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Mr. president, Papua New Guinea comes to this assembly with profound respect for the charter of the United Nations and for the principles and purposes upon which this great institution was founded. The United Nations reminds us that whether we are big or small nations, rich or poor nations developed or developing, powerful or less powerful, we are all members of one international community. The challenges confronting humanity do not recognise the size of our economies, the strength of our militaries, or the boundaries on our map. No nation can address them alone. We must therefore continue to work together, respecting the sovereignty of all nations, upholding the international law and the United Nations Charter, resolving our differences peacefully and recognising that every nation, regardless of its size or economic strength or military might, has a voice and a place in this assembly. For Papua New Guinea and all the nations of the Pacific, multilateralism matters. The United Nations place provides a place rather, where small nations can sit alongside the largest, where voice can be heard and where we can work together on the common challenges facing humanity. And with this, I want to place on record Papua New Guinea's fullest acknowledgement on all speakers from the Pacific who have spoken, all leaders who spoke. We are fully, on behalf of Papua New Guinea, affirm all their points, the points that was raised. I also wish to acknowledge the Secretary General of United Nations, His Excellency Antonio Guterres as he approaches the completion of his tenure on behalf of the government and people of Papua New Guinea. I want to thank the Secretary General for his strong and consistent advocacy for humanity. At a time when our world has confronted war, displacement, poverty, inequality, climate change and many other challenges. He has consistently called for peace, human dignity, international cooperation and respect for the principles of United Nations. He has demonstrated the qualities of a global statesman. If there is anyone befitting of a Nobel Peace Award and label a global statesman, His Excellency Guterres is perhaps the leading person at this time. He has used his office to speak for humanity, including those voices that are often too dim and seemingly unheard. Secretary-General Guterres, on behalf of my 11 million people, Papua New Guinea, thank you for your service to the United Nations and to humanity. We remember fondly your three nights you stayed with us in the mountains and islands of Papua New Guinea. Thank you for being a strong voice of not just Papua New Guinea, but small nations, especially my small Pacific island nations. Your advocacy reminds us that beyond our national borders and political differences, cultures and beliefs, we belong to one human family. And we share one planet called the planet earth. Mr. president, it is in the spirit of common humanity that I wish to speak about human rights, human freedoms, and particularly freedom of conscience, thought, belief, and religion.
And if there is one word that sums up much of our vocation as a country, that word would be peace. We do not view peace simply as an absence of war. We understand it as something that has to be constantly built. The possibility for people to live, to work, to educate their children, pursue their aspirations, and to look to the future without fear. Uruguay, with its virtues, but also, like every country with its darker times, has been a country that has sought to resolve its differences through institutions, through dialogue and through the quest for agreement. In this assembly, we reaffirm our enduring willingness to contribute to peacekeeping missions with a deep sense of responsibility and solidarity. Uruguayan men and women can bear witness to the value of this instrument in easing suffering and guaranteeing respect for the human lives of the most defenseless populations. You can continue to count on Uruguay here. We are not a country given to grand gestures. We are a country of deeply held beliefs. And one of these beliefs is that peace building is never finished. We can't take it for granted. Every generation has the responsibility to build it anew. There can't be peace for some and another peace for others. No suffering matters more because it happens closer to home, and no lives are worth less because they were born in another country. When people suffer, humanity as a whole bears a responsibility. When a people is displaced, when a family loses its home, when young people can see no way out and their mental health is under threat. When a child grows up under the sound of gunfire, when millions of people live in poverty or without any opportunities, we can't stand indifferent to that, nor can we stand indifferent to the pain caused by a state of endless war, the fear and pain generated by organized crime, or the constant threat of terrorism, the repression born out of tyranny, or the suffering triggered by a rigid economic blockade such as that endured by the Cuban people. We don't believe that taking one side or another in a war, confrontation or dispute necessarily contributes to resolving it. Indeed, very often it only serves to further the divisions. We have a different commitment, that is, to seek paths towards understanding, to open spaces for dialogue, and to help to ensure that conflicts find a peaceful resolution. This doesn't mean indifference. It doesn't mean downplaying suffering. It doesn't mean overlooking responsibilities. It means understanding that peace demands something more difficult than merely taking sides. It means that we need to work so that that confrontation can be brought to an end as soon as possible. And to do that, we also have to recover something that at times seems to have been lost in international debate. Humility.
I am appearing once again before this assembly on behalf of the Republic of Panama, a nation whose own geography defined its destiny. It's the bridge of the world and connects continents, cultures, and markets. At a time in history in which geopolitical fractures threaten to polarize us in a dangerous manner, Panama reaffirms its historic vocation to bring people together and seek common understandings. I must say that polarization is coupled with a large mass of people who feel that international organizations have forgotten the values and priorities of the majority of citizens. I'm referring to those who wish to progress in peace, to be able to work and return home safely. Also, those who defend the institution of the family that has its own credo and a culture forged throughout the centuries that today is being called into question. The majority feel under pressure due to the actions of progressive multiculturalism, that a large part of society is not prepared to accept, almost under coercion. I'm a president that comes from a great nation, a crucible of different cultural heritages that forged a society that's open to the world, with a strong belief in peace. This was all achieved over many years without any imposition, so this means that it happened naturally. I'm convinced that the United Nations has immense potential in a world with so much volatility and such strong asymmetries. But it needs to take up, again, its leadership in order to engage in preventive actions and corrective actions. I am a person who believes in and defends multilateralism, and I am convinced that peace and prosperity of nations must be grounded in international law as a guiding principle of relationships between nations. And these theoretical arguments must also be expressed with palpable results. We must recognize now that citizens do not believe that these types of meetings are that beneficial for them. And herein lies one of the reasons why we must restore trust. I want to give you a concrete example just to illustrate what I'm saying.
Mr. president since last February, the state of Kuwait, the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan have been subjected to illegal Iranian aggression involving ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and drones. All while we are not a party to the conflict in the region. These attacks are a flagrant violation of the international law, international humanitarian law and the UN charter. These brutal attacks have systematically and repeatedly targeted civilian objects and critical infrastructure, including Kuwait International Airport, power and water stations, oil facilities as well, revealing a hostile approach aimed at disrupting the foundations of life and critical infrastructure. These heinous attacks have claimed the lives of several martyrs and innocent civilians. They have also resulted in numerous injuries and have inflicted material and economic damage. And furthermore, to inflict harm on the economies of the region and the world, and to disrupt global trade and oil markets, Iran is obstructing maritime navigation and closing the Strait of Hormuz to use it as a bargaining chip in the war in violation of international law and the relevant Security Council resolutions. In this regard, the State of Kuwait expresses its deep appreciation to the brotherly and friendly nations who have stood by Kuwait and demonstrated solidarity. We also salute the countries that have sponsored Security Council Resolution 2817 and the other resolutions issued by the Human Rights Council and the International Maritime Organization, which have condemned the Iranian aggression as a threat to international peace and security, demanding its cessation and affirming the inherent rights of states to self-defence, as per article 51 of the UN charter. They have also stressed the importance of guaranteeing freedom of navigation without restrictions or conditions and based on Kuwait's belief that the security and stability of the Arabian Gulf region constitutes a fundamental pillar of regional and international security and stability, as demonstrated by the repercussions of the war and Iranian aggressions. We reiterate the support for all diplomatic efforts aimed at de-escalation and a peaceful resolution to the existing dispute, and we applaud the mediation efforts led by Qatar and Pakistan, while emphasizing the need to reach a sustainable regional understanding based on a firm commitment to the principles of good neighbourliness, respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs, as well as refraining from the use or threat of use of force. In addition to ceasing support for proxies and militias and addressing the security concerns of all countries in the region, including the Iranian nuclear file, ballistic missiles and drones, while stressing the guarantee of freedom and safety of navigation and the right of passage through the Straits of Hormuz and Bab el Mandeb, in accordance with the international law and the 1982 UN convention on the law of the sea. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait is committed in its foreign policy to the principles of the UN charter, in particular, respect for the principle of good neighbourliness, respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs. Accordingly, the State of Kuwait views the brotherly Republic of Iraq as a neighbour with whom we share close ties and our partners in security and stability. Since the fall of the former regime in 2003, Kuwait has supported and stood by Iraq in facing security, political and economic challenges in order to help Iraq restore its regional and international role and standing. Kuwait believes that a stable, secure and prosperous Iraq serves the shared interests of Kuwait and the entire region. In this context, the State of Kuwait commends the measures taken by the Iraqi Prime Minister, Mr. Ali al-Zaidi, to consolidate arms under state control and to strengthen Iraq's bilateral relations with neighbouring countries. We look forward to enhancing confidence building measures between the two countries and to elevate our bilateral relations to broader horizons, as well as to resolve all outstanding issues. Most important of these issues are the maritime border demarcation beyond marker 162, as per the rules of International law and the 1982 UN Convention on Law of the sea. We also emphasize the need to adhere to bilateral security and technical agreements and arrangements signed between the two countries. Very important among these agreements is the Abdullah Agreement and the 2008 Security Exchange Protocol. These agreements serve as vital legal and practical instruments for regulating navigation, protecting the environment, combating terrorism, as well as combating the illicit trafficking of arms and narcotics, and enhancing shared security. The State of Kuwait calls upon Iraq to cooperate with the high level representative of the Secretary-General pursuant to Security Council Resolution 2792, in order to achieve the progress and desired outcomes regarding Kuwaiti prisoners and missing persons, as well as nationals of third countries and the recovery of Kuwaiti property, including the National Archives. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait reiterates its principled and firm position, condemning the ongoing violations by the Israeli occupation forces against the brotherly Palestinian people. The Palestinian people continue to suffer under difficult living conditions caused by policies of displacement, arrests and settlement. We call for the full implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Plan and its subsequent phase adopted by Security Council Resolution 2803. This includes the complete withdrawal of Israeli occupation forces from Gaza, the assurance of humanitarian aid, access, and the return of the Palestinian Authority to the Gaza Strip. We affirm that the Gaza Strip is an integral part of the occupied Palestinian territory. In this regard, we welcome the measures and decisions taken by the United Kingdom, France and several other nations to condemn settlement activities and to impose sanctions against settlers involved in acts of violence and terrorism against Palestinians, as well as banning the import of goods and products originating from the settlements. The State of Kuwait reiterates that a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in the region remains contingent upon an end to the Israeli occupation of all Arab territories, as well as enabling the Palestinian people to exercise their legitimate and inalienable rights. It also rests upon the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on the borders of June 4th, 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital. Mr. president, the sisterly Republic of Yemen is witnessing a serious military escalation as a result of the attacks by Houthi militias against several governorates and areas along the West Coast aimed at threatening navigation in the Bab el Mandeb Strait. In this regard, the state of Kuwait reiterates its full support for UN led efforts aimed at a comprehensive, sustainable and Yemeni led settlement, in accordance with the three agreed references and the relevant Security Council resolutions, in particular resolution 2216. The State of Kuwait affirms that any political settlement must safeguard Yemen's unity, sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. A settlement must end the suffering of the Yemeni people and must open prospects for security, stability and economic development. We also stress the need to preserve the security and safety of maritime navigation in the Red sea and the Bab el Mandeb Strait. We also condemn in the strongest terms the attacks by the Houthis against the sisterly kingdom of Saudi Arabia, targeting civilian and economic facilities in several cities. In this context, we affirm that the security of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is an integral part of the security of the State of Kuwait and the security of the GCC states. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait reiterates its solidarity with the sisterly Syrian Arab Republic. We welcome the measures taken by the international community to lift the sanctions against Syria and to remove Syria's name from the list of state sponsors of terrorism. We also affirm our support for all efforts aimed at rebuilding state institutions and aimed at advancing a Syrian led, comprehensive, inclusive political process led by the Syrians, with the active participation of all segments of society in Syria and aimed at fulfilling their aspirations for security, stability and a life of dignity. In this context, we stress the need to respect Syria's sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity. We condemn and reject the attacks and incursions by Israeli occupation forces into Syrian territory. These acts are a serious escalation and a violation of the 1974 Disengagement of Forces agreement. They undermine security and stability in the region. With regards to the sisterly Lebanese Republic, the state of Kuwait affirms the importance of Lebanese state institutions and the need to extend their full authority over the entire territory of Lebanon, and to restrict the possession of arms exclusively to the state, thereby reinforcing Lebanon's sovereignty and preserving its security and stability. Here, we also emphasize the importance of maintaining an international presence along the blue line to ensure the full implementation of UN resolution 1701, and we reiterate our demand for Israel's withdrawal from all occupied Lebanese territories. And with regards to developments in the Republic of Sudan, the Federal Republic of Somalia and the state of Libya, we affirm the need to adhere to peaceful resolution and to engage in political dialogue to resolve disputes as per the relevant Security Council resolutions and the principles of international law, so as to protect the unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty of these sisterly nations. Mr. president, since Kuwait's independence, our foreign policy was based on firm principles, namely moderation and balance, and a firm commitment to the charter of the United Nations and International law, and on support for multilateralism and the belief that dialogue and the peaceful settlement of disputes are the best means to maintain international peace and security. The State of Kuwait also believes in a complementary relationship between security and development. There can be no security without development and no development without security.
We seek equal rights. We assume the responsibility, accept the responsibility that comes with it. But Iran, during her prideful history, has learned the following lesson: a world without power is dangerous, but a world that only understands the language of war and bullyism will not be safe. When we seek to have agendas to implement that only adhere to the benefits of a few privileged, we will have a world in disarray. But we see that this will become a world much more dangerous for all of us. We must not allow the 21st century to go back to an era of only the powerful and the bullying powers and the hegemons. We must not build a world in which military power replaces legitimacy, terrorism replaces politics and negotiations, and war replaces dialogue and diplomacy. Iran extends her hand towards the world. We invite the world. We call the world, not out of weakness, but out of a deep belief in our own power and steadfastness, to cooperate and collaborate. Because of a deep belief that no one in this region will have security alone. Either we will build it together, or we will have to live under insecurity together. We seek to think about a world future in which security, fairness, justice, human dignity will become unalienable rights for all people, for all humans. A future in which no people are driven to the sidelines, no voice is lost in the chaos of power, and no power will have the right to determine the future of a people other than those people themselves. If we truly seek to have an order based on international law and standards, it must be based in justice, common human will, uplifting human dignity. Because a peace that does not encompass all is no peace, and fairness and justice that does not embrace all is not worthy of being called justice and fairness. But going back to the words of the President of the United States yesterday shows those who are experts in international law and dialogue and diplomacy and basic human standards that everything other about our country goes against the very essence and Charter and the spirit of the United Nations. He must know that the resistance of the Iranian people will only increase in the face of sanctions, increased pressure, increased bullying. We will never bow our head or bend at the knee. Iran must be understood by Mr. Trump and those who seek to bully us that we are ready for dialogue and diplomacy and negotiations without accepting the language of force.
President, Liechtenstein joined the United Nations 36 years ago as its 160th member. We did so driven by the conviction that we, as one of the smallest members of the international community, should be part of the most important conversation on global governance, with the participation of all states, big or small, in developing international norms and standards, and also in upholding respect for them. Sovereignty was a key theme of our domestic discussions, resulting in our UN membership. We joined out of enlightened self-interest the belief that we need the UN to secure respect for our sovereignty through upholding international law as the basis for our security and prosperity. To this end, we also decided to make our own contribution to make best use of the opportunity offered to us as a small state, to be an active part of the biggest peace project in the history of humankind. President, our belief in the United Nations remains steadfast. This is the place where we can make our voice heard, where we can put ideas forward, and where we can gather to try to solve the issues that affect us all. We have greatly benefited from our membership, and the UN has consistently been a key platform for our foreign policy. Our membership has consistently enjoyed high levels of support in our population. But today we also find ourselves in a moment where instability and uncertainty dominate the conversation. Our organization no longer seems able to deliver on the key promises of the UN Charter to save future generations from the scourge of war. It can no longer count on the unconditional support of its most powerful members for the guiding rules of international law. It is increasingly ignored or sidelined in efforts to address both the traditional and new challenges, such as the regulation of artificial intelligence. It is permanently squeezed financially. Legal obligations to pay are turned into tools to exercise political leverage. As a result the United Nations has moved down the foreign policy agenda, even of states who have a strong history of supporting it. We can no longer take it for granted that our people will continue their strongly positive views of our organization. President. This is the difficult moment in which we find ourselves. But rather than engaging in doomsday scenarios, we have to find the opportunities hidden in the challenge. The overwhelming majority of the states present in this room believe in the United Nations. They want to see positive change for the UN to emerge stronger, more effective, more relevant. But we all have to be prepared to be part of the change that we want to see. Resisting the temptation of collective inertia and of waiting for positive change to happen on its own, will require our active political investment. We are grateful to Secretary-General Guterres for his service to the organization, and for his proposals to adapt the organization to the needs of today. On the basis of his ideas, our delegations here have done good work that will show positive results over time. This is important. It shows that we can come together also during times of deep political division. It is also not enough. The steps we have taken are just the beginning of what we need, a political agreement that combines significant structural change with a reliable financial commitment and firm support for the UN Charter from all. This is also the vision we are looking for in the person that will be appointed as the next Secretary-General. We hope that this decision will come very soon, in order to give the new Secretary-General the time she needs to prepare for this most unique of jobs. And we remain convinced that having a woman at the helm of the United Nations is long overdue for an organization that prides itself on its role in gender equality. President. At its core, the United Nations is a peace organization.
Nevertheless, this protection is today under assault. Rearmament is accelerating throughout the world. We are seeing the use of force once again as being another political tool for some. Trade is breaking down and we are seeing a race to capture critical resources. The private sector is also part of these power relations. We are now in the era of the geo economy, and this is fertile ground for disinformation, which undermines people's trust in their institutions and leads them to question verifiable facts. Our belief has never been tried to such an extent since 1945 in Ukraine, the Middle East, Sudan, the Sahel in many other places out of the media spotlight. Civilians are paying the price for conflicts which have discarded the most basic rules of humanity. And never, since 1945 has the very legitimacy of states and multilateral bodies such as the UN, been called into question to such an extent. Given this danger, let us recall our mission. In the words of Dag Hammarskjöld, the second Secretary-General of the UN: The UN was not created to take mankind to heaven, but to save humanity from hell. That is the exact scope of our task, and that is why we do not have the right to give up. First in Ukraine for almost five years, a permanent member of the Security Council has been waging a war of aggression against a sovereign state in flagrant violation of the charter. From the very outset, Monaco condemned this aggression unambiguously and unreservedly. We voted in favour of all of the General Assembly's resolutions calling and demanding for Russian forces to withdraw. We took all restrictive measures aligned with EU measures, and we also provided our humanitarian support to the Ukrainian people and hosted people displaced by the war. Our support is unwavering and it will remain so. Monaco will never recognize any annexation of territory obtained through force. Allowing this for one state would be tantamount to allowing it for all. The principality welcomes the ongoing diplomatic efforts and hopes that they will lead to fair, comprehensive, lasting peace, respecting Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity. Next to the Middle East, Monaco was greatly relieved by the cease fire, which entered into force in Gaza, and the fact that the hostages were freed. Nothing can ever justify the acts of terror of the 7th of October, but nor can anything justify the price paid by the civilians in Gaza. The principality calls on all parties to strengthen the fragile ceasefire and to respect every stage of it, ensuring full, safe, unhindered humanitarian access. We support efforts to rebuild Gaza, and we are concerned about the ongoing violence in the West Bank, in the occupied territories which ride roughshod over human rights and dishonor democratic values. Our belief remains the same. The only viable option is the two state solution Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace and security, within safe and recognized borders. Any policy that makes that scenario less likely through settlement building, or sowing terror makes peace less likely too. In Lebanon, too, Monaco supports de-escalation efforts and calls on all parties to fulfil their commitments, first and foremost Security Council Resolution 1701. The people of Lebanon have the right to a fully sovereign state in peace throughout its territory. In the Persian Gulf, finally, tensions around Iran remain a source of deep concern. Monaco pays tribute to all the civilian victims of the conflict and reiterates its solidarity with the countries of the Gulf who have been affected by the attacks. Here again, only negotiations can lead to a global agreement on the Iranian nuclear program and will prevent further escalation. Above and beyond these crises, Monaco will continue to contribute to international cooperation focused on the least developed countries through its support to the International Committee of the Red Cross, the High Commissioner for Refugees and the World Food Programme, through development aid geared towards the health, education and empowerment of women and girls. Restoring trust also means changing the organisation itself.
The United Nations, for all its imperfections, remains one of humanity's greatest achievements, a testament to the belief that peace, dignity and progress are best secured when nations work together. At a time when that belief is under strain, it is our shared responsibility to renew it, strengthen it and ensure it endures for generations to come. Thank you very much indeed.
Today, however, these ideas are not only being called into question; they are being attacked by political actors and governments that want to take us back to a dark past. And I don't need to point them out; we all know who they are and what their modus operandi is. They start by questioning the rules, then they break them, knowing full well that nobody will dare to hold them accountable. They cut their contributions to multilateral bodies like this one. They point to their leaders and officials. They obstruct these organizations' ability to act, to then write them off as useless entities that we can do without. What they're doing, nevertheless, is a planned and coordinated demolition attempt that is presented as something that we can't stop and that's necessary. However, the reality is that it runs counter to the structural currents of history and is based on three misguided pillars. The first of these pillars is selfishness, the absurd belief that the world is a zero-sum game, where some winning must imply that others losing. The second pillar is ignorance, disregarding scientific evidence and assuming that there are countries that are so powerful that they can abuse all of the others and they don't need anyone else to prosper. And the third pillar, the worst in my opinion, is cruelty. Cruelty that isn't even moved when it sees the ribs of a starving child or a hospital reduced to rubble. Over these 8 years, I've seen these selfish, ignorant, and cruel forces grow. I've seen how they took off their masks and seized power in many places. And then I saw them start illegal wars, massacre innocent civilians. I've seen them treat millions of human beings like livestock and take away aid from those suffering the most, from poverty and disease. I've seen them pollute the atmosphere and also the ocean as if it's their own property, and conspire to destroy this organization and everything it represents. I'm saying this because bearing witness to these things has changed the way that I understand the world. However, it hasn't led me to lose hope. Because also, over these 8 years, I've seen wonderful things that allow me to still have confidence in humanity. For example, I've seen millions of people mobilized to defend nature, peace, and civil rights. I've seen thousands of activists and public servants confront these reactionary powers, knowing full well that they're putting their professional careers and even their own lives at risk. I've seen scientists make progress that we thought was impossible. And I've seen many governments do things right, opting for cooperation, social justice, and environmental sustainability. All of this has taught me something that I want to share with all of you, and that is that humanity is not intrinsically good or bad. Humanity can actually be both. And every day, every year, and in each and every crisis, we must decide how to act. The United Nations is one of these spaces where these decisions are made at the highest level. And the UN doesn't always do it well. Of course, I myself, on several occasions, have called out the contradictions and lackings of this body. However, with the same belief, I must call out the fact that the majority of the voices that today insist on criticizing the United Nations are not describing its failure; what they're doing is trying to cause its failure. And I must also say that multilateralism is the best tool that humanity has to manage its diversity and its interdependence, especially in a globalized and multipolar world like the world we're living in today. And this is why what we need to do is ramp up our trust in this organization. We must renew it and strengthen it so that this century it can play the same key role that it played last century. And doing this will not be easy. However, the good news is that all of the guidance we need is right here, in the United Nations Charter. In this charter, they wrote the best chapters. Our forefathers wrote it, the men and women who saw the world burn, and even then, they dared to imagine a better future. These men and women laid down their wisdom and their hope in this charter. And they didn't ask us to keep it in a glass case. They asked us to fulfill it. They asked us to defend it, and for us to turn back to it in times of uncertainty and extraordinary difficulty. And today is one of those times. And therefore, it's our duty to rise to the courage and the ambition present in this text, in the United Nations Charter. And this is why, ladies and gentlemen, we need to reform the Security Council so that all of the regions in the world have fair representation, and so that we can do away with the right of veto of the permanent members. Because as the UN Charter sets out, no country should be judged in its own case, no matter how powerful they are. We therefore need to strengthen all of the other main bodies and reorganize the agencies, funds and programs, and provide them with more resources and more executive capacity so that they can have a more decisive impact on the great challenges that beset humanity. We must strengthen bodies like the International Criminal Court so that they can investigate, prosecute, and punish those that break the rules. It took humanity centuries to replace might is right with the rule of law. And we must not be the generation that backtracks on this. It's for this very reason that we must rebuild the nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament architecture to avoid a poorly designed security policy that brings us back to another global conflict. And we must impose strict regulations on the tech oligarchs who control the functioning of social networks and the development of artificial intelligence. Because at the end of the day, the future of our children is more important than the pockets of these tech oligarchs. And of course, doing all of these things will require compromise, time, strong leadership, being able to build agreements, to listen, to look beyond our known reality, and imagine a better alternative. And what I'm advocating for, for this leadership, is very clear. Nine men have served as Secretary-General of this organization in its 80 years of existence.
Instead they are the identity of the Bahraini society and the foundation of our national unity. Thus, we have introduced the initiative adopted by the General Assembly, designating the 28th of January as the International Day of Peaceful Coexistence. His Majesty the King also issued the Kingdom of Bahrain Declaration on Religious Freedom and Freedom of Belief. The King Hamad Global Center for Coexistence and Tolerance was later established, and the King Hamad Award for Coexistence and Tolerance was launched.
My third observation is that a new economic world order is taking shape. Instruments once used for economic integration, such as trade, technology, energy investment and supply chains, have become instruments of geopolitical competition. There was perhaps, at times, a naive belief that interdependence would bring about stability and peace. Now the focus on opportunities has been replaced by the focus on threats. We've entered a world of coercion where dependencies are vulnerabilities. Countries seek choke points that can be weaponized to pressure others. But dependencies are complex. No nation, not even the biggest ones, can go it alone. All coercive actions come at a cost. And even if a mightier state dominates in one domain, a smaller state can respond in another. In the new geopolitical environment, the economic order of the post World War II era is seeking new forms. A new order must be based on a realistic understanding of the power balance in the world. We in the West must acknowledge that the global South and East are an expanding economic and political force. Many nations around the world have made remarkable advances in competence and know how. We should put this collective expertise to work for the global common good. Countries are right to be wary of dangerous dependencies, but our focus on the threats should not lead us to abandon cooperation. We should strive for an economic world order built on institutions and agreements. Multilateralism is also needed in the global economy. Now, this was the first part. It's all good and well to diagnose the problem.
The phrase dare to dream has become perhaps the world's most common motivational phrase, imploring us that all we have to do is have the courage to dream, and those dreams will almost automatically become reality. And yes, we should all indeed dare to dream, to inspire ourselves, to turn hope into achievement, but to turn initial aspirations into sustainable attainment takes something more than just dreams. It takes trust. Trust that by working together, we achieve more than we could ever achieve alone. It is that belief in the power of trust which underpins the values that brought me into public life. It is that belief in the power of trust, even now when it can seem a commodity in all too short supply, that convinces me that ultimately trust will prevail. That ultimately, we as a world will find the courage to dial down the disbelief and crank up the confidence. If we don't. If we don't realise that mutual suspicion can only lead to mutual destruction, if we don't realise that closing our minds to those who don't share our worldview limits our chances of solving the world's biggest problems. If we don't realise that limiting dialogue only to those who are like minded in reality can only drive us further apart, we face a very bleak future indeed. I refuse Malta refuses to believe that such a future is any more inevitable than it is desirable. There is only one simple antidote to the destructive power of suspicion. It is one that may not, as of yet, have appeared on many motivational bumper stickers, but it is one that must be our lodestar. So I say to my fellow leaders, as much as I say to my fellow citizens of this planet, let us dare to trust, dare to realize that even those who we disagree with the most must become a part of the solution, and not a prolonger of pain.
At this critical historical juncture for the United Nations, we look forward with great hope to the selection through the process of electing the new Secretary-General of the most capable and deserving individual to lead the organization with a bold, strategic vision, building upon the efforts of his predecessor and capable of providing practical solutions for the various regions whose peoples continue to suffer the consequences of crises, wars, instability and inequality. A vision that restores hope to future generations for a better future in which the conditions for a dignified life are available to all. Mr. president we meet during this 81st session under the theme Restoring Trust and Managing Transformation a United Nations that delivers for all. This prompts us to ask, how can we restore this trust? And before managing the desired transformation, how can we create the conditions and lay the foundations necessary for it? Our questions stem neither from doubt nor from pessimism, but from a firm conviction that restoring trust requires serious and responsible reflection on the reasons behind its decline. Tunisia's belief in multilateral action is not a product of current circumstances. Rather, it is the continuation of a journey that began before independence, when the national movement brought the cause of the Tunisian people before the United Nations and made the right to self-determination and the recovery of sovereignty, an integral part of the struggle for freedom. Following independence, Tunisia engaged fully within the United Nations to complete the foundations of its sovereignty and to build the modern state, and it succeeded in doing so. Restoring confidence in the organization and in multilateral action requires, in our view, two essential conditions a genuine commitment and a meaningful reform process. First, there must be a sincere determination and responsible commitment by all states to respect international law founded on agreement and the principle of sovereign equality among states, and to uphold the purposes and principles of the UN charter, particularly refraining from the use of force, the settlement of disputes by peaceful means and fulfilling international obligations in good faith. Second, the United Nations must embark on a comprehensive and profound reform process that responds to the transformations that have taken place in the world. This requires, in particular, reconsidering the mechanisms of decision making within the organization to ensure a more balanced and equitable geographical representation, and establishing more effective mechanisms for transparency and accountability, thus reinforcing the confidence of states and peoples in the organisation's ability to respond to the aspirations of all. Unless genuine progress is achieved on these two tracks, collective action will remain hostage to narrow geopolitical calculations, and the gap will continue to widen between the principles we agree upon and the realities we witness on the ground. We may choose either to continue meeting under the idealism of slogans, or to commit ourselves to what can truly achieve development, prosperity and peace for all. If we have the will, we have the capacity. Tunisia welcomes the efforts undertaken within the framework of the UN80 Initiative. We regard these efforts as a true opportunity on which we should build, rather than a final destination in the reform process. We support the three reform tracks proposed by the initiative, provided that they are pursued through an inclusive, consultative process that preserves the intergovernmental nature of the organization and does not undermine the negotiating mandates of member states. Tunisia also believes that addressing the liquidity crisis in the organization requires all states to meet their financial obligations in full. We stress that reform should not result in a reduction of support allocated to developing countries, or to humanitarian missions and development programmes supervised by the organization and specialized agencies. Tunisia, therefore, calls for a fair and balanced approach that safeguards both the effectiveness and credibility of the United Nations. Mr. president.
Mr. president. With a great sense of humility and respect, I address you and the excellencies here in this illustrious hall. More than eight decades ago, the founders of the United Nations understood that no peace built on brute force could stand the test of time. They opted instead for law, cooperation, and dialogue as pillars of a new international order. Today, this conviction is facing one of the toughest tests it has faced since the organization's foundation. The world stands in a period of deep rooted fragmentation. The world is deeply polarized. Armed conflicts are dragging on longer than before. Transnational organized crime is broadening its capacity to act. Its tentacles are growing longer. The effects of climate change are growing ever more intense. Development divides remain, and the technological transformation is posing unprecedented challenges to our institutions. At the same time, trust in multilateralism is waning precisely when we need it most. Standing before this landscape, Costa Rica reaffirms its belief that no state, no state can alone address challenges that are common to us all. Multilateralism is a prerequisite for the preservation of peace, to promote sustainable development and to protect human dignity. However, multilateralism will only preserve its dignity if it proves able to yield tangible results. Specific results for people for human beings. Costa Rica champions a United Nations which is more agile, more efficient, more transparent and more accountable to its member states. Our organization should establish priorities, do away with overlaps, make prudent use of its resources, and measure its results.
For much of my life, I served as a judge in Hungary and at the European Court of Human Rights. That work taught me a simple lesson. The law must apply even to those in power. This belief will guide me as president.
Everyone is being harmed, from Asia to Europe, from Africa to the Americas. No country is immune. They have serious economic and social impact and are already having undesirable consequences for all of us and also for the parties involved. This is a senseless crisis because it's harmful to everyone. We must put an end to this collective masochism, and we must do it quickly to close this chapter, which is a chapter of widespread harm. We all have a duty to learn from the lessons of the crisis of the 1970s and avoid repeating what happened then. We will be judged by how we handle this challenge. On the one hand, it is urgent to put an end to the protracted conflicts and on the other hand, starting now, we must discuss and decide on complementary ways to mitigate the impact of this energy crisis and prevent it from being prolonged. It is my belief that it would also be beneficial to discuss the mechanism by which international oil prices are determined. I do not have a concrete solution which is very complex and difficult, but I wonder if it makes sense for all of us to be so dependent on speculation and the volatility of financial and futures markets, which affect the entire production sector, even when the instability originates only from a portion or a limited period of that production. Excellencies, we also bear the intergenerational responsibility to accelerate the energy transition in order to reduce dependencies and mitigate the effects of climate change. I will share with you that in Portugal, we feel the devastating impacts of climate change firsthand in the increase in forest fires, coastal erosion, and the degradation of marine ecosystems, and also and more frequently in extreme weather events, new such as storms, high winds and flash floods. That is why we take a strategic approach to the energy transition. More than 70% of our energy production comes from renewable sources. We have anticipated our carbon neutrality target to 2045. We maintain close collaboration and continued support for countries that are particularly vulnerable to climate change, and we are investing in innovative solutions, such as agreements to convert debt into green investment. Climate change and freedom of navigation share a common priority of our policy: the sea and ocean. Protecting the marine environment and its biodiversity, combating ocean warming, addressing the threat of sea level rise and ensuring universal freedom of navigation are essential priorities on the ocean agenda, which is an agenda we all have to pay attention to.
Our nations represent a rich tapestry of cultures, languages and political systems. But diversity need not breed division. Guided by our policy of friend to all, an enemy to none, Seychelles believes that our differences can be the dynamic foundation for stronger global cooperation. Let us restore trust through deliberate action by upholding the rule of international law unconditionally by reforming our global governance institutions to reflect today's world, by delivering equitable climate and development finance, and by protecting our shared oceans and climate. Seychelles enters this General Assembly with deep humility, clear conviction and an unshakable belief in the multilateral system. We may be a small nation, but our voice, our sovereignty, and our aspirations will never be measured by our size on a map. Let this 81st session be remembered not for the divisions we inherited, but for the courage, solidarity, and resolve with which we overcame them. Let us restore trust. Let us manage transformation, and together let us build a United Nations that truly delivers for every nation and every human being.
Nevertheless, some of the initiatives we see from the Global South give a beacon of hope that we indeed can attain technological advancement through foresight and leadership. A key point is Ethiopia's initiative of the Five Million Coders program, and the soon-to-be-commissioned University of Artificial Intelligence reaffirms that our continent is ready to build the future. Mr. President, Ethiopia remains steadfast in its belief that the United Nations must be fundamentally reformed to best address the shifting global challenges. The UN reform must reflect our highest aspiration to witness an organization anchored in true equality and justice.
For Kiribati, this is an expression of our belief that even the smallest country can contribute to global peace. For Pacific peoples, the consequences of nuclear weapons are not merely historical. Our region still bears the human and environmental legacy of nuclear testing. As States Parties to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW), we remain committed to advancing the Treaty’s and the humanitarian objectives and establishing an international trust fund for nuclear-weapons victims. As Co-Chairs with Kazakhstan of the recent International Meeting on Victim Assistance and Environmental Remediation, we thank the Secretary-General for convening this important meeting and for keeping the needs of affected communities at the center of our collective efforts. Peace and security must also keep pace with emerging threats in the digital domain.
The world has become accustomed to crisis. Wars are escalating. Major power rivalry is sharpening. The international arms control architecture is under strain. New technologies are transforming societies faster than our institutions can adapt. But perhaps the greatest danger is not any one crisis. It is the growing belief that the international system cannot solve them. This is the trust deficit confronting the UN today, and Malaysia, Mr. president, believes that we must confront it openly and honestly. Trust can only be restored through concrete action when international law means what it says, and when the people of the world can look to this hall and believe that their voices still matter. Mr. president, we must remember that the UN is not merely here for the aftermath of war, but to prevent war from taking place. Yet too often we respond only after disaster has arrived. We count the dead. We deliver supplies. We rebuild what has been destroyed, and then we wait for the next crisis.
But let's ask ourselves a simple question: what if we, as world leaders, would start again following the UN Charter? Would reform even matter if we finally did our best for global peace? Too many conflicts are still driven by the belief that political problems can be solved by force, by changing borders, violating sovereignty, and ignoring international rules. We need to reject this logic. Leadership is not shown by the willingness to escalate. It requires the courage to de-escalate. International rules may sound abstract in this hall, but on the ground, they are very real. They can mean the difference between life and death. When these rules are ignored, civilians suffer. Communities are destroyed. Millions are displaced. Supply chains are disrupted. Prosperity is lost. And there is even a deeper danger: if violence becomes normal for the next generation, diplomacy itself will become harder. What is difficult to solve today may become impossible tomorrow. That is why our most urgent task must be clear: stop the violence, keep diplomacy alive, and prevent today's conflicts from becoming tomorrow's normal. The war in Ukraine, now in its fifth year, continues to bring destruction close to Slovakia's borders. Attacks on civilian areas and critical infrastructure remain unacceptable. A ceasefire is still distant, and lasting peace even further away. We should support every serious diplomatic effort that can help end Russia's war against Ukraine and build a safe future for our neighbor. Our commitment to international law and human dignity cannot stop at Europe's borders. The same basic principles must guide us in the Middle East. International humanitarian law must be respected. Civilians must be protected. Humanitarian aid must reach those who need it, including in Gaza. There can be no justification for terrorism, antisemitism, anti-Muslim hatred, or calls to violence. Israelis and Palestinians both deserve to live in security and dignity. And Slovakia continues to support a negotiated two-state solution, with Israel and an independent Palestinian state living side by side in peace and security. Other conflicts that are currently out of the spotlight must not escape our attention and our efforts to solve them. Take, for example, the civil war in Sudan that has triggered the world's largest humanitarian crisis. Excellencies, the first words of our Charter are: We the peoples of the United Nations. Today we need that sense of shared responsibility again. Armed conflicts have reached levels we have not seen since the Second World War. Civilians continue to pay an unacceptable price. We already have institutions. We already have rules.
Botswana comes to this podium with a power and weight of genuine conviction. When Botswana gained independence in 1966, we carried a founding belief that our security and prosperity would come from disciplined integration into a community of nations governed by rules that all had agreed to honor. We honored our treaty obligations and opened our economy in accordance with the norms of this organization. We regarded compliance with international law as one of Botswana's strongest protections. That is the tradition I bring to this podium, representing a nation staking its existence on the promise that shared rules faithfully observed remain humanity's best instrument for peace and prosperity. That tradition tests whether trust between nations, large and small, can be restored. Mr. President, restoring trust must begin with restoring respect: respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity, and equal dignity of every nation, regardless of its size, wealth, or military power. For smaller states such as Botswana, a rule-based international order is an essential safeguard.
First and foremost requires consistency between what we share here and what we do when the microphones are turned off. The choices that Chad makes, the responsibilities that it shoulders and the sacrifices that it makes, all stem from the belief that multilateralism only has a future if it knows how to reform, if it can correct any imbalances, and if it can be applied, if rather the same principles can be applied to all. Chad remains firmly committed to the ideals that prevailed at the time of the establishment of the United Nations, despite disappointments. We still believe in the force of law against the right to use force. We believe in a more representative organization of the world, as it is now more effective in its work and truly delivering for all. Long live international cooperation. Long live Chad.
It is time to move beyond power politics and establish a new human ethic that transcends divisions of race, color and belief, whilst safeguarding our shared ecosystems. Created in 1945 from the ruins of the Second World War, our organisation was founded to guarantee peace, security and sovereign equality of states in strict respect for international law. Without these principles, it would be little more than an empty forum. Since our last meeting here in September 2025, the genocide in Palestine has continued.
The United Nations was created precisely for a moment such as this. When a challenge is too large for any one nation to address alone. When risks need to be managed to protect people all over the world. And when opportunities need to be exploited in a way that benefits the largest and the smallest, the richest and the poorest member state. But today the United Nations itself is under pressure. There are great powers that believe that they fare better if they ignore the rules enshrined in the UN Charter. The erosion of international law jeopardizes the enormous civilisational progress that the United Nations stands for. The commitment to peace, the principle of sovereign equality of all states, the belief in norms and rules, the conviction of the dignity inherent in every human being. The erosion of these principles may serve the interests of a few who believe themselves powerful enough to survive in a world without norms, or to write their own rules. For us, for the overwhelming majority of the 193 states represented in this General Assembly, this is harmful. We know that the people of this world will pay the price if the respect for international law erodes, and if its institutions are under attack. If this erosion continues, we all stand to lose. But this pressure on the international order does not come from political actors alone. It also comes from the forces of technological revolution. This poses a crucial question how do we enable our international institutions to keep pace with the technologies that are reshaping our world? Faced with this question, it will not be enough to invoke what we still have or once had in the United Nations, nor will it have helped if we ignore its weaknesses. What we need is honesty, realism, and cooperation. Honesty in our analysis, realism in our ambition and cooperation as our method. We must acknowledge that many of the beams of this common house cannot carry the burden we put on them. We must decide which parts of the house do we preserve and which do we rebuild? For this endeavour to succeed, we need the new Secretary-General to lead a profound process of reform. Above all, we must close the gap between what we expect from the United Nations and the capabilities we give to the organization.
Mr. president, Grenada approaches the future with confidence. We recognise the challenges before us, but we also see enormous possibilities. Our Vision 75 embodies our determination to build a stronger, healthier, a more resilient and more prosperous Grenada. Our commitment to the Sustainable Development Goals reflect our belief in shared global progress, and our engagement in this United Nations reflect our conviction that partnership remains one of humanity's greatest sources of strength. But partnership must deliver. So let this assembly send a clear message. Let us restore hope in Haiti. Let us protect children and civilians wherever conflict threatens their lives. Let us choose dialogue over division.
Mr. President at the conclusion of this general debate, we hope that all participating delegations leave with a greater commitment to peace, to development, and to prosperity. This cannot be an imposition or even a negotiation. It must be a mindset. It must be an outlook. It must be a belief. In the lawns outside this building are recorded the powerful words of Mahatma Gandhi. And that should serve as an inspiration for these times. And those words are that there is no way to peace. Peace is the way.
We live in a world with plenty of reasons for pessimism. Moldova chooses something else. Not naive optimism, not the belief that problems disappear if we refuse to see them. The optimism that comes from knowing that our future is still in our hands. For too long, Moldovans were told that our country was too small, too exposed, too divided to choose its own future. We have spent enough time believing that. We know our problems, but we should also know our strength. We are a free country. Our people are humble, work hard and put family first. Our diaspora is spread across the world, but stays close to one another and deeply cares about what happens at home. Only when it comes to vineyards does modesty become a little harder for us. We quietly suspect our wines might just be the best in the world. We have friends across Europe, across Atlantic and far beyond, and we finally have a realistic path to build a country our children should not need to leave in search of opportunity. Moldova may never be a great power, but we have everything it takes to be a great country.
It was achieved through dialogue, through compromise, and through the determination to put the future of the country above division. The United Nations was an important partner in that process. Three decades later, the same belief in dialogue continues to guide our relations with our neighbors. Recent agreements with Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan have helped resolve long standing border issues, and opened a new chapter of cooperation in Central Asia. Borders that once divided us can now connect us. Our experience has strengthened our convictions. Even the most difficult disagreements can be resolved when there is political will, dialogue and mutual respect.
Instability is further exacerbated when competition goes unchecked, commitments are left unfulfilled and international law is applied selectively. An erosion of trust is further impeding efforts at cooperation. What should concern us is not only how the international order is changing, but where the change will take the world. Change is inevitable, for it is part of the objective course of history. However, conflict and confrontation are not inevitable. From our own history, Vietnam understands the cost of war, the value of independence, and the power of reconciliation and cooperation. It is therefore my belief that the theme of this session Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a UN that delivers for all aptly reflects the urgent demands of the time. Distinguished guests. From the losses of the Second World War, humanity created the UN with the aspiration to prevent wars, safeguard peace, promote cooperation, and place relations among nations on the foundation of common principles. Over the past eight decades, despite its limitations, the UN has helped sustain dialogue, advance decolonisation, uphold the right of peoples to self-determination and support development. This must be preserved and carried forward. Our institutions must be reformed to keep pace with the times, while fundamental principles of the UN charter must be respected and reinforced. What we seek is a more equitable, democratic and inclusive international order where every country has a voice and every nation has the opportunity to develop. The mission of our generation is to help shape and manage change so that competition does not turn into confrontation, differences do not lead to conflict, and advances in science and technology do not create new divides. In this spirit, I wish to put forward four key priorities. First, we must restore trust among nations on the basis of respect for the UN charter and international law. The UN charter and International law formed the Foundation for the International Order. They must be respected fully, consistently and without selectivity. All states must respect each other's independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and right to choose their own path of development; refrain from interference in internal affairs and refrain from the threat or use of force inconsistent with the UN charter. Restoring trust does not require countries to erase differences, but rather to manage such differences responsibly. Crisis must be prevented, competition must be kept under control and dialogue must be sustained. Major powers should lead by example in respecting international law, exercising restraint and responsibly addressing common challenges.
Partnerships that deliver when they are needed, formed by the belief that in times of need we must act together. This is the choice to make. We can allow divisions to weaken the institutions we built together, or we can choose to strengthen them. We can allow differences in power to determine whose voice matters, or we can reaffirm the principles on which this organization was founded. For Cyprus, there is no such dilemma. We believe in a United Nations that protects the principle of its Charter and has the capacity to act upon them. We believe in a multilateral system in which every state has both rights and responsibilities. And we believe that small-sized states have a particular role to play, not on the margins of international affairs, but as active participants in shaping our common future. And for the Republic of Cyprus, that means defending the principles on which we depend, contributing to the institutions which we believe, building partnerships for the common good, taking initiatives to create useful synergies, and acting responsibly when we can affect change. Your Excellencies, despite the challenges because of the Turkish occupation, we remain resilient and steadfast in our faith in the multilateral system. Because in the end, the strength of multilateralism is measured by whether every member state believes that its voice matters, its rights are protected, and its contribution has value. That is how we restore trust.
We deeply value this partnership and remain committed to ensuring a strong and enduring United Nations presence in our country, including the establishment of a permanent UN home in Eswatini. Just as partnerships at home are vital, so is inclusive participation on the international stage. Taiwan plays a vital role in global supply chains. It has much to contribute to the international community and can play a highly meaningful role in building a sustainable future for humanity. The United Nations should seek appropriate ways to facilitate Taiwan's substantive participation in UN meetings and activities, enabling it to share its expertise and actively engage with international partners. Mr. President, as we convene at this pivotal moment in the life of the United Nations, let us remember that our differences need not prevent us from finding common ground. The world does not require perfect consensus on every issue. It needs the courage to identify areas where cooperation is possible and the will to act upon them. Let us restore faith in diplomacy and dialogue. Let us reestablish trust in international cooperation and, above all, reaffirm our belief that humanity's shared challenges can be addressed when nations choose cooperation over division. The United Nations must remain a house where every nation, large or small, has a voice and where the sovereignty and dignity of all member states are fully respected. As world leaders, we come here every year to promote dignity, peace, justice, humanity, and cooperation in order to create a better world and we should never give up to fight for it.
Mr. President, Mauritania adopts a balanced approach that covers all our inheritances, be it African, Islamic, Arab and others. We are guided by our foreign policy, underpinned on cooperation, solidarity and the respect of sovereignty and good neighbourliness. Proceeding from the above, we believe that confronting the common challenges necessitates promoting multilateralism. We need concert. The concerted effort of the international community. In a practical translation of such effort. My country, through its participation in the different events and peacekeeping missions, contributes in the peaceful settlement of disputes and promoting cooperation and coordination, both regionally and internationally. This contribution is based in our belief in the need to have durable and just cooperation because no one country, no matter how powerful it was, can stand alone to confront the challenges of such an interconnected world.
A diary that would make its way into the world and inspire millions of people. And I think that one of the reasons people are so inspired by Anne is that she had an unshakable belief in the power of people to turn the tide so that good prevails. She wrote, and I quote, how wonderful it is that nobody needs to wait a single moment before starting to improve the world. And these words are just as powerful and true today. This week is the perfect example of that. And I realize that the United Nations does not carry the most positive associations for everyone. And indeed, there is much that can and must be improved. But let us not forget what lay behind the founding of the United Nations over 80 years ago, the realization that doing nothing had led to the darkest chapters in human history. And we now live in a different time. New generations have arisen, and we face new challenges. But when we look at the world today, we see similar challenges as which preceded the founding of the United Nations. We see that the international legal order is under pressure in more and more places, even though it is a very foundation to our freedom and prosperity. We see the unending human suffering in Gaza, Sudan and so many other places in the world. We see violations of international law and of human rights, which are in stark contrast to the UN's aims. And we see institutions being undermined, institutions that were established to protect people and populations. And we must not be naive about the causes. These constant threats and attempts to dismantle the legal order are fueled by people and groups with their own agenda, an agenda that runs counter to the interests of everyone else. Yes everyone, and even those who don't feel directly threatened because they think it doesn't affect them. Sooner or later, everyone is affected. As we saw in the time before the United Nations. And when major powers chose to pursue only their own interests, it is tempting to respond defensively, but as Mahatma Gandhi, an eye for an eye will only make the whole world blind. And so it is time for us, the global community, to choose to pursue the common interest, not by trying to build an entirely new world order, but simply by working together. And the middle powers must take the lead in fostering such international cooperation. And everyone must be able to participate, including those countries who are currently too often left on the sidelines. It is time that countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America had a fully fledged place not only on the Equal Earth map, but in the real world too. To start with, here in the UN, improved African representation in the Security Council at the very least. Because if we want to preserve the UN for the future, we must change the balance of power in line with the changing times and modernize our institutions. And this means that we must focus on core tasks and stable financing, but also that we must work to protect the multilateral order with all our strength. And because international law either works for everyone or for no one. Take the attempts we've seen to undermine the International Criminal Court, which is based in my country, in my city. This undermines the international legal order as a whole, and that affects us all. This court was established to protect us against impunity. This court was built on the foundations of the Nuremberg and Tokyo trials. In the words of the Nuremberg chief prosecutor, Robert H. Jackson, and I quote one of the greatest tributes that power has ever paid to reason. And now, with the ICC under attack, the writing is truly on the wall. After all, how can you possibly be opposed to prosecuting the very worst crimes? And I believe there can be only one response to say, hands off the ICC and all those other institutions that protect the international legal order.
We need even more multilateralism and even more UN, a stronger UN in defending its principles, more effective in preventing and peacefully settling disputes, more representative in its decision making structures, and closer to the realities of the people. The world needs a UN that strengthens and re-establishes trust. A UN that listens without turning away from the concerns of those people that it serves, who decide without losing sight of those for whom it works and which promises, without forgetting that it needs to keep its promises. International trust cannot be restored just through speeches. It is established through the respect of shared rules. And here we're talking about international law. Unfortunately, we are seeing a worsening of geopolitical tensions and a worrisome return to war at the heart of international relations. Violations of international law and of the United Nations Charter are increasing in number. And the weakness of our responses are akin to a type of tolerance that we seem to be willing to accept. Given this situation, Togo would like to reaffirm its firm belief in international law is not an obstacle to power. It guarantees its legitimacy, its predictability, and its stability. It protects the most vulnerable states and also serves the lasting interests of the most powerful, by preventing uncontrolled clashes by shoring up exchanges, and by establishing trust. Togo thus defends a pragmatic type of multilateralism that transforms commitments into results that scaffolds power dynamics with shared rules and organizes the peaceful coexistence of interests. Mr. president, Togo supports efforts as part of the UN80 Initiative to improve the effectiveness, the coherence and the accountability of our organization.
He said that Chile will continue working fervently and with deep belief in the principles of the UN charter and the fact that they must be tangibly expressed. We believe in human rights, and at that time, in 1945, we had 7 million inhabitants. Today we have 20 million. The world has changed and we have too. But what he said remains relevant. And once again, I say before you that Chile has come back to establish order. With order come freedom returns, trust returns. And it has done. Investment has returned and investment brings work. Chile is getting back on its feet as quickly as it fell. And it's come to say to the world that a country can recover and a country recovers with votes, agreements, laws and results. But I have one more thing to say that is that a future can be built without being held hostage by others decisions. Latin America can be the continent of the coming decade, not because someone gives it permission to be just that, but because we have the desire and the ability to be that country and that continent. We want to lead the path to that goal. Chile is back. Thank you.
The Pact for the Future reminds us of precisely this responsibility: that the decisions we make today must not undermine the possibilities of those who will live with their consequences tomorrow. But future generations should not only be the subject of our decisions. They should have a voice in making them. And Montenegro has heard the call from the young people to move from participation to real influence in decision-making. Young people are not simply beneficiaries of public policy. They are partners in shaping it. And education— education is our most powerful investment in young people— equipping them with knowledge, with critical thinking, with values they need to shape a better world. And this is very personal to me as well. I know what education can make possible. I was born and educated in Montenegro, and it was education, education, which gave me the opportunity to study and work abroad, to learn from other countries, from other institutions, and to ultimately return home to serve my own country. It shaped my belief that the place where a child is born should never define the limits of what that child can become. Coming from a small country, one can sometimes assume that greater size brings greater vision and greater wisdom. But the United Nations reminds us of a simple truth: vision and wisdom are not measured by the size of a country, but by the ideas we bring and the responsibility with which we act upon.
All those who provide them with support, financing or arms must be held accountable. Mr. president, there can be no way to sustain peace and development without effectively addressing the challenge of climate change, which is no longer a future threat. It is already affecting water and food security, as well as the stability of territories, economies and the living conditions of populations. Despite its limited contribution to greenhouse gas emissions, Morocco remains among the countries most vulnerable to the impacts of climate change. Accordingly, in line with the vision of His Majesty King Mohammed VI, may God assist him, the Kingdom has adopted a proactive policy based on the continued construction of dams, the interconnection of water basins, seawater desalination, the reuse of treated wastewater and the rationalization of water resource management, particularly in the agricultural sector. This national effort forms part of an international commitment to climate action. On that basis, the Kingdom has set for the period 2026 2035, a target of reducing greenhouse gas emissions by up to 53% by 2035, while placing adaptation and the strengthening of territorial resilience at the top of its priorities. This effort has extended to the African continent, which suffers from the devastating effects of climate change. The Royal Initiative to establish three African climate commissions for the Congo Basin the Sahel region and the African island states, has generated promising momentum to strengthen African climate action and coordination among the states of the continent in addressing these challenges. However, addressing climate change cannot rely on national efforts alone. It requires the provision of affordable and accessible financing, technology transfer and genuine international solidarity, enabling developing countries to fulfill their responsibilities towards present and future generations alike. Mr. president, Madam President, the Palestinian question remains a constant priority in the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Morocco, based on its belief in the justice of this, that this is a just cause and it is central to achieving peace and stability in the Middle East region.
The old world is dying and the new world struggles to be born. Now is the time of monsters. President, distinguished delegates. These words stem from the Italian philosopher Antonio Gramsci, written in one of Mussolini's prison cells in the 1930s. The monsters he refers to were the dark, political, social and ideological phenomena of his time. Gramsci describes the time of transition, of insecurity and the collapse of hegemonies. His worries were not unwarranted. His era ended with the largest catastrophe of them all the Second World War. Our United Nations was founded by leaders who had lived through two world wars, a devastating economic collapse and the rise of fascism and Nazism. They had experienced firsthand that all nations suffer in war and conflict, and when international cooperation fails. We too are living in turbulent times. Yet at the very moment when we need it most, our United Nations faces its most serious challenge. We see an erosion of respect for international law, a loss of confidence in the merits of cooperation, of financing, and of effectiveness. These are symptoms of the same disease, a growing belief that power matters more than principle. A growing temptation to seek national advantage at the expense of common rules. But history teaches us a simple lesson. When rules are undermined, instability grows. When cooperation weakens, instability spreads. Smaller countries like my own, and in fact, the vast majority of this assembly are particularly dependent on common international rules.
The Comprehensive Peace Agreement of 2005 provided the political framework that transformed struggles, decades of struggles into a peaceful exercise of self-determination. South Sudan therefore, continues to recognise the indispensable contribution of IGAD and the African and our African Union brothers and sisters, as well as the support of the troika, the United States, the United Kingdom and Norway, and the wider international community. South Sudan also remembers the extraordinary contribution of the churches and faith based leaders. During some of the darkest years of the conflict, churches remained with the people of South Sudan. They educated children. They assisted displaced communities. They mediated disputes and kept alive the belief that reconciliation was possible. That tradition continued with the historic ecumenical pilgrimage of peace to South Sudan by His Holiness Pope Francis, the Archbishop of Canterbury and the moderator of the Church of Scotland. Their message reinforced something that South Sudan has learned through painful experience. The message reinforced something that peace requires political agreements, but lasting peace also requires reconciliation, forgiveness and courage. Mr. President, His Excellency President Salva Kiir Mayardit belongs to the generation that carried the struggle of liberation. Following the passing of Dr. John Garang de Mabior, President Kiir assumed the responsibility of safeguarding the Comprehensive Peace agreement and leading the people of South Sudan towards the referendum on self-determination. On January 2011, the people of South Sudan overwhelmingly spoke through the ballot and on the 9th of July 2011, President Kiir stood before the people as the flag of the Republic of South Sudan was raised for the first time. 15 years later, South Sudan has traveled a difficult road. There has been achievements. There also have been setbacks. South Sudan experienced internal conflict shortly after independence. Implementation of the peace agreement has taken longer than that originally intended or anticipated. Economic and humanitarian challenges remain significant. The government does not deny these realities, but neither should these challenges be allowed to erase the progress made or define permanently the identity of the Republic of South Sudan. Throughout the transition period, President Kiir has repeatedly made one commitment clear he will not take South Sudan back to war. This commitment has guided his approach to peace process and remain fundamental to his vision for the next chapter of South Sudan. The mission before President Kiir is therefore different from the mission of the Liberation Years.
This transition should ultimately lead to free and fair elections, in which all Sudanese participate under international and regional observation, allowing our people to determine who governs them at the conclusion of the democratic transition. Sudan has joined the borrowers Platform in recognition of the importance of development financing. We are actively participating in its foundational work in preparation for its first session next October. This is undertaken in support of efforts to implement a roadmap for debt relief. Sudan also seeks to improve relations with international financial institutions, secure the lifting of its temporary suspension from the International Monetary Fund, and establish development partnerships that will enable it to manage the recovery stage. We wish to express our sincere gratitude to the Least Developed Countries Group for the confidence it has placed in us, and for electing us as vice chair of the group's International Coordinating Bureau by consensus. We shall work to advance its development interests and economic recovery and ensure a smooth and secure graduation from this category. In the same spirit, Sudan has been among the first countries to join the Global Alliance for South, South and Triangular Cooperation. This reflects our belief in the importance of strengthening solidarity, mutual benefit and horizontal partnership as an alternative to traditional vertical aid based relations. We hope that our membership will help leverage the considerable influence of this alliance in preparing the country for the post war period, including economic recovery and reconstruction. Mr. president, we reaffirm Sudan's openness to any sincere and constructive effort aimed at ending the war imposed on its people, thereby securing peace, preserving the unity, territorial integrity and political independence of the state and preventing the outbreak of another armed rebellion.
We speak the same language. We speak the same language today that we spoke then. We live in the same land in which our ancestors lived. Then David, Solomon, Isaiah, Jeremiah, that's our land, the land of Israel. Our prophets, our purpose, and our people are unique in history. Our values have inspired humanity for millennia. The belief in one God, the sanctity of life, the rule of law, our eternal quest for peace, our eternal quest for justice. It is these sacred values that propelled us throughout the ages. It is these values that helped us beat the odds of history. The great American writer Mark Twain said it best 125 years ago. He said it well before the rebirth of the modern Jewish state, well before the great victories of Israel's soldiers. Here's what he said. The Jew is made a martyr. The Jew has made a marvelous fight in this world in all the ages, and he has done it with his hands tied behind his back. The Egyptian, the Babylonian and the Persian rose filled the planet with sound and splendor, then faded to Dreamstuff and passed away. Other peoples have sprung up and held their torch high for a time, but it burned out. And they sit in twilight. The Jew saw them all beat them all. And is now what he always was, exhibiting no decadence, no infirmities of age, no weakening of his spirits, no slowing of his energies. Ladies and gentlemen, over the centuries, the tyrannies that tried to destroy us failed time and again. And God willing, they'll continue to fail if we muster our courage. If we steel our resolve, we will continue to win, as the Bible says. Netzach Israel, the eternity of Israel will not falter. And the reason is simple. We have no other choice.
Mongolia welcomes the convening of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly under the theme Restoring Trust Managing Transformation a United Nations that Delivers for all, reaffirming its belief in the central role of the United Nations in fostering mutual trust, mutual respect and cooperation among the nations and peoples of the world. Mongols say if you do your best, fate will do the rest. The United Nations is an organization based on the trust and commitment of each member state, and the UN is strengthened by their dedication and sustained efforts. Therefore, it is incumbent upon us, Member States to uphold the mission of the United Nations with a sincere heart. Rather than simply expecting support and assistance, we must remain deeply conscious of our own responsibilities and duties and dedicate our wholehearted efforts to strengthening the United Nations. It is through trust and hope, dedication and commitment and engagement and participation of every Member State that we can strengthen the United Nations. A stronger United Nations, in turn, will deliver more efficiently towards global peace, security and sustainable development, thereby creating conditions for all Member States to benefit. As the conflicts and confrontations flash across the world, the walls of distrust rise higher and the chasm of misunderstanding grows deeper, it is becoming crucial to shape and develop international relations, not through a form of multipolarity that risks driving the world toward division, but through a multi-pillared principle that respects the pluralism inherent in each nation's history, culture, civilization, core national interests and chosen path of development. Eight centuries ago, our ancestors established the great Pax Mongolica, promoting, for the first time the idea to the world that nations could mutually recognize one another's values, and that peoples of diverse civilizations and faiths could coexist. This historic contribution of the Mongols to the advancement of humankind continues to be recognized by the international community. Let us strengthen multilateral cooperation through the multi-pillar principle, inspired by the ideas of Pax Mongolica, so that we may restore our trust and hope through shared responsibility, reform the United Nations with a common purpose and build a better, more peaceful world through the strength of our collective action. Mr. President, despite the remarkable heights of development and progress humanity has reached, our planet is currently confronted with more than 90 armed conflicts, around 30 of which are international, demonstrating that global peace and security remain unstable and that geopolitical and geostrategic competition continues to intensify. This results in the disruption of global economic supply chains, a rise in the prices of energy, fuel, raw materials and food, as well as economic strains on nations around the world. All of this is weakening the international order established since the Second World War, changing the universally recognized norms of international law and undermining the stability of multilateral relations and cooperation. Mongolia shares the view expressed by United Nations Secretary General Antonio Guterres in his annual report on the work of the organisation that in a world marked by turbulence, division and uncertainty, the United Nations is more necessary than ever. Hence, Mongolia underscores the tangible progress made under Secretary General's UN80 initiative to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of the United Nations in response to the challenges of our time and reaffirms its active support for this initiative. The effectiveness of the United Nations, the decisiveness of its actions, and the ability of nations to unite their efforts will ultimately depend upon us, the Member States. Mongolia is confident that the soon to be appointed Secretary General will steadfastly uphold the principles and purposes of the United Nations and international law, ensure that the voices and positions of all Member States are equally heard and reflected, and provide strong leadership in restoring trust and managing transformation within the UN. Believing that reform of the Security Council should be at the core of broader United Nations reform, Mongolia maintains its principled position in support of expanding the number of both permanent and non-permanent members of the Security Council ensuring equitable representation of developing countries in the Council, and promoting greater openness and transparency in its work. Mongolia is one of the 58 countries that have never served as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. Therefore, Mongolia aspires to actively participate in the work of the Security Council and contribute to finding collective solutions to the problems and challenges facing the international community. In manifestation of this aspiration, I officially announce from this rostrum today that Mongolia is presenting its candidature for a non-permanent seat of the UN Security Council for the term 2048 2049. Mr. President, on behalf of the people of Mongolia, I extend my heartfelt gratitude to the United Nations and its system organizations for their valuable contributions to our country's development and progress and their long standing, constructive cooperation over the 65 years since Mongolia's accession to the United Nations as a full fledged member. Mongolia has been contributing with honor to the efforts on strengthening international peace and security, advancing social and economic development and protecting human rights, the core pillars of the United Nations.
The humanitarian situation in Cuba is heartbreaking. We understand that the U.S. has provided $100 million in emergency humanitarian assistance to Cuba through CARITAS. In keeping with the U.S. humanitarian tradition, and toward creating an environment conducive to normal, long-term Cuba-U.S. relations, trade relations between Cuba and the U.S. and the rest of the world could be improved. Regarding the situation in Israeli-occupied territories: Gaza and West Bank, Timor-Leste, joined with the vast majority of U.N. member states, to reaffirm our belief that the two-state solution is the only viable solution for Israelis to live in peace with themselves and with the Palestinians, and for the Palestinians to live in peace with themselves and with the Israelis. The risks are too high to continue an unstable status quo. The opportunity to better sit before us, and the choice is an international order: falling to pieces or rising to peace. Regarding Western Sahara, we welcome the Moroccan proposal and the recent Security Council resolution as an opportunity for dialogue. As with any situation of this nature, the people directly interested must be consulted on the future status. We hope that a just, comprehensive settlement is reached between Moroccan authorities and the Polisario Front. Excellencies, please take some time to look at the situation in Sudan, the worst humanitarian crisis in the world today. Look at the situation in South Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo, Afghanistan, Myanmar, Yemen.
