only a lifetime spent searching for graves that bear no names. Mr. president, from this podium, I assure my Kashmiri brothers and sisters with fullest authority at my command that we shall continue to extend our full diplomatic, political and moral support to them till they are granted their inalienable right to self-determination. Kashmir has and always will be Pakistan's jugular vein. Excellencies, another foundation of stability in South Asia is now under strain. The shared waters of the Indus River system are the lifeblood not only for the people of Pakistan, but for the entire region. India's unilateral decision to hold the existing treaty in abeyance has no legal basis whatsoever. In fact, both its claims and actions have been rejected by UN experts and more recently by the Court of Arbitration. Our legitimate stand that the treaty remains valid, binding and fully operative has been vindicated beyond any doubt. Ladies and gentlemen, water must never be weaponised. Rivers should nourish nations, not divide them. Therefore, any attempt to stop, impede or divert Pakistan's share of the waters will be treated as an act of war. India. India. India must make no mistake about it. Ladies and gentlemen, for generations, Palestinians, particularly women, children and the elderly have been subjected to occupation, eviction, suffering and death. Last year, Mr. President, I had shared with you the heart wrenching story of Hind Rajab, an innocent Palestinian girl who was brutally shot by Israeli soldiers. This year, another tragedy weighs heavy on our hearts, your hearts and the world's heart. This time it is the deafening cries of the sobbing mother of eight year old Wafaa Akila, who embraced martyrdom in this senseless aggression. What should have been the first day of her school, alas, became the last day of her life. Does not a child born in Gaza deserve the same life and the same future and same dream as a child, anywhere else in the world? The tragedies of Rajab, Wafaa Akila and countless others will echo through history as an indictment of our collective silence, failure, and inaction. Excellencies, it is deeply worrying that Israeli violence has now spread to the West Bank where the forcible eviction of Palestinians clearly reflects Israel's genocidal agenda, which continues unabated. Pakistan believes that the only just and lasting solution is the creation of an independent, sovereign, viable and contiguous state of Palestine, based on the pre 1967 borders, with Al-Quds Al-Sharif as its capital. Ladies and gentlemen, we also condemn continued Israeli aggression against Lebanon and Syria. This, too, must stop immediately. Ladies and gentlemen, terrorism remains one of the greatest threats to international peace and security.
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Sierra Leone brings that lesson to this assembly at a moment when trust between nations, in institutions and in multilateral cooperation is under profound strain. In this year's theme, Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a united nation that delivers for all, the words for all carry its defining moral weight. The words for all ask not only whether United Nations can act, but also its actions where they reach, whose voices shape them, and whose dignity they protect. An institution may act quickly and still fail those it was meant to serve. Delivery worthy of the UN charter must reach those farthest from power and recognize the equal worth of every nation and every human life. This is the standard by which the world will judge us all. Mr. president, that standard begins with trust. Trust is the currency of multilateralism. Trust is gained when the law protects the vulnerable as firmly as it restrains the powerful.
Multilateralism allows us to project the power of our ideas rather than the might of our power. Tonga participates as an equal under the founding principles of the United Nations Charter, the sovereign equality of states. This is how we must approach our theme Restoring Trust, managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all. Enduring trust is restored when commitments produce results. True transformation is realized when our communities, economies and ecosystems can anticipate change and recover with greater strength. The small island developing states must not bear the disproportionate costs of the challenges they did little to create. Mr. President, too much of our international architecture still reflects the world of 1945 rather than today's realities. If the United Nations is to remain the principal vehicle through which sovereign nations confront global challenges, it must transform. We need a United Nations that enables innovation one that expands meaningful access to investment and technology, especially for the small island developing countries who are too often excluded from both. We need a stronger General Assembly and institutions that respond effectively to the needs of the majority of our members. We cannot keep negotiating climate biodiversity and the ocean in separate COPs when they are clearly an interconnected ecosystem requiring integrated and coherent solutions. We call on global processes to recognise the ocean climate nexus and address these interconnected challenges together. We need a more inclusive Security Council equipped for today's challenges. A Security Council that recognises the triple planetary crisis as a profound threat to peace and security. We need a financial architecture that delivers timely and accessible financing to those who most need them. Internationally pledged commitments must be actioned urgently. The next Secretary-General must understand these realities intimately. It is in this spirit that Tonga's nominated ambassador, Ivonne Baki of Ecuador, whose vision for a renewed reformed United Nations speaks to the needs of vulnerable states. To restore trust, every member state, large or small, must have a voice in shaping this organisation's future and a stake in its success. Mr. President, Your Excellencies, the Pacific region spans one third of the Earth's surface. It is our home.
My dear colleagues, this evening I want to talk about the need for nations to work together on the new challenges that we face climate change, emerging technology and the breakdown of international rules. Eight decades ago, the citizens and leaders of our nations made a solemn promise to future generations. Having known the untold sorrow of two devastating global conflicts in their lifetimes, they vowed to work together to prevent another. The pioneers who built this institution from the ruins of war, proud Australians among them, were also coming to terms with two terrible truths. The horrors of the Holocaust and the unprecedented horror of nuclear weapons. A depth of evil and a scale of destruction beyond imagining even a decade earlier. Yet rather than recoil from that reality, our leaders stood together to face it, learn from it, and most importantly, guard against its return. And instead of surrendering to fear or dealing in retribution, or abandoning their fate to a world governed by force alone, they came together to renew and affirm their faith in humanity, in the essential and equal dignity and worth of every individual, in the sovereignty of every nation and in the capacity and indeed the responsibility of all of us to give the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, life and weight and real meaning by engaging in the dialogue that builds trust and deepens understanding and backing those words with actions. In this moment, we need to lean in and strengthen and modernise the fundamental parts of the UN system that help to build peace and promote economic development and sustainability. Sovereignty, prosperity and peace are never guaranteed. They must be created, nurtured and protected by each generation, supporting the jobs, homes, schools and healthcare that represent the fullest expression of the UN's commitment to the economic and social advancement of all peoples. We know that the surest way to minimise the potential for conflict is to create the prosperity, opportunity and economic justice on which lasting peace depends. That means cooperating on the urgent challenges that confront each of our sovereign nations, and creating solutions that work for our citizens. This was the founding purpose of the United Nations. And for the leaders who have gathered here this week, this remains the test of our time. A test we can and we must pass. Whether it is climate change or artificial intelligence, there is always the temptation to say that our generation is being confronted by issues that our predecessors could not possibly have imagined while dealing with the world they would not recognise. But for all the transformation the past eight decades have brought, the fundamental stakes haven't changed. And just as its values, our values, our ideals, our commitment to dialogue and cooperation proved equal to that task then, we can rise to meet these new challenges now. We can reaffirm our national sovereignty and our shared humanity. We can seize and share and shape the opportunities this moment holds in the interests of our citizens. But we can only do it together. From the very first days of this forum, Australia has always known that. We understand that the UN mission cannot be entrusted solely to the great powers or the biggest countries, or even the loudest voices alone, nor can it be subcontracted to the world's richest companies, or dictated by the pace of technology. Then now and always, shaping a secure, peaceful and prosperous world is a task for all of us. And that world must be driven by the values and aspirations of all of us. We all have a part to play. And that is why Australia is seeking a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council for 2029-2030. The world faces tough times and Australia wants to respond to partner and to make a difference. Should our Security Council bid prove successful, our purpose and approach will be consistent with how we have always conducted ourselves at the UN. We will listen with respect. We will partner as equals. And we will protect what matters most. Mr. President, a safer world is one governed by rules, not by power and force alone. It is a world in which all countries have the freedom to decide their own future. And all countries have their decisions listened to. As a member of the UN Security Council, Australia will safeguard the rules that protect us all by upholding international law, including the UN Charter and the sovereignty of all states. We will amplify the voices of small states and middle powers to ensure a wider range of perspectives shape the Council's decisions. We will work to prevent crises, resolve conflicts and protect civilians through diplomacy, peace building and practical action. Our objective will be to support a more effective, representative and responsive UN that is equipped to address the fast growing challenges of today. Listening, partnering, protecting. Colleagues. The world is changing rapidly. New issues are becoming international issues demanding our full attention. Climate change, where the science foretold of the increase in frequency and intensity of extreme weather events that we are now experiencing. Emerging technology, including artificial intelligence, which is evolving at a furious pace, and the breakdown of trust, civility and social cohesion, which is promoting conflict within and between countries. Clearly, the multilateral system we have all known and benefited from is under immense strain. To promote the peace, to create a world of human dignity, to do justice to the UN's mission, we must embrace change and we must embrace reform. Australia supports the rules and institutions that underpin open trade and connectivity. That order, based on agreed rules and institutions, faces massive disruption. This doesn't mean abandoning multilateralism, it means working to reform it, so it's up to the challenges ahead and building beyond multilateralism, with new coalitions and partnerships to address and solve complex problems.
But we also learned that all states end up suffering if unchecked violence is unleashed. Today, the repercussions of ongoing wars are felt across the globe. I am here with one message: we who honor the UN Charter must also stand ready to make some tough calls.
Zambia continues to salute His Excellency Antonio Guterres for reminding us that the answer to a more divided and multipolar world is not less multilateralism, but a stronger fairer and more representative United Nations. The theme of this session Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all is both timely and necessary. Trust is the foundation on which international cooperation is built upon. Yet today, trust in institutions, trust amongst nations, and most importantly, trust between the institutions that serve the people is under strain. Trust means that the founding principles of the United Nations Charter must be respected. For Zambia, trust begins with keeping promises. Trust means that international agreements must be honoured. Trust means that development commitments must be financed. Trust means that the voices of developing countries matter in word and in deed. Trust means the global system must not protect the interests of the powerful at the expense of the vulnerable. And trust means that when the world agrees on a goal, we must have the commitment to implement it. The world is undergoing profound transformation. Technology is changing economies and societies. Climate change is reshaping livelihoods. Geopolitical competition is altering global trade and investment patterns. Conflicts are causing massive displacements and humanitarian suffering. And yet developing countries continue to confront a financing system that does not adequately reflect and respond to their development needs. The question before us is therefore not whether transformation will happen, but it is rather how we manage transformation, who benefits from it, and whether our multilateral institutions are capable of delivering meaningful results for ordinary people. For Zambia, the answer is clear we must restore trust by achieving results, and we must manage transformation by ensuring that no country and no one is left behind. Zambia's democratic journey and the 2026 elections. Mr. president,
Your Excellency António Guterres, the UN Secretary general. Your Excellency Rahman the president of the 81st General Assembly. Your excellencies, heads of state and government, distinguished delegates. Ladies and gentlemen allow me to congratulate His Excellency Khalilur Rahman on his election as president of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly, in the hope that with his vast experience and profound knowledge of our organization, he will render a valuable service to the United Nations, which is facing complex challenges that must be overcome in order to retake its key role in addressing the major issues of contemporary international relations. I also congratulate Miss Annalena Baerbock, who preceded him in the discharge of these noble duties, who did not spare efforts in her term that she carried out with undeniable competence to preserve the role of United Nations in addressing the issues that most concern the international community today. I would like also to congratulate His Excellency Secretary General Antonio Guterres, who has been working tirelessly and devoted himself with persistent dedication to the great global causes, building bridges for dialogue in the search for peaceful solutions to the problems facing humanity. Today, we highlight his exemplary contribution as a man of dialogue, an advocate of the United Nations Charter and the international law, a tireless advocate of the need to protect the planet from harmful effects of climate change, and a champion of the global debate on global governance of artificial intelligence. Mr. president, Your excellencies, the United Nations General Assembly is always held in the month of September.
Our world is changing at a pace far exceeding the ability of international governance institutions to respond. Our crisis does not lie in the absence of charters and principles, but rather in the widening gap between what we proclaim and what we implement, and between those who make decisions and those who are affected by them. Our world does not need a merely symbolic multilateralism that brings together states in open discussions. Rather, it needs effective multilateralism in which every state has a voice and every people receive a fair share of decisions, opportunities, and resources. It is no exaggeration to say that confidence in the effectiveness of collective action and the multilateral system has declined. There is an urgent need to restore adherence to international law to avoid policies based on power, polarization and double standards. It is no coincidence that the countries of the Global South, which comprise the overwhelming majority of the world's population, are among those most harmed by the decline of the rule of international law, the weakening role of international organizations, and the fragility of global governance and international cooperation frameworks. From this perspective, Egypt, as a founding member of the United Nations, believes that restoring trust requires three interconnected pillars justice and representation and decision making, justice and the application of the law and justice in the distribution of development and transformation opportunities. This is not a call to rebuild the international system from scratch. It is a call to fulfill its original promises and purposes. Notably, sovereign equality among states respect for law, peaceful settlement of disputes, international cooperation for the benefit of peoples, and enabling them to reap the benefits of accelerating scientific progress. The multilateral international system remains an indispensable choice. However, its survival depends on strengthening justice and ensuring the effectiveness and sustainability of its institutions. Instead of merely repeating the principles for which it was established without making meaningful action. Mr. president, if justice in the application of rules is the litmus test of the credibility of the international system, then the Palestinian issue remains the clearest example of the existing dysfunction.
Mr. president, there can be no world in which might make right. Sovereignty and territorial integrity, political independence and self-determination matter. These principles are not optional, and they cannot depend on the size of a country or the power of a government. There can be no impunity for violation of international law. The law must apply to all. For San Marino, this is not an abstract principle. For small state, international law is our protection. It is the ultimate equalizer. A rule based international order allows every state, large or small, to have an equal voice and equal legal standing. This is why San Marino strongly support the Secretary-General UN80 initiative. The United Nations must become more effective, more efficient and more responsive. And reform must include the Security Council. The Council must better reflect today's world. It must be more representative, transparent and accountable. San Marino is also a member of the Uniting for Consensus group and support its effort to promote a comprehensive and balanced reform of the Security Council based on a greater regional representation, equitable geographical distribution and wider access to elected seat. Reform must strengthen the voice of all Member States, including small states, and it must be achieved through broad consensus. We support efforts to restrain the use of the veto, including the French-Mexican initiative and the ACT Code of Conduct in a situation involving mass atrocity alongside the General Assembly Initiative. We also reaffirm our full support for the International Court of Justice. Its order and judgment are legally binding. Mr. president, the next Secretary General will carry a vital responsibility. The United Nations must remain relevant and credible. Above all, it must remain capable of protecting people and upholding the charter. San Marino stands ready to contribute. I now turn to one of the most painful crises of our time.
Africa must be listened to more. It must be better represented and more closely involved in the decisions that shape the future of our planet. This is what must build trust between Africa and other continents, as well as with international institutions. We no longer wish to see the Human Rights Council become a forum for oppressing countries that are deliberately singled out because they defend and fight for the interests of their peoples. We want to see this council working for justice and equity for all states, without distinction. International human rights law must apply without exception to all states of the world, both in its corrective function as well as in its regulatory function. The Human Rights Council cannot be instrumentalized by other countries to the detriment of others, given that all member states of the United Nations enjoy a status of sovereign equality. Burundi wishes to reiterate, once again, its opposition to the imposition of a special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Burundi, who was appointed without any prior dialogue or consultation. Burundi is a responsible country that respects human rights. It has fought impunity for decades. It upholds the rights and freedoms of all and ensures security as well as the guarantee that crimes it has experienced in the past will not be repeated. Mr. President, Africa intends to be a full-fledged actor and not a mere observer called upon to applaud decisions in whose preparation it played no part. Africa is not seeking any privileges. It is demanding justice, equity, and representation. We, therefore, strongly reaffirm the need for reform of the United Nations Security Council in order to allow for permanent African representation and more equitable participation by the continent in the international community's decision-making mechanisms. In this regard, Burundi believes that discussions on reform must also address the financial viability of the United Nations system by strengthening the predictability, transparency, and sustainability of its financing. It would not be coherent to entrust the organization with ever greater responsibilities without guaranteeing it the resources necessary for their implementation. We, therefore, call on member states, particularly the wealthiest, to demonstrate responsibility and solidarity in order to preserve the organization's financial stability. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, as part of this process of reform, strengthening, and consolidation of our organization, Burundi also wishes to contribute to the debate on the selection process for the next Secretary-General of the United Nations. In the current international context, marked by deep geopolitical divisions and growing challenges to multilateralism, this process must be conducted in a spirit of transparency, openness, and collective responsibility. Burundi believes that this process must be based above all on qualifications, experience, integrity, independence of judgment, diplomatic skill, and the ability to bring together the positions of all member states. We need a true bridge-builder, a leader capable of engaging in dialogue with all parties, of bringing positions closer together even when divergences appear unsurmountable, but also of showing firmness, courage, and independence when it comes to defending the principles of the United Nations Charter and ensuring that the collective interest prevails. Mr. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, peace remains the primary condition for development. The African Union is deeply concerned by the persistence of conflicts and crises that continue to cause massive population displacement, destroy infrastructure, and deprive millions of children of their right to education and to a better future.
And it is precisely because I recognize the value of that cooperation that today I want to speak frankly about the UN. I've been critical about this, of this organization. I was critical of it before I became president, and it would be inconsistent to address this Assembly today and conceal my attempt to seal my convictions. This criticism isn't born out of whim or hostility towards the United Nations. It's based in political, institutional, doctrinal considerations. I believe in the UN as an organization, and it is precisely for that reason that I believe it's legitimate to ask whether the institutions that we've been building are effectively responding to the problems that it was created to address. The charter itself is very clear here. This organization was born to maintain international peace and security, to foster friendly relations among nations, and to promote cooperation in resolving the major common problems. Eight decades on, the question cannot be whether those purposes remain valid. Of course they do. The questions have completely changed, though. Is the UN fulfilling those purposes with the effectiveness demanded by today's world? Are there bureaucratic structures that have become excessively cumbersome? Are we dedicating too many resources, too much energy to administering procedures or too little to resolving problems? Are we measuring our results rigorously enough? Another matter that I wish to address is human rights. Colombia defends human rights and will continue to do so.
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, excellencies, distinguished delegates, I bring you warm greetings and best wishes from His Excellency President Salva Kiir Mayardit, the president of the Republic of South Sudan. And I bring you greetings from the government and the people of South Sudan, together with a message of peace, unity, development and unwavering commitment to international cooperation. I wish to congratulate, Mr. President, on your election to preside over the 81st session of the esteemed Assembly of this General Assembly. I also express South Sudan's appreciation to the Secretary General. His Excellency Antonio Guterres has continued his service until the last speech he delivered here early this week, early last week. His commitment to the principle of the United Nations charter stands with us. Mr. President, the theme of this session Restoring Trust, managing Transformation, A United Nations that delivers for all, speaks directly to the experience and the aspiration of the people of South Sudan.
That's why we are so united behind Ukraine. And let me say we salute the Ukrainian people. They are showing depths of resilience and courage that is an inspiration to the whole world. I was in Kyiv last month and it gave me a glimpse of life under Russian attack. I went to a bustling market, just a normal scene from any European city. The traders singing the praises of their products, pushing into my hands peaches and plums from Odessa. But their stalls were out on the street because the market hall had been destroyed. In the background, there were burned out cars. Behind us, a building that had taken a direct hit just a few weeks before. I met people riding the metro home from work, people just getting on with their lives. But at night, those same metro stations doubling as shelters for thousands of people, from the elderly to little kids, some who have known nothing but war. People told me about the freezing conditions in the stations last winter, when temperatures dropped below -20 degrees outside. Meanwhile, Russia was targeting their energy infrastructure, trying to make them suffer even more. We can't let them do that again this winter. So we're working to help Ukraine protect their skies and civilians. We're leading the charge in raising the cost for Russia of continuing this senseless and illegal war. The Graham Bill, which President Trump signed last week, will make a huge difference to that effort. And we will support Ukraine to repair and protect the heat and power plants that Kyiv will depend upon this winter. It is right that we provide that support, but we should call Russia out this time and every time. Everyone in this room knows that strikes on civilian infrastructure are explicitly forbidden by international law. Yet we stand here in the U.N. announcing funding to mitigate the effects of these war crimes, which we reliably expect to be perpetrated yet again by a permanent member of the Security Council. It must end. Russia could choose a different course tomorrow: accept a cease fire, come to the negotiating table. I urge them to do so. But until then, we will stand with Ukraine stronger than ever for as long as it takes. This is about upholding the UN Charter and the rule of law. We will stand firm in the face of any threats and challenges to the rule of law, not just from Russia but from others too, including where they threaten the rights of British territories to remain British, such as the Falkland Islands. That's why we're also working with France and other partners to support freedom of navigation in the Gulf. And it's why I have acted on the Middle East. Just eight weeks into becoming Prime Minister, working with my Foreign Secretary, Ed Miliband, I comprehensively reset our position and we built an international coalition of countries to come with us. The terrorist attack on Israel on the 7th of October 2023 was utterly horrific. I have condemned it in the strongest possible terms. We continue to condemn Hamas, and we stand with Israel in the face of the ongoing threats, including from Iran against Israel and Jewish people around the world. But this does not justify the Israeli government's actions in Gaza or the West Bank. Far too many people have died, including so many children. Far too little aid is getting in and it has gone on for far too long. We will not stand by as the horrific suffering continues to grow and the prospect of a two state solution, the best hope for peace and stability for both nations comes under attack. Last month, Israel issued tenders for the construction of the E1 mega settlement, which would drive a wedge through the West Bank and threaten to put a viable Palestinian state beyond reach. It cannot be allowed to happen. So we have acted by banning trade in goods with illegal settlements, recognizing that the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territory is unlawful, and sanctioning those taking part in the construction of illegal settlement. We want to see the suffering and death finally come to an end. We want to see Israeli and Palestinian people living side by side in peace and security, and we will do all we can to keep the hope of that possibility alive. And look, we live in an age of low trust in politics. If we were to continue to talk about the two state solution, but failed to back those words with deeds, that trust will fall even lower and our enemies will seek to exploit the alienation that follows from that. We won't let it happen.
I would also like to commend the memory of the late General Sadio Camara, Minister of Defense of Mali, whose ultimate sacrifice will forever be associated with the history of the Confederation of the States of the Sahel. May Allah grant him eternal Paradise. Amen. Ladies and gentlemen, we remain open to any security cooperation, of course, which takes into account our strategic interests, mutual interests and respect for our sovereignty with Burkina Faso and Mali. Niger, within the Confederation of Sahel states, is developing cooperation that is focused on defense and security, diplomacy and development. This responds to a requirement for solidarity between peoples that face common challenges. On the 16th of September 2023 in Bamako, Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso signed the Liptako-Gourma Charter, giving birth to the Alliance of Sahel States on the 6th of July 2024 in Niamey. Our three heads of state, President Assimi Goita of Mali, President Ibrahim Traoré of Burkina Faso and President Abdourahamane Tiani of Niger took the historic step of creating the Confederation of Sahel states. Two years later, the institutional structure of this confederation is practically complete. A unified force of 5000 men is conducting the coordinated fight against the mercenaries afflicting our three territories on our borders. This force can be mobilized to a ceiling of 15,000 men. That must be underscored. A confederation investment and development bank has been created. It finances our projects and programs using our own resources. A Confederation biometric passport has been in use since the 29th of January 2025. A television channel, a press agency and a shared radio carry the voice and the message of the AES. More recently, from the 26th to the 29th of August 2026, the first meetings of the Confederation Parliament were held in Niamey, thus completing our institutional architecture. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Niger is a country of peace. Truly a country of peace.
A state that respects the diversity and multicultural character of its society, a state confident enough to defend its own identity without denying the identity of the others. A state that knows its history but is not imprisoned by it, and a state that does not expect others to build it in its place. That, to me, is modern sovereignty. Not isolation. Capability. This year Secretary General Antonio Guterres reminded us that the Charter begins with the words: We, the peoples.
The UN reform process must strengthen the organisation's effectiveness and relevance without diminishing its presence, services or support in the most vulnerable regions, where assistance is needed most. Reform must enhance delivery, not reduce it. The UN is not perfect, but it remains the cornerstone of multilateral diplomacy and the indispensable platform through which nations preserve peace, advance sustainable development, uphold international law and protect human rights. Solomon Islands looks to the next secretary general to lead with vision and to ensure that the Secretariat is accountable to all member states, serving the interests of small and large states on an equal footing. Mr. president, Solomon Islands reiterates its support for comprehensive reform of the Security Council to make it more representative, transparent, accountable and reflective of today's realities. A council with a dedicated seat for small island developing states would strengthen the legitimacy and effectiveness of the entire multilateral system. The veto is a relic of 1945. Too often it has been used to shield violations of international law and to entrench the double standards that fuel conflict. At a minimum, the veto must never again be used in situations of genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes. Ultimately, it should be abolished. Mr. president, it is with great pride that Solomon Islands is again contributing personnel to UN peacekeeping in South Sudan. Despite our small size, our participation reaffirms our enduring commitment to the charter, to international peace and security, and to the noble work of peacekeepers serving communities affected by conflict.
At this critical historical juncture for the United Nations, we look forward with great hope to the selection through the process of electing the new Secretary-General of the most capable and deserving individual to lead the organization with a bold, strategic vision, building upon the efforts of his predecessor and capable of providing practical solutions for the various regions whose peoples continue to suffer the consequences of crises, wars, instability and inequality. A vision that restores hope to future generations for a better future in which the conditions for a dignified life are available to all. Mr. president we meet during this 81st session under the theme Restoring Trust and Managing Transformation a United Nations that delivers for all. This prompts us to ask, how can we restore this trust? And before managing the desired transformation, how can we create the conditions and lay the foundations necessary for it? Our questions stem neither from doubt nor from pessimism, but from a firm conviction that restoring trust requires serious and responsible reflection on the reasons behind its decline. Tunisia's belief in multilateral action is not a product of current circumstances. Rather, it is the continuation of a journey that began before independence, when the national movement brought the cause of the Tunisian people before the United Nations and made the right to self-determination and the recovery of sovereignty, an integral part of the struggle for freedom. Following independence, Tunisia engaged fully within the United Nations to complete the foundations of its sovereignty and to build the modern state, and it succeeded in doing so. Restoring confidence in the organization and in multilateral action requires, in our view, two essential conditions a genuine commitment and a meaningful reform process. First, there must be a sincere determination and responsible commitment by all states to respect international law founded on agreement and the principle of sovereign equality among states, and to uphold the purposes and principles of the UN charter, particularly refraining from the use of force, the settlement of disputes by peaceful means and fulfilling international obligations in good faith. Second, the United Nations must embark on a comprehensive and profound reform process that responds to the transformations that have taken place in the world. This requires, in particular, reconsidering the mechanisms of decision making within the organization to ensure a more balanced and equitable geographical representation, and establishing more effective mechanisms for transparency and accountability, thus reinforcing the confidence of states and peoples in the organisation's ability to respond to the aspirations of all. Unless genuine progress is achieved on these two tracks, collective action will remain hostage to narrow geopolitical calculations, and the gap will continue to widen between the principles we agree upon and the realities we witness on the ground. We may choose either to continue meeting under the idealism of slogans, or to commit ourselves to what can truly achieve development, prosperity and peace for all. If we have the will, we have the capacity. Tunisia welcomes the efforts undertaken within the framework of the UN80 Initiative. We regard these efforts as a true opportunity on which we should build, rather than a final destination in the reform process. We support the three reform tracks proposed by the initiative, provided that they are pursued through an inclusive, consultative process that preserves the intergovernmental nature of the organization and does not undermine the negotiating mandates of member states. Tunisia also believes that addressing the liquidity crisis in the organization requires all states to meet their financial obligations in full. We stress that reform should not result in a reduction of support allocated to developing countries, or to humanitarian missions and development programmes supervised by the organization and specialized agencies. Tunisia, therefore, calls for a fair and balanced approach that safeguards both the effectiveness and credibility of the United Nations. Mr. president.
Your Excellency Dr. Khalilur Rahman, President of the 81st General Assembly; Excellency António Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations; Excellencies, heads of delegations, ladies and gentlemen. Good evening. On behalf of the Government of Rwanda, allow me to begin by congratulating His Excellency Dr. Khalilur Rahman on his election as President of the 81st Session of the United Nations General Assembly. Rwanda also wishes to commend the Secretary-General, His Excellency António Guterres, for the steady commitment with which he has led this organization through a period of extraordinary strain. We reiterate our full support as he carries through the remainder of his mandate. Last year, we gathered under the theme of "Better Together," marking 80 years since the charter was signed.
Mr. Khalilur Rahman, president of the General Assembly. Mr. Antonio Guterres, secretary general of the United Nations. Excellencies, heads of State and government, and heads of delegation. Ladies and gentlemen. I have the honour to take the floor before this General Assembly on behalf of and representing His Excellency Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, president of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, to express to you his greetings of peace and the greetings of the people of Equatorial Guinea, and to reaffirm our support for and commitment to the charter of the United Nations. I congratulate Mr. Khalilur Rahman on his election to the presidency of this 81st session and I express our gratitude to Miss Annalena Baerbock for her work during the previous session. Mr. president. The theme of this session is Restoring Trust, Managing transformation, A United Nations that delivers for all.
Quite to the contrary, this is a call for win-win partnership, partnership that is respectful of the sovereignty of each nation, rooted in win-win collaboration, rather than pre-established arrangements which disregard our realities. The Republic of Guinea, for our part, is and shall remain a reliable, open, engaged partner, open, reliable, and engaged vis-à-vis the international community while engaging in mutual respect for the sovereignty of one and all. Mr. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the Republic of Guinea is advancing. We are making headway by harnessing our own means, by capitalizing upon our own choices for the benefit of our own people, and we are doing so in a manner that is in accordance with international law, in the spirit of the Charter of the United Nations, and in the spirit of candid and inclusive cooperation with all of our partners. I cherish the hope that this Guinean experience can, to a modest degree, stimulate more in-depth consideration into the manifold legitimate development pathways for our continent. Thank you for your attention.
Amílcar Cabral, one of the greatest figures of our history, left us a lesson that continues to resonate across generations: learn in life, learn from our people, learn from the books and learn from the experiences of others, learn always. Perhaps this is an ability that the world must rediscover: the ability to learn from history, to learn from one another, and to understand that there can be no lasting development without peace, just as there can be no lasting peace where poverty, exclusion, and lack of opportunity persist. In this spirit, Cabo Verde reaffirms its faith in the United Nations, in dialogue among nations, in cooperation among peoples, and in the primacy of law over the use of force. In the face of wars, inequalities, and crises confronting our world, we reaffirm our unwavering commitment to the Charter of the United Nations, to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states, to the protection of civilian populations, and to the peaceful resolution of conflicts.
Many citizens see a gulf between what we agree on here and what people experience on a daily basis. Closing this gap is the task of our organization. A lot of citizens realize that this is the task that our generation must take up. And as a founding country, Ecuador believes in the United Nations, and it's precisely for this reason that we want an organization that's able to respond to the challenges of the world today, not of 1945. Supporting the organization, the United Nations, also needs to involve a willingness to transform the United Nations. And that's why we support the UN80 initiative and pose an essential question: what United Nations of the world needs today? We need an organization that's more efficient, with the ability to prevent conflicts, resolve crises, and support states to challenges that didn't exist when the organization was created. An organization whose legitimacy depends not only on the decision that we adopt, but the way that they adopt. And we need the Charter and international law to remain our common language. More than 80 years ago, countries understood that peace didn't depend on everyone's power, but rather is something that we built organizations to cooperate to achieve. This remains our main strength. The citizens of the world will not judge this organization by its declarations; they will judge it by its ability to turn commitments into peace and security, into respect for human rights, into real opportunities for development, and how many lives we really save. President, the criminal gangs already coordinate with each other. Now we need to do better. Ecuador has come to this Assembly to defend collective solutions, because no country can build a safe, prosperous, and sustainable future alone. And because when international cooperation works, we are all stronger for it.
Mr. Secretary General Antonio Guterres, to whom I pay tribute for ten years of tireless work in defense of the United Nations Charter, international law and multilateralism, heads of state and government, excellencies. Over the past few decades, the international order focused on promoting peace and stability has been essential to prosperity and socioeconomic progress in our societies. Wars and geopolitical tensions that characterize our times have had a terrible human toll, undermining international order and consequently, the chance of prosperity. That is why we must explore every opportunity for dialogue, diplomacy and peace. In the Middle East, the humanitarian tragedy must end, and we must move towards the two state solution, with Israel and Palestine coexisting as two sovereign states in peace and security. The aggressive actions by Iran and its associated armed groups must cease, including attacks on neighboring countries, merchant vessels and civilian infrastructures. Similarly, the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz must end and freedom of navigation must be guaranteed, including safe and toll free passage, including through the Red Sea. In Europe, we must achieve a just and lasting peace that puts an end to the brutal and illegal aggression of Russia against Ukraine. Ukraine is a partner that has the full support of Portugal and European Union. In Sudan, the most dramatic humanitarian crisis we face must come to an end. We must also remain resolute in combating the global threats of terrorism and nuclear weapons. And in the face of the new challenge posed by artificial intelligence, we must find together the right balance between innovation and regulation, one that allows us to harness its potential for the benefit of humanity while preventing it from distorting our very essence. Excellencies, the energy crisis, and the rising fuel prices we are facing due to international conflicts are affecting all our peoples.
This applies particularly to permanent members of the UN Security Council. China has the power, influence, and responsibility to help prevent conflicts, de-escalate tensions, and contribute to ending wars. This includes using its influence to help bring Russia's aggression against Ukraine to an end. That aggression was launched and continues to be waged by another permanent member of the UN Security Council, Russia, in violation of the UN Charter and fundamental principles of international law. Russia's aggression continues to inflict enormous suffering on the Ukrainian people. Civilians and civilian infrastructure continue to be attacked indiscriminately. And the risks are growing day by day. Russia's aggressive posture poses a direct threat to European security as a whole. The immediacy of that threat was starkly illustrated by the recent attempted Russian drone attack on Leipzig/Halle Airport in Germany, only 150 kilometers from the borders of the Czech Republic. The consequences of aggression reach far beyond Europe. Russia's war has undermined global food security, disrupting agricultural production, exports, and supply chains. Its effects are felt in my country, but even more acutely in parts of Africa and elsewhere, particularly in countries that depend on stable and affordable food supplies. While we need to raise costs of war for Russia, we must give serious diplomatic efforts a genuine chance. Diplomacy matters most not between friends, but between adversaries. That is where the United Nations remains indispensable as a forum for dialogue, even when agreement seems very distant. The UN was founded on principles. These principles matter in Ukraine. They matter in the South China Sea and across the Taiwan Strait. And they also matter in the Middle East, in Sudan, or DRC. The current developments in Yemen and Saudi Arabia demonstrate what happens when rules give way to force and coercion, when might replaces right, and how a regional conflict can, in an instant, have consequences for the entire world.
It is upon this unwavering aspiration that we are pursuing all possible diplomatic avenues to secure access to and from the sea, to ensure Ethiopia's integration into a global trading system. Mr. President, as we attend this August Assembly, we are reminded not only by the ideals and values of our organization, but of the imperatives we must uphold as enshrined in the Charter. We stand a better chance of surviving and succeeding if we continuously and collectively shape our collaboration. This will certainly revive multilateralism to meet the demands of the current and future generations.
Mr. President, Kiribati is a peaceful nation, yet distance does not make us indifferent to the suffering caused by war and conflict elsewhere. The people of every nation deserve peace. We reaffirm that disputes must be resolved peacefully, in accordance with international law and the principles of the United Nations Charter. For island nations such as Kiribati, respect for international law is fundamental to our security, sovereignty and the stability of the international system. Kiribati is proud to contribute in our own way to international peace and security, through the service of our police officers under the United Nations flag.
The theme for this session, Restoring trust, Managing transformation: United Nations that delivers for all arrives at a pivotal juncture. For developing and vulnerable countries, a well-resourced and responsive United Nations is an indispensable anchor. Restoring trust in our international system requires us to uphold predictable support, honour commitments and reaffirm our fidelity to the UN charter. For the Lao PDR, restoring and deepening trust begins with renewed commitment to inclusive multilateralism with the United Nations at the core. When dialogue is guided by mutual respect, transparency and genuine cooperation, multilateralism yields tangible benefit for all people.
Lasting peace requires addressing the root causes of conflict, empowering local communities, and ensuring that women are at the center of peace building. Mr. president, excellencies, our world is evolving. So must the United Nations to remain effective. We must reform the Security Council to make it more representative, transparent and accountable, expanding the voices of developing regions across Asia, Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean. As we look to the future, we are reminded that everything we strive for ultimately depends on how we choose to navigate these trials together. We need to reflect deeply on the promises of our charter and on the state of our fractured world. We must actively seek collective pathways that transcend borders and bridge divides. And above all, we must always put a face to what we do, remembering that every policy, every treaty, and every institutional reform is ultimately about real human lives. It is in this spirit that we voice a historic aspiration the hope for a woman Secretary-General, a leader who can rally nations back to true multilateralism and deliver for all. Thank you very much.
We are a credible and reliable partner, ready to contribute to shared prosperity. Ladies and gentlemen, we have entered the fifth year of the illegal, unprovoked, and unjustified full-scale war of aggression against Ukraine, waged by a permanent member of the Security Council. This member, entrusted by the entire UN community with the responsibility of maintaining international peace and security, has deliberately disavowed its fundamental obligation and is pursuing a revisionist agenda. As the EU member state sharing the longest border with Ukraine, Romania has felt the effects of this war directly, through repeated violations of our airspace. A few months back, a drone crashed onto a residential building on our territory, injuring people and causing material damage. It was one episode in an ongoing series of such incidents. We have said it before, and we will say it again: Romania will stand with Ukraine and its people, as they exercise their legitimate right to self-defense for as long as necessary. Moreover, Romania is acting responsibly to stabilize the region. We provided assistance to refugees from Ukraine. In response to Russia's attacks on ports and grain infrastructure, which disrupted global food supply chains and deepened food insecurity for millions of people, Romania has coordinated with Ukraine on the transit of grain through Romania, by rail and by waterway. In response to the disruption of freedom of navigation in the Black Sea, together with Bulgaria and Türkiye, Romania is part of the Mine Countermeasures Task Group in the Black Sea. Through mine detection and mine neutralization missions and the protection of critical undersea infrastructure, this initiative safeguards freedom of navigation and the region's energy security. And in order to enhance security in the Black Sea area, Romania places particular emphasis on the EU's strategic approach. Accordingly, together with Bulgaria, we are establishing a maritime security hub aimed at strengthening situational awareness. Finally, in response to disruptions to energy supplies in the region, Romania has expanded its energy interconnections with Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova. Romania will continue to support the resilience of our neighbor, the Republic of Moldova, the second most affected country by this war. It is facing the economic shock caused by Russia's aggression and a sustained hybrid campaign, consisting of disseminating disinformation, energy pressure, and attempts to destabilize its democratic institutions. Romania is a staunch supporter of the Republic of Moldova in the face of these challenges. Romania also remains the Republic of Moldova's strongest advocate within the European Union, sharing our own experience of accession and providing political, technical, and diplomatic support for its European path. The threat posed by the Russian Federation is not only limited to Ukraine. Europe is the target of a hybrid war involving cyberattacks, disinformation campaigns, sabotage, and disruptions to critical infrastructure, with the aim of undermining citizens' trust in democratic institutions and discouraging support for Ukraine. We must deter the Russian threat, and unfortunately, we can only do that by increasing military spending. Romania supports balancing military expenditure and a target of 5% of GDP, reaching this year 3.7%. Distinguished audience, we are equally concerned about the proliferation of conflicts worldwide. It is essential to advance the implementation of the Peace Plan for Gaza in accordance with Security Council Resolution 2803, and to address, with no delay, the humanitarian situation on the ground. Within the Board of Peace Initiative, Romania has offered its support and has so far contributed to the medical evacuation of numerous patients, especially children. Disarming Hamas remains a prerequisite condition for lasting stability in Gaza. President Trump's Peace Plan represents the most credible path toward peace and prosperity in the region, and Romania supports its full implementation. At the same time, recent developments in the West Bank are a genuine reason for concern and risk undermining the peace that this plan seeks to promote. Regarding Iran, our position is clear: Iran must not possess a nuclear weapon. Iran must comply with the nuclear non-proliferation treaty, the safeguards of the International Atomic Energy Agency, and restore full transparency regarding its nuclear program. Diplomacy must be the first option toward a comprehensive, verifiable, and lasting agreement that would pave the way toward a more stable Middle East. Romania will continue to promote maritime security and unrestricted freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz, as well as in the Black Sea area and elsewhere. It is a shared responsibility and a priority to my country. Specialized bodies such as the International Maritime Organization can make a contribution to this effort. The suspension of the Black Sea Grain Initiative, following Russia's unilateral withdrawal in 2023, reminds us that agreements only matter when the parties honor their commitments. Lasting peace in Sudan, South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Somalia, Libya, in the Sahel, and in all regions of Africa affected by conflict. Romania is contributing to conflict prevention, mediation, peacebuilding, and economic recovery, while stressing the importance of African solutions, in full respect of the charter. Prevention and mediation must play a greater role. Peacekeeping operations must have a clear mandate, produce measurable results, ensure responsible financing, and equitably distribute responsibilities. Since 1991, Romania has contributed to United Nations peacekeeping missions through political support, troop and equipment contributions, as well as through training of blue helmets and close protection officers.
Mr. president, as we speak of transforming our multilateral system, we must also ensure that its leadership reflects the diversity, experience and aspirations of the people it serves. Grenada, therefore, proudly joins our CARICOM family in giving our unequivocal support to the candidacy of Ambassador Carolyn Rodrigues-Birkett of Guyana for the position of Secretary General of the United Nations. CARICOM heads of government have endorsed her as the region's candidate, recognising the experience and leadership she brings to this important moment for global multilateralism. Her distinguished service as Guyana's Foreign Minister and Permanent Representative to the United Nations has demonstrated a deep commitment to diplomacy, dialogue and international cooperation. The Caribbean has long demonstrated that size does not determine the strength of our ideas, the quality of our leadership, or the values of our contribution to the international community. We believe Ambassador Rodrigues-Birkett is eminently qualified to serve the entire United Nations membership. Her election would represent a historic milestone for Caribbean region and a powerful affirmation that every region, including small island developing states, can contribute to leadership at the highest levels of our multilateral system. Mr. president, we meet at a time of significant global transformation. The challenges before us are complex, but they also present an opportunity to renew our commitment to cooperation and create practical solutions that improve the lives of our people. The theme of this session Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: A United Nations that delivers for all, challenges us to move beyond declaration towards delivery. For Grenada, restoring trust means demonstrating through actions that international cooperation produces results. It means listening to one another. It means respecting the voices of small states as much as those of large ones. It means building genuine partnership, and it means ensuring that every country has the opportunity to pursue its legitimate development aspirations. Grenada approaches this General Assembly in a spirit of partnership, optimism and constructive engagement. We remain firmly committed to the purposes and principles of the charter of the United Nations, international law, peaceful dialogue and the peaceful settlement of dispute.
Mr. president, as we contemplate the future of community of nations, we must renew our collective commitment to a United Nations that is more inclusive, effective and responsive to modern times, global challenges, and one in which developing countries, particularly African nations, have a stronger voice in global decision making. We reiterate our support for comprehensive reform of the Security Council, in line with the Ezulwini Consensus, to make it more representative, equitable and reflective of our current geopolitical realities. The Kingdom of Lesotho reaffirms its unwavering commitment to the charter of the United Nations multilateral system and the rule of law. International law remains the cornerstone of sovereign equality, peaceful coexistence, and sustainable development.
And as the world transforms, so must the United Nations. The UN80 Initiative is an opportunity to reduce duplication, improve accountability, and focus resources on results. But efficiency must not be measured simply by what we cut. It must be measured by what we deliver. And the United Nations must not retreat from the countries that need it most, in the name of efficiency. Reform must preserve a meaningful UN presence on the ground, particularly in SIDS. The UN Development System must respond to the needs of programme countries and remain guided by relevant international frameworks. The reform process must be Member State-led. It must be inclusive and transparent. This is how reform will restore trust, by bringing the United Nations closer to the people and the countries it serves. Reform must also confront one of this Organization’s oldest weaknesses: unequal representation. The Security Council cannot reflect the world of 1945 while deciding for the world of today. It must be expanded in both permanent and non-permanent categories. SIDS must have a rotating seat. Africa must receive the representation long denied to it, and the veto must be abolished. After all, representation is not merely symbolic. Who sits at the table shapes what the table sees. Small States understand how closely climate, finance, trade, supply chains and security are connected. We also know that international law is our strongest safeguard against unequal power. That principle must remain at the heart of the international system. The Maldives will take its seat on the Economic and Social Council for the 2027 to 2029 term. We are seeking election to the Human Rights Council for the 2028 to 2030 term. And we seek the support of Member States for a seat on the UN Security Council for the 2033 to 2034 term. We do so because small States must be decision-makers, not decision-takers. Representation matters not only within the bodies of this Organization, but also in its leadership. As Secretary-General Guterres approaches the end of a decade of service, the Maldives thanks him for his leadership and commitment to international cooperation. The process to choose his successor must be transparent and based on merit. It must draw from the full breadth of talent available to this Organization. For more than eight decades, every Secretary-General has been a man. It is time for a woman to lead this Organisation. A leader who will defend the Charter, without exception, who can turn reform into delivery, and who will listen to all Member States, including the smallest. The task ahead is immense. The choice we make must meet it. So, what should this Assembly do? The Maldives proposes a simple test for a sovereign future. When we act on conflict, climate, finance, technology or institutional reform, let us ask: Does this decision expand a State’s freedom to choose? Does it build national capacity and reduce dependence? Does it protect sovereignty and independent decision-making? If the answer is no, we must change course. And we must hold every State to the same standard. Let this be the measure of international cooperation, not what we promise, but what we make possible. That is the measure of a United Nations that delivers for all. In 1989, the Maldives asked this Assembly to protect small States from external threats. Today, we ask it to protect something just as fundamental: Every State’s freedom to choose its own future. A future chosen by its people, a future grounded in international law, a sovereign future for every State.
Our world shaped by uncertainty, disruption and rapid change, but also by hope, innovation and opportunity. For Samoa, the theme is a promise the world must keep. Can trust be restored? Can transformation protect the vulnerable? The answer lies in the first words of our UN charter we the peoples. We must always put people at the centre of our decisions. For us, this is underpinned by the core values of our Samoan culture, the fa'asamoa and our faith such as respect, dignity, love, protection and service. Excellencies, every decision in this hall shapes the world that every child inherits. We meet at a pivotal moment in history. Profound and transformative changes are not only necessary, but inevitable. Across many societies, people are increasingly asking whether global institutions are delivering on the promises made to them. We must prepare ourselves to face the challenges ahead with resolve, and use the opportunity to herald in much needed reforms for the benefit of all, and leaving no one behind. For Samoa, multilateralism remains the cornerstone of our international engagement. Only through genuine cooperation and mutual trust can we craft solutions that no single nation could achieve alone. The UN80 initiative has merits, but also its risk, if not fully assessed and understood. Any reform must strengthen delivery on the ground by eliminating duplication, improving coherence and accelerating impact. Critically, such reforms must not weaken the operation of the UN Multi Country Offices or the Resident Coordinator system. Whilst Samoa reaffirms its unwavering commitment to the United Nations as the premier forum to address global crisis, we also caution against premature decision taken without the full consideration and endorsement by Member States.
Dear colleagues, as was the case last year, we are yet again meeting here against the backdrop of a worrying global juncture. The organization is facing an unprecedented accumulation of complex global challenges. Against that backdrop, the theme of this session rightly expresses the fact that we are facing a major issue. Indeed, the major issue of our time is restoring trust, managing transformation in order to build a United Nations that delivers for all. The current crisis we face is undoubtedly a crisis of trust. More trust between states needs to come about, but there is a crisis in that trust. There's a crisis of confidence and trust in international institutions, and there's a crisis of confidence, confidence rather, in international law's ability to enforce agreements reached on the basis of the United Nations Charter. Finally, there is a crisis of confidence in the original promise of the United Nations, namely preserving succeeding generations from the scourge of war and promoting economic social progress for all. It is high time to once again place this promise at the heart of the UN's work. If we do not wish it to remain a dead ideal, it must become once more a reality for everyone. And yet armed conflicts are increasing in number.
Mr. president, as mentioned before, the international community is experiencing profound uncertainty, including energy and food security crises, leading to intensified displacement of many people globally. Armed conflict continued to claim innocent lives while geopolitical tensions escalate. Children are living through unimaginable horrors. The United Nations has not been able to prevent this or to end the continuation, and we have to ponder on that. Other developments, for example in the Strait of Hormuz, demonstrate how quickly wars can affect energy markets suddenly and steeply, increasing the cost of energy, adversely impacting economic and social development in our countries. Common people suffer when food and energy prices rise, so the quality of life of our people is directly threatened, even by wars in regions far from their homes. And we as government, we have to make sure that we try to protect them. Suriname, therefore, calls for a renewed commitment to the purposes and principles of the UN charter, namely, the peaceful resolution of disputes. Dialogue is paramount for safeguarding a solid and proven UN system. The people of Cuba, a Caribbean country, are adversely affected by the current situation in their country. Suriname calls on the parties involved to remain committed to dialogue and negotiation to end the economic commercial and financial embargo. We plea for continuing negotiations in order to prevent further escalation and to reach a resolution that will benefit the people of Cuba.
Distinguished delegates. Institutions earn trust through what their members are prepared to do. A greater voice must come with a willingness to contribute. Shared ownership, therefore, must lead to shared responsibility. The Charter begins with the words "We the peoples". Thailand believes that this work must begin at home. The Sustainable Development Goals provide us with an important framework that goes beyond development. Ultimately, they are about enabling people to live in peace and dignity. Progress towards achieving the SDGs also shapes how we are building a strong and resilient economy, and how we remain accountable to our people. Thailand will leverage our strengths. We are building upon our strong agricultural base to be a source of food security for the world. Meanwhile, our universal health coverage ensures that people have access to affordable and quality healthcare while also developing Thailand into a medical and wellness hub.
This is why we have profound gratitude to President Trump for his invitation to Trinidad and Tobago earlier this year to be part of the newly formed Shield of the Americas and Americas Counter Cartel Coalition. We remain confident that this partnership will continue to promote freedom, security and prosperity in our region. Trinidad and Tobago appreciates and recognizes the responsibility bestowed on the Security Council in this regard. We extend our deepest appreciation to the 181 member states that entrusted Trinidad and Tobago with responsibility of serving on the Security Council for 2027 2028. Can we say thank you to all 181 states? We regard that overwhelming expression of confidence not simply as an achievement, but we see it as a very solemn responsibility on the part of Trinidad and Tobago. We return to the council for only the second time in the history of our nation, and this is for the first time in more than four decades. We will carry to the council the commitment on which we sought your support. We did so, and we committed to building consensus for realization of sustainable peace and security. The Republic of Trinidad and Tobago intends to bring the perspective and experience of a small island developing state to the Council, whilst we remain guided by the UN Charter by international law and the principle of the peaceful settlement of disputes. We will bring those principles to every matter before the Council, whether the crisis lies within our region or far beyond it. We will approach our tenure with an independent and practical outlook, working constructively with all members of the Council and seeking common ground wherever possible. We intend to place particular emphasis on the curbing of the illicit trafficking of small arms and light weapons, another pillar on which we had campaigned, and we intend to commit to is women and children, as well as peace and security.
Mr. president, ladies and gentlemen, in conclusion, I wish to reiterate that our shared challenges demand renewed global solidarity, more effective and trusted multilateralism grounded in international law and a reinvigorated system of cooperation. Trust, however, must be restored through concrete actions. Peace must be built on the ground, commitments must be translated into real outcomes, and sustainable development must deliver meaningful improvements in people's lives. Azerbaijan has consistently upheld the purposes and principles of the UN charter and demonstrated its firm adherence to international law, including respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, non-interference in the internal affairs of states, sovereign equality, dialogue and cooperation, as well as the faithful, consistent and non-selective implementation of agreed commitments. This is the multilateralism we believe in, principled, inclusive and, above all, capable of delivering tangible results.
Today the world needs not only more dialogue, but also more trust, more accountability, and greater capacity to act together. Humans must be at the heart of this collective response: human life, dignity, rights, and opportunities. This requires an international order based upon the UN Charter and international law, as well as the United Nations that not only formulates principles but also has the power and capacity to uphold them. This means a global order of rules by and for all, for countries small and large, without double standards. Bulgaria will continue to be a staunch defender of this order and of a strong, effective, and active UN. Ladies and gentlemen, today the UN must prove not only its capacity to bring states together but also its capacity to act. Thanks to collective efforts, it is our duty to transform a world in disorder into a world of international law and lasting peace. The Pact for the Future provides an important guideline, but it must be supported by real reform. The Security Council ought to reflect the world of today, with more equitable regional representation and greater legitimacy and effectiveness. Bulgaria is in favor of an enlargement of the Council's two membership categories, including with at least one additional non-permanent seat for the group of Eastern European states. The upcoming election of a new Secretary-General will also be a choice for the UN's leadership. We thank Mr. António Guterres for his dedication to serving the UN.
And in this regard, the Republic of the Congo is following very closely the selection process for the next UN Secretary General. We believe that Africa a continent at the centre of many UN challenges and global geopolitical issues, must remain at the heart of the future Secretary-General's agenda. The next Secretary General must embrace a truly universal vision of the United Nations, one that leaves no continent at the margins and which fully takes into account Africa's place, responsibilities and legitimate interests. Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, for the Republic of the Congo, restoring trust and managing transformation of our international institutions is a collective imperative. The theme of this session, Restoring Trust and Managing Transformation, resonates as a call for clarity and courage in a world where trust is eroding, tensions are rising and double standards and relationships of force threaten to replace both the spirit and the letter of the UN charter. Humanity has never needed a renewed, inclusive and representative multilateralism more than it does today, a multilateralism that can reflect the realities of a multi-polar world in which Africa occupies its rightful place. This renewal requires a deep reform of international institutions, foremost amongst them the Security Council. Africa, strengthened by its history, its demographic dynamism and geopolitical importance, can no longer remain on the sidelines of decisions that shape its destiny. It must become a full and legitimate actor in accordance with the consensus. Africa's demand for two permanent Security Council seats with veto power is not a request, but a right, a legitimate right, grounded, which reflects the realities of the 21st century. The world has changed and our institutions must evolve with it. This is an imperative, and Africa is not asking for a favor. It is claiming its rightful place. The Republic of the Congo is a member of the Committee of Heads of States and Governments of the African Union on Security Council reform. The C10 Committee will not compromise on this shared demand. Your Excellency, ladies and gentlemen, the Republic of the Congo reiterates its willingness to serve the international community. With your support, we renew our aspiration to serve as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council for the 2030 2031 term. This candidacy of ours is rooted in a long diplomatic tradition, our sustained commitment to peace and a strong sense of international responsibility.
However, we are concerned by the continued incidence of unconstitutional changes of government, which run counter to the values and principles enshrined in the Charters of the United Nations, the African Union, and the regional economic blocs. Respect for constitutional order and the rule of law is fundamental to stability. We urge the international community to speak with one voice against its erosion. The United Nations should fully support decisions taken by regional bodies to condemn such acts, which cause immense suffering and uncertainty for millions of people.
What distinguished some of the past's best moments was our response. Countries came together, built institutions and negotiated treaties. They created Human Rights Council, ICC, UN Women and the UNFCCC. They placed Women, Peace and Security on the agenda of the Security Council and recognised sexual violence as a weapon and tactic of war. They adopted the Millennium Development Goals and later the Sustainable Development Goals. To put it simply, none of this happened by itself. It happened because political leaders consciously chose cooperation over retreat. That choice is before us again. Madam president, the United Nations next Secretary general must continue reforming this organization, make difficult choices and direct resources where they make the greatest difference. That will require courage from her. Yes, Iceland stands on. This is very clear. And so will the choices made by every Member State represented in this Hall. We must choose whether to uphold the law when it's inconvenient, whether to defend the rights of people who are not our citizens, and whether to protect and respect our system, even when that system does not deliver the outcome we want. That is the real test of our commitment to multilateralism, not what we say when the rules favor us, but what we do when they do not. For Iceland, the choice is clear. We choose international law over selective obedience, accountability over impunity, cooperation over isolation, human dignity over division. The generation that founded the United Nations had seen firsthand what could happen when restraints on power collapsed. The Charter, international law and the institutions that followed were their answer. In that sense, the United Nations is a gift from a generation that learned that lesson at an extraordinary cost. And now we need the courage to remember it. Thank you.
We seek equal rights. We assume the responsibility, accept the responsibility that comes with it. But Iran, during her prideful history, has learned the following lesson: a world without power is dangerous, but a world that only understands the language of war and bullyism will not be safe. When we seek to have agendas to implement that only adhere to the benefits of a few privileged, we will have a world in disarray. But we see that this will become a world much more dangerous for all of us. We must not allow the 21st century to go back to an era of only the powerful and the bullying powers and the hegemons. We must not build a world in which military power replaces legitimacy, terrorism replaces politics and negotiations, and war replaces dialogue and diplomacy. Iran extends her hand towards the world. We invite the world. We call the world, not out of weakness, but out of a deep belief in our own power and steadfastness, to cooperate and collaborate. Because of a deep belief that no one in this region will have security alone. Either we will build it together, or we will have to live under insecurity together. We seek to think about a world future in which security, fairness, justice, human dignity will become unalienable rights for all people, for all humans. A future in which no people are driven to the sidelines, no voice is lost in the chaos of power, and no power will have the right to determine the future of a people other than those people themselves. If we truly seek to have an order based on international law and standards, it must be based in justice, common human will, uplifting human dignity. Because a peace that does not encompass all is no peace, and fairness and justice that does not embrace all is not worthy of being called justice and fairness. But going back to the words of the President of the United States yesterday shows those who are experts in international law and dialogue and diplomacy and basic human standards that everything other about our country goes against the very essence and Charter and the spirit of the United Nations. He must know that the resistance of the Iranian people will only increase in the face of sanctions, increased pressure, increased bullying. We will never bow our head or bend at the knee. Iran must be understood by Mr. Trump and those who seek to bully us that we are ready for dialogue and diplomacy and negotiations without accepting the language of force.
International law and the charter of the United Nations must be upheld, and diplomacy must remain our first and most persistent instrument for resolving disputes. Respect for international law, including due regard for the decisions of the International Court of Justice, is indispensable to the peaceful international order on which small states depend. Mr. president, Jamaica believes that Reparatory justice is at its heart about truth, acknowledgment, justice, repair compensation, development and reconciliation. Jamaica not only supported the General Assembly resolution put forward by Ghana on March 25th of this year, but we also delivered to Buckingham Palace a petition framing critical questions on the matter of reparations.
We have prospered in the peace that Europe enjoyed for decades after 1945, and we have never forgotten that the peace could not be taken for granted. It was built generation after generation by those who chose cooperation over confrontation. Today, that peace is being challenged once again. Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine has brought war back to our continent. It is a stark reminder that peace requires constant commitment, and that the principles on which our international order was built must be defended. The United Nations itself was born from that choice. Its charter called upon us to unite our strength to maintain international peace and security, and above all, to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. 81 years later, that promise is under considerable pressure, but it has not failed. Multilateralism may be imperfect, but disenchantment should lead us to reform, not to dismissal. The question is, therefore, not whether we still need multilateralism. The question is whether we have the courage to make it better.
Mr. President. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. We must acknowledge that the challenges that we have faced for decades, namely food insecurity, disease armed conflict, or natural disasters are still with us. Thus for Madagascar, as for many other nations, the new emerging challenges must not overshadow the priorities that still require our attention. The theme of this 81st session calls upon us to assume our shared responsibility for our destiny, and for that of future generations, with clear vision placing collective action, the common good, and the welfare of humanity at the center of our responses to the profound transformations shaping our world. In light of these intersecting transformations and challenges, the question of trust in our collective action arises with renewed urgency. Indeed, we must admit, taking into account all the hopes and expectations that we, the peoples of the United Nations, have placed in our organization, that trust has gradually eroded over time. The most vulnerable populations affected repeatedly or continuously by health crises, food insecurity and hunger, the impacts of climate change and conflicts exacerbated by current geopolitical tensions sometimes come to feel a certain skepticism regarding our collective capacity within the United Nations system to respond to the scourges of our age. Mr. President.
Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen the Islamic Republic of Mauritania renews its commitment to the principles and purposes of the UN Charter and the norms of international law, as well as the resolutions of international legitimacy. Our foreign policy is based on good neighbourliness, the respect of states sovereignty, independence and non-interference in their internal affairs, as well as the peaceful settlement of disputes and ensuring the just causes proceeding from such principles. My country, under the leadership of His Excellency, the President of the state, Mohammed, will continue to build a modern state that is coexistent in synergy with its neighbours and open to the entire world. On the national level, we have adopted a comprehensive strategy with its political, economic, social and security dimensions. We made dialogue and consultation the pattern for public offices. Thus, His Excellency the President launched a comprehensive national dialogue that is all inclusive. It does not exclude any strata of society to ensure consensus on the development of our institutions and entrench a state of law, a democratic state that protects rights and freedoms. Turning to the social context, we promote social cohesion and community unification through fighting discrimination and vulnerability while addressing any weakness inherited. We try to promote the synergies and develop our economies to limit poverty and provide the basic services to the most needy. We have also expanded the medical services through establishing a Medicare fund for all those who are not currently covered with medical insurance. We provide certain basic medical services to the most in need, especially mothers, the elderly, and those with disabilities. Turning to education, reforming this sector is the basis of our effort to provide high quality education that provides equal opportunities and ensure equity. Turning to good governance, we focus on transparency, the independence of the judiciary, and combating corruption while reforming public offices and promoting investment. Our approach addresses the hike in prices, confronting any threats to the security or terrorism while tackling also vulnerability and poverty. The complementarity between all those dimensions ensured our country's security and stability in an environment full with disruptions.
Because the reality is that we still need to fight impunity, not least through the Special Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression Against Ukraine, which the Netherlands has offered to host in The Hague. And let me be absolutely clear we cannot accept impunity. In this fight, Ukraine has no choice but to defend itself. But Russia makes a choice every day to wage war, and Russia must be held to account for its flagrant violations of the UN charter, for the immeasurable suffering inflicted on so many victims and families in this senseless war. And since the downing of flight MH17, the Netherlands has come to understand this only too well, and many others understand it too, with Russia threatening global food security and millions of people experiencing the consequences. And history teaches us that the only way to resolve conflict is through justice. That was the idea underpinning the establishment 80 years ago of the International Court of Justice, the principal judicial organ of the United Nations.
I come from a land in which history was carved into stone, and in which geographical challenges were transformed into opportunities for civilisations to meet. Centuries ago, the Incas built Qhapaq Ñan, a majestic network of roads that was built to meet the peoples, to bring together diverse realities and to ensure that no corner of the empire was left isolated and forgotten. This same spirit, this spirit that seeks to bring together, is the spirit that brings us here today. I am appearing at the General Assembly of the United Nations today for the first time. Only 57 days ago, I had the honour of assuming the presidency of the Republic of Peru. Mine is a proud and resilient people and we are a founding member state of this organization. Peru comes to this assembly reaffirming its ironclad commitment to the United Nations Charter and its fundamental principles peace and security, development and human rights, the three pillars of the United Nations. I come from a country which is all too well aware of the high price of peace. We conquered terrorism, but regrettably, today, still, after 34 years, those who took up that mantle continue to be judged and tried, despite the fact that they have demonstrated that due process was violated. Peru, as other Latin American countries, has seen agendas imposed upon us that have divided us as a society. Politics have been instrumentalized, democracy has been eroded, and the institution of the family has been weakened. An institution that is so crucial for the Peruvian people.
Peaceful coexistence and dialogue are not merely one option among many. They are the only path that leaves neither a victor nor a vanquished. For this reason, we renew our commitment to the charter of the United Nations and its purposes. We affirm that the State of Qatar will always strive for peace and facilitate its achievement.
We need even more multilateralism and even more UN, a stronger UN in defending its principles, more effective in preventing and peacefully settling disputes, more representative in its decision making structures, and closer to the realities of the people. The world needs a UN that strengthens and re-establishes trust. A UN that listens without turning away from the concerns of those people that it serves, who decide without losing sight of those for whom it works and which promises, without forgetting that it needs to keep its promises. International trust cannot be restored just through speeches. It is established through the respect of shared rules. And here we're talking about international law. Unfortunately, we are seeing a worsening of geopolitical tensions and a worrisome return to war at the heart of international relations. Violations of international law and of the United Nations Charter are increasing in number. And the weakness of our responses are akin to a type of tolerance that we seem to be willing to accept. Given this situation, Togo would like to reaffirm its firm belief in international law is not an obstacle to power. It guarantees its legitimacy, its predictability, and its stability. It protects the most vulnerable states and also serves the lasting interests of the most powerful, by preventing uncontrolled clashes by shoring up exchanges, and by establishing trust. Togo thus defends a pragmatic type of multilateralism that transforms commitments into results that scaffolds power dynamics with shared rules and organizes the peaceful coexistence of interests. Mr. president, Togo supports efforts as part of the UN80 Initiative to improve the effectiveness, the coherence and the accountability of our organization.
Their well-being must remain central to efforts to find a peaceful, lasting solution. Across our region, our purpose is clear to protect human dignity, strengthen stability and ensure that dialogue and cooperation prevail. Excellencies, the world is changing its climate, its technology, and its balance of economic power are all changing. The United Nations must change with it. However, its founding principles must endure the equality of nations, the dignity of people, the sovereignty of states, and the respect for international law must hold fast. Madam president, let the United Nations reform strengthen multilateralism, let international law protect every nation, let finance serve development rather than deepen debts. Let us implement ABAS, protect our oceans and invest in our human dignity. And as this organizations prepare for new leadership, let us choose leadership equal to this moment and these tasks and excellencies. History will not judge us by the number of resolutions we adopt. It will, however, judge us by whether we acted when the seas rose, when inequality deepened, when international law was violated, and when multilateralism faltered. Let us enter this new era with courage in our leadership, fairness in our decisions, and hope in our common future. It is the hope of Antigua and Barbuda that this United Nations can still fulfil the promise of its charter.
However, nor has humanity ever been so acutely aware of the need to make collective decisions about how these means should be used to serve the common good. This is why the theme of this 81st session, Restoring Trust, Managing transformation: A UN that delivers for all, resonates so strongly. The true challenge of our time is not just managing a succession of crises, but it is restoring our collective capacity to anticipate, to make decisions, to act before these crises become irreversible. Mr. President, Benin believes in multilateralism. We believe not because we harbour nostalgia for the world of 1945, but because in 2026, the world more than ever needs a forum where states can talk to one another, listen to one another and act in concert. Defending multilateralism also means taking a lucid look at the United Nations organization. Trust, indeed, is not something you can order. It takes shape when our organization can respond to the expectations of our people, the people it serves, when the organization can deliver concrete results. It is in this spirit that Benin supports the efforts undertaken within the framework of the UN80 Initiative. We need to achieve greater efficiency, coherence, transparency and responsibility. Nonetheless, we should remain cognizant of a key requirement. Reforming the UN doesn't simply mean cutting costs. What it should mean is boosting the organization's impact. A more effective United Nations should be better positioned to prevent conflicts, to respond to humanitarian crises, to shore up development, and anticipate the transformations which are already shaping our future. It should also remain true to the principles which underpin its legitimacy, universality, the sovereign equality of states, solidarity and respect for the UN charter. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, there is one reform without which all the others will remain incomplete. The reform of the stewardship of international peace and security. The Security Council, for the most part, reflects a balance of forces in a world which is no longer today's world. Africa does not have a permanent seat. This situation raises issues of justice, equity and the legitimacy. It calls into question the very legitimacy of the entire multilateral system. Benin would like to reaffirm its unswerving support for the common African position set forth in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. We are not demanding a privilege. We are demanding for the stewardship of international peace and security, for that stewardship to be in keeping with the world we claim to serve.
This inherent flaw in the U.N. charter granted the great powers the luxury of being insensible. To this original sin a profound leadership crisis is now added. The year of 2025 recorded the highest number of armed conflicts since the World War Two. Trillions of dollars are funding a new arms race. Geopolitical tensions threaten to transform regional conflicts into a conflagration of global proportions. Those at the helm of crucial decisions must act with responsibility and with a sense of urgency. The leaders of the countries members of the Security Council must meet. I'm no stranger to the realities of power. But concessions to the law of the stronger have surpassed all limits. This is not idealism, but pure realism. War is not the continuation of politics by other means. It's the complete breakdown of politics.
The president of the United States declared in this room a few days ago that Cuba is a failed state. Well, if that were the case, why did they have to impose a fuel blockade? Why did they impose secondary sanctions? Why do they have to threaten, persecute and exert pressures on all other states on the planet? The president of the United States also recognized that his government is putting on Cuba the biggest pressure ever applied. And a few months before he said, and I quote, all that is left is to go in and destroy everything. The threat of the use of military force against Cuba persists. This behavior is a violation of international law and a serious infringement of the San Francisco Charter. Should it materialize, it would be a major crime. It would cause the death of Cuban and American youths, as well as huge destruction. Let's hope that this never happens. Cuba will exercise with full resolve and energy its legitimate right to defend itself.
Excellencies, the challenges before us extend beyond climate and finance. We meet at a time when war continues to devastate communities and ruin lives. When humanitarian crises are multiplying, when international law is under pressure, when trust between nations is strained, we cannot speak about development without speaking about peace. Without peace, development is tenuous. We believe in the principles of the United Nations Charter. We believe in respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states. We believe in the peaceful settlement of international disputes. We believe in dialogue, and we believe that international law must apply equally to all nations and must be applied consistently.
Mr. president, allow me to conclude by returning once more to the theme of this session of the General Assembly, Restoring Trust and Managing Transformation for a United Nations that delivers for all. The truth is that we cannot call on the states of the world to change their conduct, while failing to make the necessary changes within our own organization so that it delivers the results expected of it and regains the trust of the peoples of the world. The reality is that the world has changed profoundly since 1945. The membership of the United Nations has grown nearly fourfold. Colonialism has ended Africa has risen. Asia has been transformed and new powers have emerged. The balance of the global economy has shifted. Yet the basic composition of the Security Council remains captive to a historical moment dating back to the end of the Second World War. Africa and the Arab world cannot remain without permanent representation on the Council, nor can small and medium sized states remain mere spectators to decisions that concern their security and their future. We know that Security Council reform is a complex matter, but the difficulty of reform is no argument against its necessity. Indeed, reform of the United Nations must begin here with the Security Council. For it is the Security Council that bears primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. I therefore once again add Lebanon's voice to that of the majority of the members of our organisation in calling for an expansion of the Security Council that achieves more inclusive and equitable representation. Being realists, we do not call for the abolition of the veto. Rather, we call for restraint in its use in cases of genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and serious violations of international humanitarian law. We insist on reform of the United Nations only because we want it to be more representative, more democratic and more effective organization We want an organisation true to the purposes and principles of its charter, yet ever renewed, so that it may rise to the challenges of our rapidly changing world and meet the aspirations of our peoples and their new generations.
Madam president, the Kingdom of Morocco, true to its constant approach, is determined to contribute effectively and responsibly to the maintenance of international peace and security. This is done in accordance with a realistic vision of international cooperation, grounded in solidarity and with full respect for international law, national sovereignty, and territorial integrity. It is in this context that the Kingdom of Morocco has presented its candidacy for a non-permanent seat on the Security Council for the term 2028 2029, so that it may continue to serve peace, collective security and multilateralism with full respect for the purposes and principles enshrined in the charter of the United Nations. It is the candidacy of a kingdom with a diplomatic heritage spanning several centuries, which carries the vision of His Majesty King Mohammed VI, may God assist him, as an actor for stability, as an anchor for stability and sustainable development in the world. This candidacy also reflects the continued contribution of the Kingdom of Morocco to the three pillars of the United Nations, namely peace, development and the rule of law.
I am asking this assembly to honour its word. And I cannot then fall silent when that word is broken for someone else. For 33 consecutive years, this assembly has called for an end to the embargo against Cuba. Naoero reiterates that call and we encourage dialogue grounded in full respect for sovereignty because sovereign equality must be more than a principle written in the charter.
Ultimately, powerful engines and good brakes and common rules do not stop us or slow us down. They give us the assurance and the confidence so that we can move faster and more effectively for the benefit of all our peoples. Madam President, excellencies, effective multilateralism requires institutions that can deliver, and that begins with a reform of the UN itself. I welcome the progress of the UN80 Initiative. But reform must be strategic, not merely fiscal. Reform must strengthen the equal standing of all members. The goal is not a smaller UN for its own sake, but one that delivers better and more equitably. In this session, we will appoint the 10th Secretary-General of the UN. No one today under the age of 80, has lived in a world without the United Nations. But the UN has to earn the confidence of successive generations, and it does this through what it delivers, not what it declares on paper. The next Secretary-General must lead a UN that turns multilateral cooperation into practical results and communicates these results in an effective way to all our people. Let me at this point, also pay tribute to Secretary-General António Guterres. He is a good man with the courage of his convictions, and he has ably steered this organization through some very difficult years of global division. He has been a consistent voice for the charter, for our climate and oceans, and for the rules that hold the global commons together. Finally, Madam President, effective multilateralism requires all countries to be prepared to contribute to the institutions that sustain it. For Singapore, this begins with international law. The rule of law requires institutions to give it effect. Currently, the International Court of Justice has its fullest docket in its history, at precisely the moment when the relevance and effectiveness of international law is being questioned. States continue to bring their most serious disputes before the world's principal judicial organ. That's actually a good sign that demonstrates trust in the peaceful settlement of disputes and we must safeguard that trust. Singapore has nominated our ambassador for international law, Rena Lee, for election as a judge of the ICJ and as a tiny small state, Singapore has been a beneficiary, has been an active practitioner and a builder, a contributor to international law. We now ask for the chance to serve the cause of the rule of law. Madam President, this is the case for multilateralism. It's not some pie in the sky idealism, but a hard headed recognition that cooperation ultimately serves all of us. For every state, large or small a world governed by rules is infinitely better than one governed simply by the exercise of hard, crude power. In 1945, the founders of the UN hoped that the rules could restrain power. If we want to keep that hope alive, we must defend those very same rules that continue to serve us consistently everywhere across the globe. We have to adapt to a changing world, and we have to build new rules, new institutions and new processes where the challenges demand. Thank you all very much.
Mr. President, the theme of this session—restoring trust, managing transformation, the United Nations that delivers for all— expresses perfectly the challenge that we must collectively address to restore the hope that the UN nurtured when it was created. For the DRC, this session is another occasion to reaffirm its faith in a multilateralism based upon the unwavering quest for peace and justice, which paved the way not to the prosperity of a select few, but to the creation of a true common horizon for peoples and generations of the future. This faith, however, calls upon us to be clear-eyed about the world's transformations, and to ask about the ability of the UN to evolve alongside it. For our peoples have never ceased to believe in the need for international cooperation, a cooperation which, at the most difficult times, can be promptly mobilized but, in other circumstances, may seem to drag its feet when territorial integrity is vigorously defended in one crisis but seems negotiable in another, when the suffering of civilians calls for immediate action in one place but seems less urgent in another. In reality, there can be no lasting trust when the force of our principles varies depending on the peoples, crises or circumstances. In a world in constant flux, the trust of our peoples in multilateralism begins when the law is applied uniformly, regardless of geography, economic power, or alliances. Our transformation ought to be based upon the need to uphold the Charter in its entirety, especially through the respect for the principle of the sovereign equality of states, peaceful dispute settlement, the prohibition of the use of force, respect for territorial integrity, and human dignity. This ought to be the ambition of the United Nations. Mr. President, we cannot speak of restoring trust toward the UN, let alone of a transformation, as long as the UN continues to reflect a world that has ceased to exist. The world of 1945 no longer exists. Digital revolution, energy transition, and climate deregulation are now altering equilibria, and yet the institutions charged with managing these changes too often reflect an order that no longer exists. Artificial intelligence today offers one of the most striking examples of this. It has immense potential, but also poses the risk of new fractures. Its governance should not be the sole remit of certain powers or corporations. Developing countries ought to be able to participate in defining its rules and to access the capacities that determine its use. The DRC supports the UN Global Dialogue on AI Governance, as well as the creation of a global capacity-building fund. The digital divide must not become an intelligence divide. This need for inclusion ought, first and foremost, to be reflected in global governance. Africa has proven itself, over time, to be a demographic, diplomatic, and geopolitical power, a vital one, but it still remains inadequately represented where decisions are being made about the world's future. How can we fail to mention the historic anomaly that is the absence of Africa among the permanent members of the Security Council? The admission of the African Union to G20 is certainly a major step in the right direction. However, it is not sufficient to meet this need for representation. As a member of the Security Council of 2026-2027, we reaffirm our support for the common African position, enshrined in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. That is to say, two permanent seats for Africa, with all of the associated privileges, including veto rights as long as they exist, and two non-permanent additional seats, in order to make the Council more representative, more legitimate, and ultimately more effective. This need for representation goes hand in hand with a need for responsibility, and it is in this spirit that the DRC intends to fully exercise its responsibility when it comes to choosing the next Secretary-General, whose mandate ought to be part of the transformation of our organization and help adapt it to the priorities of a world in profound evolution. This same ambition is our driving force within the francophone world, through the candidacy of Ms. Juliana Amato Lumumba for the position of Secretary-General of the OIF, with the vision of a renewed francophonia that is closer to its peoples and capable of strengthening trust between its members and to tackle the challenges we are facing. For the DRC, it is precisely in the gap between the trust we are calling to be restored and the transformation that we hope to manage that the real impact of our international commitments is measured. Our country is at the heart of several of these transformations, and sometimes at the intersection of their very contradictions.
We wish them well as they complete their tenure at the end of this year. Mr. president, few institutions embody the principle of sovereign equality as visibly as this assembly. Within these walls, differences in power, wealth and influence may shape the realities our nations confront, but they do not confer a greater claim to membership or participation. And perhaps more than anywhere else, this assembly reminds us of a simple truth: Our differences are real but so is our interdependence. This is why this organization was created with the understanding that disputes must be resolved through dialogue, human dignity must be protected, and that nations must work together if development, peace and human rights are to be sustained. In other words, that our common future requires common institutions. Eight decades later, we must ask ourselves whether we have remained faithful to that insight. And perhaps more importantly, do we still trust one another enough to act on it? Because today, Mr. President, trust is being tested. Geopolitical divisions are widening. Wars have become more protracted, with devastating humanitarian consequences. Respect for the United Nations Charter and international law is under visible strain, with developing countries facing intensifying debt burden, climate vulnerabilities, huge gaps between commitments made and implementation, and feeling of marginalization and inadequate representation in the global system. Therefore, the task before us is building stronger, better equipped, representative responsive and effective multilateral system and global financial architecture that delivers for all nations and regions. Mr. president, The Gambia's own experience within this organization gives us grounds for optimism. We have seen within this very institution that multilateralism can still deliver. During the 80th session of the General Assembly The Gambia had the honor of chairing the second Committee at a time of profound disagreement over some of the most consequential economic and development issues before us. That experience reminded us that multilateralism does not require unanimity on every issue. It requires the willingness to remain at the table to listen, negotiate, and courage to make compromises. Our experience demonstrates that in this period of deep disagreement, progress remains possible when member states approach negotiations with political will, mutual respect, and a sense of responsibility.
Our continent possesses the world's youngest population, vast arable lands, unparalleled cultural vitality and the critical minerals required to drive the global green energy transition. But, Mr. Speaker, let me warn Africa will not remain a passive arena for a new scramble for resources. Critical mineral extraction in Africa must not replicate the colonial era exploitation. We will process our minerals at home. We will build local industries that create dignified jobs for our youth, and we retain the value of our natural resources in Africa. The African Continental Free Trade Area, whose secretariat Ghana is proud to host, is our engine for intra-African trade, structural transformation and industrial growth. As we heal historical wounds, we must address the alarming breakdown of the current global order. We are witnessing a dangerous shift towards unilateralism, lawlessness and the erosion of multilateral norms. The United Nations must learn from the lessons of the League of Nations. The UN charter must reign supreme over the cynical doctrine that might makes right. The veto power must never serve as a license for impunity. Sovereign equality cannot be a privilege that is reserved only for nations that are aligned with global superpowers.
Yes, but now it must also be digital. The change must then be reflected in the way we work together to achieve our different and common goals. I know that I am preaching to true believers, Mr. President and Mr. Secretary-General, when I say that there must be no letup, no slowing down in the relentless drive for reform of how this United Nations and its agencies does its business and delivers its services, to take our foot off the gas would be to let down the millions who need this United Nations to do better, be better at tackling the problems that blight their lives. That is why the goal of this General Assembly, a United Nations that delivers for all, is so important and so urgent. If we are to have any hope of renewing the trust of the citizens we serve in global institutions and the global order. We have to show that those institutions, this institution, can indeed deliver in ways that change tangibly lives for the better. We must never lose sight and never lose faith in the values that brought us together in the first place. As nations united. Malta is and always, of course, will be a passionate advocate and promoter of and passionately committed to multilateralism. At the core of all we do must be the code and conscience of the founding charter of this United Nations. But the implementation of those values, the way we turn those fine words into fine actions, must always be a process of constant evolution. We can never stand still if we are to keep cooperation alive. So Malta remains thoroughly committed to the implementation of the Pact for the Future and all of its associated actions. Reforms must, yes, remain Member State driven and firmly anchored in the intergovernmental process, and efficiency must not come at the expense of effectiveness on the ground. Malta solidly backs a strong and effective Resident Coordinator system as the key anchor of UN action at a country level, and I can't reiterate often enough or restate strongly enough, that the only effective antidote to the cancer of cynicism and suspicion is effective and concerted action to tackle the greatest threat to our people and our planet. And alongside spreading conflict and the dangers of uncontrolled technology, the greatest threat to us all, and especially island nations like Malta, is man made climate change.
They are what we allowed, what we still allow, and what we will answer for. There is a painful cry for a better world order as we witness the weakening into irrelevance of multilateral institutions. No country, regardless of size or power, can address today's interconnected challenges alone. Excellencies, leadership is not merely discovering the angriest instinct of the electorate and amplifying it. Leadership is sometimes telling our own supporters that they are wrong. It is explaining complexity when a slogan would be easier. It is asking people to consider tomorrow when they are angry about today. It is persuading citizens that humanity of others who may worship differently, speak another language, or vote for another party does not diminish their own freedoms. Statesmanship requires patience, persuasion, courage to compromise. And above all, it requires an understanding that power brings responsibility, not exemption. The Charter of the United Nations was not written to make the strong weak. It was written to prevent the strong from making the world unlivable. Soon we will elect a new Secretary-General. The regional rotation precedent must be preserved. Africa had an unprecedented continuous three terms: Boutros Boutros-Ghali, 1992-1996, Kofi Annan, 1997-2006. Now the Security Council will elect a Latin American as our Secretary-General for 2027-2032. And after more than 80 years of men at the helm of our organization, needless to say, we ought to have enough wisdom and elect a woman with unquestionable integrity, unblemished record, and in defense of human rights, a strong advocacy of gender equality and inclusion, rule of law, democracy, solid experience in senior management in national and multilateral institutions. Mr. President, Excellencies, for developing countries, particularly small island developing states and least developed countries, efficiency must translate into stronger delivery on the ground, not reduced essential support. Timor-Leste urges comprehensive reform, expansion in both the permanent and non-permanent categories, so that developing countries and historically underrepresented regions have a stronger voice in decisions concerning international peace and security. The veto is inconsistent with the sovereign equality of member states. President, Timor-Leste reaffirms the principles of climate justice, common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities in the light of different national circumstances. Greater climate ambition must be accompanied by accessible, predictable finance: adaptation support, technology transfer, and capacity building. Artificial intelligence and other emerging technologies reshape our societies. Developing countries must actively participate in their governance and development.
And that is why Barbados is a co-sponsor of the P4M, a group focused on strengthening multilateralism and to beat back the undertakers who are waiting to bury it. Mr. President, I would like to express my profound appreciation to the Secretary-General, my brother, António Guterres. His voice has been constant, steady and absolutely right on all of the critical issues facing humanity. And to his deputy, Amina Mohammed, we also say thank you for taking the journey without diverting from the principles and the core values of this charter. As the United Nations undertakes the important task of selecting its next Secretary-General, Barbados joins its sister member states in the Caribbean community in pledging its full support for the candidature of Ambassador Carolyn Rodrigues-Birkett of Guyana. At a moment when the international community is being called upon to renew its faith in multilateralism, we believe that Ambassador Rodrigues-Birkett brings to this task the experience, the skills and the understanding to serve the entire membership of this organization. Indeed, Mr. President, I believe that others think so too. I'd like, sir, to turn to the topic of artificial intelligence, which is one of our new challenges.
