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Madam president, first let us turn our attention to escalating international tensions. The situation in the Middle East has been growing increasingly tense and free and safe navigation is increasingly under challenge in the Strait of Hormuz, which is an international public good. Japan, in cooperation with the international community, has been continuing to engage in diplomatic efforts with a view to achieving an early de-escalation of the situation across the Middle East. Furthermore, supply concerns regarding fuel, chemical products and medical supplies are causing significant impact on people's lives and business operations. Due to disruptions in the supply of fertilizers, the risk of food crisis is mounting, with Africa and Asia being hit particularly hard.
Mr. president, we express our country's grave concern as the world continues its slide toward uncertainty and division. The erosion of trust among nations is rapidly reshaping the international order. Our collective inability to prevent conflicts, our collective indifference toward humanitarian crisis, and our collective reluctance to seek common solutions to shared challenges are all becoming normalised. Trust cannot be restored when international law is applied selectively and commitments remain unfulfilled. Our response must be grounded in the fundamental values we have affirmed together freedom, equality, justice and respect for human dignity. President Tokayev has repeatedly underscored the indispensable role of the United Nations as a single universal platform, uniquely capable of bringing the states together to address the challenges we face. But to fulfil its potential, UN must be able to act, adapt and deliver. We fully support the UN 80 initiative. The success of the reform should be measured not by what is cut or reorganised, but by whether the United Nations prevents conflicts more effectively, responds more rapidly to crisis and delivers better results for all member states. Central to this renewal is reform of the Security Council. Broader representation of Asia, Africa and Latin America in the Council, as well as greater voice for developing countries and for middle powers, is a moral imperative. Equitable geographical representation must apply throughout the United Nations system as a condition of legitimacy and credibility.
This commitment has also been demonstrated through successful hosting and steering of major global gatherings, including Cop 29, the 13th session of the World Urban Forum, results oriented chairmanship of the Non-Aligned movement, the Organization of Turkic States, and the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia, and Azerbaijan's increasingly active engagement across other international platforms. Azerbaijan's full fledged membership in the Consultative Meeting of Heads of State of Central Asia and the C6 format will enhance our contribution to cooperation and connectivity within the region and beyond. Cop 29 provided a good example of this approach in practice. As host and presidency, Azerbaijan guided negotiations toward ambitious and balanced outcomes while working to ensure that all voices were heard.
And as we mark 80 years of membership to the United Nations. When Thailand joined this organization, the postwar international order was still taking shape. Today, it is being reshaped once again. Many of its old certainties are giving way. But what comes next is not yet settled. We are seeing many transformations taking place. Power is becoming more fragmented. Strategic competition is becoming sharper and international rules are under strain. At the same time, technology is transforming our societies. While climate change is testing our resilience, our institutions, however, are struggling to keep pace. Confidence in our ability to work together is weakening, and that is why this year's theme speaks directly to the task before us. Managing the transformation requires trust. Trust between countries, trust in the rules we share, and trust that our institutions can deliver. But trust cannot be taken for granted. It must be earned. Trust weakens when principles are applied selectively. When. When countries have little say in decisions that shape the future and when promises made in this assembly fail to improve lives beyond it. Rebuilding trust means addressing each of these concerns. We must uphold common principles and consistently, we must give countries a genuine stake in the international system, including a stronger voice for the global South. And we must take shared responsibility for turning commitments into results. Mr. president, the UN's purposes remain as relevant as ever to promote peace and security, human rights and dignity, sustainable development and cooperation among sovereign equals. But we cannot build lasting peace if security is assured for some and denied to others. Universal human rights lose their meaning when applied selectively. Development loses its purpose when prosperity remains in the hands of a few. For Thailand, peace means more than the absence of war. It requires dialogue to settle differences and respect for international law, so that all countries can live with security and dignity. The situation in Palestine continues to demand our attention. It reminds us that the principles we uphold must protect people when they need them the most. That is why humans must be. Human rights must be universal in practice. As a member of Human Rights Council, Thailand believes that our work must reach beyond resolutions and make a real difference in people's lives. Development must be people centred and sustainable. Growth must improve people's lives. Today, without closing off the opportunities of tomorrow. Consistent application of principles gives countries the confidence that they will be treated fairly. But that confidence must also extend to how decisions are made. Countries need to know that their voices count. Mr. president, the UN's membership has become nearly universal, but representation has not evolved at the same pace, and international system cannot command trust. If large parts of its membership feel they have too little to say in shaping it. Rebuilding trust requires shared ownership. The United Nations must reflect today's world, not the distribution of power. 80 years ago. And that is why Thailand supports Security Council reform that gives developing countries and underrepresented regions, particularly in the global south, a greater role in decision making. Asia, too, must be better represented. For all its economic weight, Asia must be able to help shape global decisions and carry more responsibility for the outcomes And representation must also mean that women have a meaningful voice in the decisions that shape our common future. They are already at the forefront of this organisation's work, from development to peacekeeping. As the UN considers its next secretary general, maybe it is time that this representation be reflected at the highest level. Representation and effectiveness must advance together. We commend Mr. Secretary General Antonio Guterres for his commitment to reform, including through the UN aid initiative. We stand ready to work with his successor to carry this work forward. Mr. president, having a stronger voice in global institutions means countries working together on the problems closest to them.
The Holy Quran commands: Wa in janahu lis-salmi fajnah laha wa tawakkal ala Allah, innahu huwa as-Sami al-Alim. If the enemy is inclined towards peace, make peace with them. Surah Al-Anfal. Ladies and gentlemen, Pakistan's founding father, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, had famously declared, we stand by the United Nations Charter and will gladly make our full contribution to the peace and prosperity of the world. These pearls of wisdom have shaped Pakistan's national ethos and guided our conduct at home and abroad. The unanimous adoption of resolution 2788 on strengthening mechanisms for peaceful settlement of disputes under Pakistan's UN Security Council presidency demonstrated our unwavering commitment to global peace. Mr. President. Unfortunately, in February this year, conflict engulfed Gulf along with wider Middle East. Precious lives were lost. Economies suffered. Critical maritime routes, particularly the Strait of Hormuz, came under severe pressure. At this critical moment, Pakistan chose to act swiftly. Through concerted efforts, Pakistan successfully brought Washington and Tehran under one roof in Islamabad. From the Islamabad talks to the Islamabad Memorandum of Understanding, many historic steps were taken to bring an end to this serious conflict here. I deeply appreciate Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir, Pakistan's chief of defense forces and chief of the Army staff, whose relentless efforts helped create space for diplomacy under exceptionally difficult and challenging circumstances. I would also like to commend the efforts of our Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar, in this behalf. Regrettably, Mr. President, recently we have witnessed a dangerous surge of hostilities. Yet amid the roar of missiles, drones and guns, the voice for diplomacy must echo even louder and stronger. The Strait of Hormuz and Bab el Mandeb are arteries of the global economy. They must remain open, connecting nations, not becoming choke points of confrontation. These waters must carry the promise of prosperity, not the perils of war. Excellencies, we once again condemn in the strongest possible terms the recent deplorable attacks by the Houthis against the kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The attempted drone attack on the holy city of Makkah Al-Mukarramah has outraged Muslims across the globe. Any threat to the safety and sanctity of the Haramain Sharifain is a red line that must never be crossed. No Muslim can even dare to think of committing such a heinous crime. Pakistan stands in complete solidarity with the brotherly people of Saudi Arabia, as we always have throughout our history. Ladies and gentlemen, our enduring commitment to peace is also reflected by the historic Makkah Joint Defense Agreement among the brotherly countries Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Pakistan. This alliance is not directed against any country. It is a collective commitment for defense, stability and peace in the region and nothing more. Mr. president, a year ago, Pakistan faced external aggression from India under a false pretext. Pakistan exercised its inherent right of self-defense under article 51 of the United Nations Charter. Our brave and valiant armed forces, under the courageous leadership of Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir, responded with precision and professionalism. They silenced the enemy, repulsed its attack, and taught it a lesson it shall never, ever forget. And of course, thanks to President Donald Trump's resolute and visionary leadership that hundreds of millions of lives in South Asia were saved. His timely intervention came at a decisive juncture when two nuclear armed neighbours stood at the brink of an all out war. And who knows, Mr. President, the extent of devastation that could have taken place had President Trump not stepped in at this critical moment with clarity of thought and action? Mr. president, we must therefore ensure that South Asia never reaches that precipice ever again. But this requires a just and fair solution of the Kashmir dispute. For eight decades, the Kashmiri people have waited for the United Nations to fulfill its solemn commitment of a free and impartial plebiscite under its auspices. Generations have endured illegal occupation, arbitrary detention, extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, sexual violence and collective punishment. More recently, there have been attempts to alter the legal status of Jammu and Kashmir through demographic reengineering and other illegal measures. Helpless Kashmiri mothers and fathers yearn for their sons and daughters who never return. Their homes lie silent under curfew and in deep grief. For many, there is no closure, only a lifetime spent searching for graves that bear no names. Mr. president, from this podium, I assure my Kashmiri brothers and sisters with fullest authority at my command that we shall continue to extend our full diplomatic, political and moral support to them till they are granted their inalienable right to self-determination. Kashmir has and always will be Pakistan's jugular vein. Excellencies, another foundation of stability in South Asia is now under strain. The shared waters of the Indus River system are the lifeblood not only for the people of Pakistan, but for the entire region. India's unilateral decision to hold the existing treaty in abeyance has no legal basis whatsoever. In fact, both its claims and actions have been rejected by UN experts and more recently by the Court of Arbitration. Our legitimate stand that the treaty remains valid, binding and fully operative has been vindicated beyond any doubt. Ladies and gentlemen, water must never be weaponised. Rivers should nourish nations, not divide them. Therefore, any attempt to stop, impede or divert Pakistan's share of the waters will be treated as an act of war. India. India. India must make no mistake about it. Ladies and gentlemen, for generations, Palestinians, particularly women, children and the elderly have been subjected to occupation, eviction, suffering and death. Last year, Mr. President, I had shared with you the heart wrenching story of Hind Rajab, an innocent Palestinian girl who was brutally shot by Israeli soldiers. This year, another tragedy weighs heavy on our hearts, your hearts and the world's heart. This time it is the deafening cries of the sobbing mother of eight year old Wafaa Akila, who embraced martyrdom in this senseless aggression. What should have been the first day of her school, alas, became the last day of her life. Does not a child born in Gaza deserve the same life and the same future and same dream as a child, anywhere else in the world? The tragedies of Rajab, Wafaa Akila and countless others will echo through history as an indictment of our collective silence, failure, and inaction. Excellencies, it is deeply worrying that Israeli violence has now spread to the West Bank where the forcible eviction of Palestinians clearly reflects Israel's genocidal agenda, which continues unabated. Pakistan believes that the only just and lasting solution is the creation of an independent, sovereign, viable and contiguous state of Palestine, based on the pre 1967 borders, with Al-Quds Al-Sharif as its capital. Ladies and gentlemen, we also condemn continued Israeli aggression against Lebanon and Syria. This, too, must stop immediately. Ladies and gentlemen, terrorism remains one of the greatest threats to international peace and security.
Ladies and gentlemen, until recently, Central Asia was often mentioned against the backdrop of unresolved border disputes, water resource management issues, and many other conflicts. Thanks to the initiative of the President of Uzbekistan and the political will of the Central Asian heads of state, the situation and atmosphere in the region have completely changed. We began to view each other as partners, not as sources of threat. The same is true of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev's approach to the Afghan issue. Viewing Afghanistan solely as a source of danger will not solve the problem, nor is it a way out to leave multi-ethnic Afghan people alone with their problems. They must be given hope and confidence to achieve a peaceful life. Dear friends, the reforms being implemented by the head of Uzbekistan are primarily based on the criterion of whether people's lives are improving. We measure the results by this very criterion.
End of quote. The implementation of the TRIPP project is thus becoming reality with tangible steps. The Framework Agreement on Strategic Cooperation on the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity Project signed between Armenia and the United States of America, will soon be ratified by the National Assembly of the Republic of Armenia. We are currently working with the United States Government to establish the TRIPP Development Company and to sign a shareholders agreement. Accordingly, Armenia will initially have a 26% stake in the TRIPP Development Company, and the United States will have a 74% stake. The agreement provides that in the event of its extension, in the 50th year, the Republic of Armenia's share will become 49% without additional investment. One of the practical expressions of the TRIPP project will be the implementation of paragraph three of the Peace Declaration adopted by me and the President of Azerbaijan on August 8th, 2025, and signed by the United States President as a witness. Paragraph three of that declaration reads, quote, we reaffirmed the importance of the opening of communications between the two countries, meaning Armenia and Azerbaijan for intra-state, bilateral and international transportation for the promotion of peace, stability and prosperity in the region and its neighborhood on the basis of respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and the jurisdiction of states. These efforts are to include unimpeded connectivity between the main part of the Republic of Azerbaijan and its Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic, through the territory of the Republic of Armenia, with reciprocal benefits for international and intrastate connectivity for the Republic of Armenia. End of quote. The implementation of the TRIPP project will be of historic importance for the Republic of Armenia. For the first time since the early 90s, Armenia will get railway connection with Azerbaijan and thus also with Russia, Central Asia and China. However, it should be emphasized that after the peace summit on August 8th, 2025, Azerbaijan opened its railway to Armenia and now we have a railway connection with Azerbaijan via the territory of Georgia. The implementation of the TRIPP project will create a direct railway connection between Armenia and Azerbaijan, as well as a railway connection from Azerbaijan to Azerbaijan via the territory of Armenia and from Armenia to Armenia via the territory of Azerbaijan. Because Armenia does not have a railway connection between its northern and southern regions, and in practice this is possible only via the territory of the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic of the Republic of Azerbaijan. While Azerbaijan does not have a railway connection with its Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic, and this is in practice possible only via the territory of Armenia. In the near future, we will restore the railway sections of Meghri and Yeraskh in the Republic of Armenia, which existed during the Soviet Union and were later destroyed, and the railway connections I mentioned will be opened. But this will also have huge international significance because, in parallel with the construction of the aforementioned railways, we are waiting for the opening of the Armenia-Turkey railway. Together with the TRIPP project, this could become one of the most important events in the field of international logistics in recent decades because thus, a new railway connection will be opened between China, Central Asia, Turkey and the European Union. All this opens up another crucial opportunity for international logistics, because the restoration of the railway connection between Armenia and the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic of the Republic of Azerbaijan restores the railway connection also between the Persian Gulf and the Black Sea. This is an important nuance because it shows why and how the implementation of the TRIPP project promises great benefits to all countries in our region. And these potential benefits can thus become a cornerstone of long-term stability and peace, especially between Armenia and Azerbaijan. After almost 35 years of conflict, we are now discussing issues of building pipelines, power lines and roads in addition to the east-west railway within the framework of the TRIPP project. And this will enable not only the Republic of Armenia, but also the entire South Caucasus to become a Crossroads of Peace.
As you are all aware, last year the international community marked the 80th anniversary of the United Nations. For 80 years, this unique global organization has been standing at the forefront of safeguarding peace, security and development. Although our organization brings together all countries of the world and serves as the principal platform for international cooperation, Wars and tensions still persist in various regions. Armed conflicts and humanitarian crises in different parts of the world, including Ukraine, Iran, Sudan and Palestine, demonstrate the complexity of the current international environment and require all of us to work together to strengthen peace, security and sustainable development. Kyrgyzstan is a country that believes in the power of dialogue and the peaceful settlement of conflicts. Our country stands ready to serve as a mediator in addressing complex and contentious issues. In recent years, Central Asia has clearly demonstrated to the world its ability to resolve complex inter-state issues peacefully.
As an integral part of Europe, our country plays a significant role in ensuring the welfare and security of the European continent. The NATO Ankara summit, which we successfully hosted in July, was a concrete manifestation of our commitment to our common security. A Europe that excludes Turkey from its security architecture cannot. And let me say this clearly it cannot possibly be stronger or safer. We are shaping our future with the European Union precisely through this strategic vision, and we expect the same vision from the European Union as well. The Balkans is a region with which we have strong historical cultural and human ties. Within the Balkans Peace Platform, we are taking joint steps to deepen our cooperation with them, and our position on the South Caucasus is also quite clear. Namely, we hope for the establishment of lasting peace between Azerbaijan and Armenia. We commend and support the commitment to a solution demonstrated by President Aliyev and Prime Minister Pashinyan. We are also advancing with determination the normalization process between our country and Armenia. I would also like to express with pleasure the following. The Organization of Turkic States has become an exemplary model of regional cooperation that is growing in strength year by year. The 13th Leader Summit, to be held in Ankara on the 30th of October, will, we hope, open new doors and new horizons for the organization. The fourth Turkey Africa Partnership Summit, which we will organize in Libya in December, symbolizes the institutional partnership we have been building for more than two decades now. In South Asia, it is important that all disputes, including the Kashmir issue, be addressed through dialogue within the framework of the United Nations Charter and of relevant resolutions. Provided that constructive action is taken, all issues can possibly be resolved, and the same Applies to tensions on the African continent also. We fully support efforts for a ceasefire and for lasting peace in Sudan, as well as efforts to strengthen security, development and institutional capacity in Somalia. Meanwhile, maintaining stability and tranquility in Libya is our priority. It is imperative that the ongoing reconciliation process is led and owned by Libyans themselves. As Turkey, we continue to support the success of this process. Now, also through our Asia Anew Initiative, we continue to strengthen our relations with our partners in the Asia Pacific region. We regard the elevation of our relations with ASEAN to the level of dialogue partnership as a concrete outcome of this approach. Likewise, we are developing our relations with the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean on the basis of mutual respect, partnership and a win win approach.
It must reach the people living in our occupied historic regions as well, who remain and will always remain part of our shared future. The challenges facing our country also remind us that national stability and success cannot be separated from the wider regional context We believe that the South Caucasus should not be defined by the divisions of the past. We have consistently sought to act as an honest broker in regional initiatives, fostering cooperation and contributing to peaceful solutions. Today, we see a genuine opportunity to turn a new page and build a more peaceful and interconnected region based on shared commitment to a better future. This spirit of cooperation must also translate into tangible economic opportunities for the region. As an integral part of the South Caucasus and the middle corridor. Georgia is well positioned to strengthen connectivity between Central Asia and Europe. Our strategic location and direct access to the Black Sea facilitate trade and investment linking landlocked countries in our wider region to global supply chains.
We witness geopolitical instability in Europe, the Middle East and elsewhere. It is made worse by growing nuclear ambitions in the Middle East and Asia, as well as the irresponsible transfer of military related goods, dual use items and sensitive technologies. In recent months, Iran has continued attacking neighboring countries, often through its proxies, while actively impairing the freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz. These actions constitute a serious threat to regional and international peace and security. We reaffirm our full solidarity with the Gulf Cooperation Council countries and Jordan. We call on Iran to halt its nuclear and missile programs, as well as its collaboration with armed groups across the Middle East. Lithuania commends all efforts to find a solution ensuring freedom of navigation. We will contribute with our demining capabilities to the international maritime missions in the Strait of Hormuz. As regards the situation in the Gaza Strip, my country supports international efforts to maintain and consolidate the cease fire. The Comprehensive plan to end the Gaza conflict, including the deployment of the Temporary International Stabilisation Force, provides the guidelines to follow. Lithuania reiterates the importance of full demilitarization of non-state armed groups. Humanitarian aid must also be allowed to reach those in need safely and without obstruction. To this day, the two state solution remains the only way towards a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. In this light, it is crucially important to abstain from any further actions incompatible with a credible political process. Ladies and gentlemen, the one conflict that poses the greatest threat to the world order is Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine, supported by its proxies. In the 12 years since the illegal occupation of Crimea, Russia has escalated from clandestine operations and limited warfare in eastern Ukraine to massive military operations, mass killings and ultimately the largest drone attacks against civilian infrastructure the world has ever seen. The current stage of the war, which began with the full scale invasion in February 2022, has already lasted longer than the First World War. In the last 55 months, Russia has suffered 1.5 million military casualties. In the last year, it has gained 0.3% of Ukraine's territory, at the cost of over 400 000 soldiers killed and wounded. Yet all these enormous efforts, all that blood and tears, basically came to nothing. Ukraine is still standing proudly as an independent state. The Ukrainian language, culture and national identity are alive and thriving. In all but name, Russia has already lost the war. Yet its leadership does not allow itself to admit defeat, fearing international legal accountability and possible revenge from its own people. As inevitable approaches, the stakes get higher and the Kremlin regime increasingly finds itself cornered. How much more Ukrainian civilian lives will be sacrificed on Russia's war altar? How many people will be tortured, sexually assaulted thrown into dark dungeons, never to see the sunlight again? How many children will be illegally separated from their parents and sent to Russia to suffer indoctrination? We do not know the answers, yet we must all feel the deep pain brought by this brutal and pointless war. And we all should join our forces to draw Ukraine's victory closer, for it is only Ukraine's final victory safeguarding its sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity that could ensure the global peace, security and credibility of the United Nations Charter. What we can not allow is the brute force prevailing over international law. We cannot tolerate any longer Moscow's colonial aspirations, which undermine global food security and driving up food prices. Russia's imperial ambitions reach far into Europe, Africa and Asia. No country should consider itself immune from this threat. Naturally, Lithuania witnesses many dangers up close. In recent months, Russia's war of aggression has led to numerous violations of our airspace by combat drones. Russia has also intensified hybrid attacks, disinformation and sabotage efforts. Where Russia advances, opening Pandora's box of new techniques for destabilisation, other hostile actors follow, learning new skills and ideas.
We have committed fully. Now let me tell you why GMC is built to succeed. Begin with location. GMC sits directly on the border with India, our closest friend and neighbour. The vision enjoys the support of Prime Minister Narendra Modi the government of India and our neighbours across the border in Assam. Beyond that border lies the world's most populous country and one of its largest and fastest growing economies. GMC is also a gateway to the markets of South Asia and Southeast Asia. So GMC begins with what many new cities spend decades trying to acquire access to vast and growing markets, connectivity and in India, a trusted friend. Bhutan brings another advantage one that cannot be bought. Trust. Trust built through peace, political stability, the rule of law and a record for honouring our commitments. For long term investors, trust creates something invaluable. Predictability. Bhutan has spent generations building that trust. GMC puts it to work.
So it's up to the challenges ahead and building beyond multilateralism, with new coalitions and partnerships to address and solve complex problems. As a middle power, Australia is showing leadership and working with others on fresh ideas to tackle the big issues now facing the world in our region, the Indo Pacific. We are elevating relationships that help to build sovereign capability and offer nations sovereign choice free from coercion, so that our partners can address the big issues confronting them. Economic security, human development, energy security, transnational crime, sovereign capabilities, trade and investment, and science and technology. Whether it's our support for our Pacific family, our partnerships in South East Asia the elevation of our relationships with Japan, India and the Republic of Korea, or the deepening of our partnerships with Europe and Canada. This is our approach. We seek to amplify the voices of small and mid-sized states to ensure council decisions are informed by the widest possible perspectives. Working strongly together on issues that matter to us, to them, and to the world. Listening. Partnering. Protecting. We are developing these new partnerships while continuing to work closely with our principal ally, the United States, and our major trading partner in China.
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General and distinguished delegates when it comes to peace on the Korean Peninsula, the Republic of Korea knows firsthand the change that the United Nations has brought about. 35 years ago, the two Koreas were admitted to the UN as members on this very stage. It was a crucial turning point that laid the foundation for peaceful co-existence, freeing us from the relentless rivalry and confrontation that followed our division. One year ago, I stated from this stage that the Republic of Korea would begin a new journey toward peaceful coexistence and shared growth on the Korean Peninsula. Today, as we set out on this new journey, I would like to present to the international community the three blueprints for the road to peaceful coexistence on the Korean Peninsula. First is inclusive peaceful coexistence built on mutual respect. Based on the respect for each other's systems and acknowledgment of our differences, we will explore ways for shared growth through cooperation. We will continue to respect the North on the international stage and seek cooperation wherever possible. We hope that opportunities will emerge for us to work together in the international community in areas such as public health, disaster response and the climate crisis. Second is stable, peaceful coexistence that renders conflict unnecessary. We will work to institute mechanisms for preventing crisis and managing conflicts. Reestablishing basic channels of communication, and building trust will be the first step toward a stable, peaceful coexistence. Third is responsible peaceful coexistence contributing to world peace. We will go beyond building a Korean Peninsula free from war and nuclear weapons to promoting stability and cooperation in Northeast Asia, while actively contributing to global efforts to build a world free from war and conflict. The most critical task is to bring an end to this decades old war on the Korean Peninsula and establish a lasting peace regime. For decades, the two Koreas, along with key countries such as the US and China, have recognized the need for a peace regime on the Korean Peninsula and discussed ways to achieve it. Fortunately, President Trump's resolve has recently created a hard won opportunity for change. I hope the long suspended dialogue between North Korea and the US can resume without delay. We will lay the groundwork for this to develop into a dialogue among the parties aimed at ending the war on the Korean Peninsula and transitioning to a peace regime. I am confident that the dialogue for establishing a peace regime on the Korean Peninsula can provide a valuable framework, not only for normalizing relations among the parties concerned, but also for fostering shared growth through multilateral cooperation and promoting stability and cooperation in Northeast Asia.
Instability being experienced in various regions of our continent is a direct consequence of that stance, as it can be seen in the conflicts currently unfolding in Europe, in the Middle East, in the Persian Gulf and in Africa, while tensions is mounting in the Asia-Pacific region. From what we have observed, we do not discern encouraging signs regarding the likelihood of reaching any peace agreement in the near future in the wars between Russia and Ukraine, in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the Middle East, and in the Persian Gulf. We condemned the genocide against defenseless population, the elderly, women, children, bedridden patients, health professionals, journalists and workers of international humanitarian organizations who are often deprived of access to most basic human rights and to essential goods for life, such as water, food and medicines. The expulsion of Palestinians from their homes and lands through expansion of Jewish settlements in the West Bank must elicit the strongest international outrage and condemnation. Attempts to dominate entire countries and regions of the globe by force of arms, are leading the world towards a catastrophe. The food security and energy and humanitarian situation of countries and the world in general, has deteriorated considerably following the outbreak of wars against Ukraine and more recently against Iran. The toll of these wars is disastrous, judging by the consequences arising from the strangulation of freedom of maritime navigation through the Strait of Hormuz and Bab al-Mandab, a situation that has created serious risk of disruption to logistic supply chains in general, and to food and energy supply chains in particular, with devastating effects on the most vulnerable countries. Today, we live in an environment of global anarchy in which the use of force prevails over the force of reason and law in blatant opposition to the norms governing international relations.
It seeks to uphold the basic tenets of the international order. My second observation is that everywhere I travel around the world, I hear the word realignment. Realignment, whether it is in Europe, Africa, the Middle East Asia or the Americas, nations are seeking new alliances and partnerships. This is a logical consequence in times of uncertainty and transformation. You seek security where you can get it. We're seeing an intensification of regional integration, akin to what we saw in the immediate aftermath of World War Two. Regional organizations like the African Union, Gulf Cooperation Council Mercosur, ASEAN or the EU build trust. When integration is not feasible, other forms of cooperation can prove essential. We Finns are happy to point out that the historic signing of the Helsinki Final Act in 1975. It brought together 35 nations in the midst of the Cold War, and laid the foundations for what would later become the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. Why do I give this example? Because at the time there was no trust. There were deep disagreements and outright hostility, yet there was room for a process that reduced tensions and built common ground. I believe regions such as the Middle East where conflicts are raging today, may consider something similar.
Today, we Mongols aim to share with the world our cultural heritage and the traditional knowledge and experiences gained from living in harmony with nature, thereby contributing to enhanced adaptation and resilience to climate change. Mr. President, Mongolia consistently adheres to the principle of resolving any conflicts through diplomacy and multilateral dialogue, while maintaining longstanding, friendly relations with the countries of the region. Building on this distinctive advantage, Mongolia held the 11th International Conference of the Ulaanbaatar Dialogue on Northeast Asian Security this year. The Ulaanbaatar Dialogue has evolved into a unique platform for strengthening trust and confidence building across Northeast Asia, facilitating multilateral discussions among government delegates and scholars not only on traditional security challenges such as political and disarmament matters, but also on a broad range of issues including energy, infrastructure, connectivity, green development and humanitarian cooperation.
Ladies and gentlemen, this morning on my way to New York, somewhere in the sky over the big and beautiful Atlantic Ocean, I read President Trump's post on Truth Social. The president wrote that Russia has lost control of its diesel oil industry due to its war with Ukraine, and it is hard to imagine a more humiliating loss for a country that has a permanent seat on the UN Security Council and takes so much pride in its oil exports. I quote," A large number of their diesel refineries have been blown up and are at least temporarily out of commission." End of quote. And this is true: Russia messed up. And the conclusion of the post is also right: this ridiculous and never-ending war with Ukraine must be ended. I do not know a single world leader who would say otherwise. I do not know anyone who is openly for this war, except one man. Ladies and gentlemen, for almost 5 years now, Russian generals have been trying to carry out Putin's crazy order to seize our eastern land, the Donetsk region. And just this year, from January through August, the Russian army lost 248,964 people on the battlefield in Ukraine in 8 months. 248,000. Killed and badly wounded. Twenty-one centuries in the world have smaller populations. Twenty-one countries in the world have smaller population than the number of Russian troops lost in just 8 months. We have video confirmation for every one of these losses. And these are not just statistics; it's about people. We have an archive of drone videos, videos showing thousands and thousands of Russians losing their lives in kill zones. It's madness. But they still keep going there to die, because that is what Putin wants. After losing so many people, Russia managed to capture just over 1,000 square kilometers of our land this year, and we have already liberated a significant part of it. Russia is a country that already has 17 million square kilometers of its own land, without any Ukrainian territory, by the way. So to add another 1,000 square kilometers, Putin is paying with 248 people for every kilometer. Does anyone still think that he is reasonable and moderate? His comrade, the leader of North Korea, sent his troops to Russia to support the weak points of the Russian army. The North Koreans also suffered losses. Heavy losses. You probably saw the broadcast from Pyongyang when they honored those who were killed. And this is madness too. Why should Koreans give their lives in a war against Ukraine? Kim Jong-un uses them like currency, and he gets something in return. And North Korea's neighbors and countries across Asia have probably already noticed its improved ballistic missiles and Pyongyang's much greater drone capabilities. So a war that was not prevented in time, was not stopped in time, and for which Russia was not punished in time, keeps spreading and spreads evil with it. Recently, we sent two North Korean prisoners of war to the Republic of Korea. These guys are not easy to capture alive. One of them, when he realized he was going to be taken prisoner, tried to kill himself, and he was shocked that fate didn't let him die. And this is how they raise people in the North. It's reality. They take away their freedom. They take away their right to choose. And they drill into them that they must die, no matter what. Do you really want to give such a force more time to learn how to wage war? This has already been going on for 5 years. And we know that Putin recently once again promised representatives from the American president that he would seize our Donetsk region, and he said he needs just a few more months. This is probably the 17th or 18th time in 5 years that he has made this promise. It's always the same:" just a few, a few more months." And then he moves the deadline, moves again. Putin will fail this time too. But after that, he will once again make it clear to the world that even our Donetsk region is not enough for him. He wants more of our cities: Odesa and Kharkiv, Dnipro and others. Someone in the Kremlin even put up a picture with the words "Own to Kyiv." Russia has claims against our neighbor Moldova. It constantly threatens Poland and the Baltic States. Russia shows no respect for the statehood of the countries of the South Caucasus and Central Asia. And sadly, sadly, people in Syria and across Africa also know very well what Russian killers are. Something always seems to stop Putin from simply saying," That's it. Enough. Peace." Something always stops him from admitting that 17 million, 17 million square kilometers of his own territory, internationally recognized by all of you, should be enough for this man. Putin is always looking for someone who can help him kill more, kill more people for every kilometer of land, take more territory, attack another country, instead of simply stopping and running his own country. After all of this, can you even imagine him without war? He is patient zero. The one from whom this idea of war keeps spreading further. And wherever it spreads, it brings only pain, instability, new risks, and of course new crisis. The more freedom Putin has to act, the more dangerous the world becomes for everyone else. That is why patient zero must be stopped. He must be denied the space to act and the space to spread this evil further. Ladies and gentlemen, last year, speaking here, I said that we are living in a time when weapons decide who survives. And I've said, if a nation wants peace, it must work on strong weapons. Ukraine is doing exactly that. And this is why, for the first time in Russia's history, we now hear that its pride, its oil industry, is running off fumes. But oil itself is not Ukraine's target. Not our target. Not gasoline or diesel. Not factories or ports as such. Our target is Russia's ability to finance this war, to drag it out, to make it more brutal and more destructive. Russia's finances and Russia's production are what must be stopped if Putin is to be stopped. And our great soldiers and our weapons are working for this, only for this. The world's support for Ukraine helps us do it. And I am grateful to everyone, to every country that stands with us, stands with Ukraine, and helps our people.
Ladies and gentlemen, heads of state and government, our recent experience permits me respectfully to state a certitude: when governance models are tailored to reflect the historical, social, and cultural realities of each nation, rather than haphazardly being imposed, that is when development accelerates. Let us consider Asia. Let us consider certain nations in the Middle East. They did not wait for an external model to be endorsed in order to become prosperous. They drew inspiration from the universal experience while at the same time tailoring that to their national brilliance. In one generation they managed to achieve what others spent a century attaining. Africa too can embark upon this path. This is not reflective of a rejection of the world, nor rejection of international cooperation.
Everyone is being armed, from Asia to Europe, from Africa to the Americas. No country is immune. They have serious economic and social impact and are already having undesirable consequences for all of us and also for the parties involved. This is a senseless crisis because it's harmful to everyone. We must put an end to this collective masochism, and we must do it quickly to close this chapter, which is a chapter of widespread, widespread harm, we all have a duty to learn from the lessons of the crisis of the 1970s and avoid repeating what happened then. We will be judged by how we handle this challenge. On the one hand, it is urgent to put an end to the protracted conflicts and on the other hand, starting now, we must discuss and decide on complementary ways to mitigate the impact of this energy crisis and prevent its preventing it from being prolonged. It is my belief that it would also be beneficial to discuss the mechanism by which international oil prices are determined.
International law applies everywhere. International humanitarian law applies everywhere and human rights apply everywhere in Ukraine, in the Middle East, in Africa, in Asia or in Latin America. We are well aware that conflicts never remain purely local. They have repercussions on food security, energy markets, immigration development and global stability. We can see that with the war of aggression by Ukraine, Russia on Ukraine, this was a war chosen by Russia the consequences of which are worldwide in scope. This is a devastating aggression on a sovereign state committed by a permanent member of the UN Security Council, the violation of the UN charter and of international law. Attacks by Russia on Ukraine also threaten the security of civilian populations beyond Ukraine's borders, and it is unacceptable that over the last 12 months, Russia has on several occasions threatened the security of several European Union member states. Russia must bring an end to this dangerous escalation, and the international community must do its utmost and use all of the tools available to it to bring an end to this war and to create the conditions for negotiations for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. This war must end. The same goes in the Middle East. We regret the current stalemate in Gaza and more broadly speaking, in Palestine, which is prolonging the suffering of millions of civilians. Despite the momentum towards the end of the conflict that we thought we saw at the end of last year, the European Union and its member states are made a their positions clear. The two state solution is the only one that can ensure lasting peace in the Middle East. With the State of Israel and the State of Palestine independent and living side by side in peace and security. And we also support all of the efforts to find a solution to the conflict in Iran. The cease fire must be fully respected. Freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz must be preserved without conditions and without hindrance. For a lasting solution. It is also necessary that security of the countries in the region be ensured. It is essential that Iran never be allowed to acquire nuclear weapons.
Mr. President, even as we work to restore trust, our world is transforming. Climate change is no longer tomorrow's warning; it is today's drought in Africa, floods in Asia, rising seas in the Pacific, and wildfires in Europe and the Americas. For Botswana, custodian of the Okavango Delta, a UNESCO World Heritage Site, and the Kalahari ecosystem, climate change directly affects livelihoods, water security, and biodiversity. Botswana remains committed to the 30/30 target and the sustainable management of our natural capital.
This same commitment. Um is also being engaged in in our own region in Latin America and the Caribbean. Mexico will continue to work to preserve the nature of the zone of peace that our peoples created for ourselves and to strengthen cooperation in fora such as Celac and the Pacific Alliance. Our regional vocation also explains Mexico's position, the position that we have had for more than six decades, and that solidarity with the people of Cuba rejecting the embargo, and any unilateral measure that is against the UN charter, we will continue to send humanitarian aid to address the most urgent needs of its population, because the fraternity between our nations does not depend on any given situation, uh, in any moment or differences between us. This solidarity is also calling on us to pool our efforts to deal with regional differences on the basis of dialogue and working with one another above and beyond our hemisphere. We are strengthening our links with Asia and Africa, and recently modernized our partnership with the European Union. Uh, confirming the close links between partners. Um, and, um, this doesn't ever mean that, uh we have different distance between other partners either.
In the Asia Pacific, nearly six decades of the ASEAN's development have demonstrated that countries can transform suspicion into trust, confrontation into dialogue, division, into cooperation, and individual strength into collective might. In that spirit, Vietnam remains steadfast in its commitment to resolving disputes, including those in the East Sea by peaceful means in line with international law, particularly the 1982 UNCLOS. Vietnam is resolute in safeguarding its sovereignty, sovereign rights and jurisdiction. The seas and oceans must remain spaces of peace, cooperation, connectivity and sustainable development.
Mr. President, Excellencies, as the UN Secretary-General reminded us a few years ago, the United Nations is a product of hope. Eighty-one years after its birth, that hope is being tested. Technology, including artificial intelligence, is advancing at rapid speed; climate change is reshaping our societies; the international landscape is becoming more complex, more contested, and more unpredictable. The international order is not simply changing; it is being tested in an unprecedented manner. But it is in such times of uncertainty that the foundational values of multilateralism must be protected: international law, the UN Charter, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, the peaceful settlement of disputes, respect for human rights, the equality of states. All these are not principles of the past; they are principles that transcend time, the essential ingredient for the present and for the future. The challenge before us is therefore clear: as the world changes, our institutions must be able to respond to new realities and threats while guided by the painful lessons of history and the vision of the founding fathers of this organization. And this is the essence of the theme of the 81st General Assembly: restoring trust, managing transformation, a United Nation that delivers for all. Ladies and gentlemen, transformation is inevitable. What must remain constant is the UN Charter as our compass. It directs all of us, irrespective of power, size, and leverage. For small-sized countries, the principle of equality of states is fundamental, and it has formed the binding trust between us. We rely on an international system in which sovereignty and territorial integrity are respected. We expect international law, including the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, to be applied consistently. We believe in the peaceful resolution of disputes, and we demand that the rights of every state be protected. These are the integral elements of our collective trust, and this is the code of conduct of Cyprus's diplomatic engagement. And in a rapidly changing world, small-sized states must seek synergies while continuing to pursue strategic autonomy. Preserving trust also requires institutions capable of responding to the world as it is today. The United Nations must therefore continue to evolve. The UNAIDT initiative is an important part of this effort. The Pact for the Future and the 2030 Agenda and its Sustainable Development Goals are also part of the effort to ensure that multilateral cooperation can respond to the needs of our time. This moment of reform also comes as the UN Secretary-General approaches the completion of a decade leading this organization. Cyprus wishes to acknowledge his leadership during a period of extraordinary global developments, his steadfast commitment to multilateralism, and his effort to strengthen and reform the UN. But reforming our structural setup is only part of the answer. What is also needed is a genuine willingness of member states to contribute and protect the multilateral system. After all, states bring different capabilities, experiences, and perspectives. Great powers have scale; smaller states must have persuasion. We cannot compel, but we can coalesce. We cannot dictate outcomes, but together we can help shape them. There is no doubt that the challenges of today require cooperation and partnerships based on the knowledge of regions and of the realities. And the Republic of Cyprus has consistently sought to do exactly that. And of course, it has built the capabilities for it. Our geographical position at the crossroads of Europe, Asia, and Africa places us close to some of the most complex dynamics of our world. At the same time, it gives us the opportunity to actively contribute to address them.
We will not succumb to that. The expansion of warfare will not result in security. One cannot create chaos for the coastal countries seeking naval security. Excellencies, vis-à-vis Palestine, Palestine remains an open wound on the conscience of the international community, and Gaza remains a symbol of the failure of international mechanisms to prevent civilian suffering. For decades, resolutions have been adopted, yet occupation and violence have continued. We cannot speak of peace while ignoring Palestine. Lasting peace in West Asia is impossible without justice for Palestine. As long as occupation, aggression, and injustice persist in the world, resistance will continue. If it is weakened in one form, it will reemerge in others, perhaps stronger still. Gaza, despite relentless killing and widespread devastation, has strengthened the people's faith in resistance. And resistance cannot be destroyed by bombs and siege. This is human nature. If a human being is driven from his or her land, they will resist. If their homes are subjected to bombings and aggression and attacks, they will resist. What other choice do they have? Succome to bullying?
A diary that would make its way into the world and inspire millions of people. And I think that one of the reasons people are so inspired by Anne is that she had an unshakable belief in the power of people to turn the tide so that good prevails. She wrote, and I quote, how wonderful it is that nobody needs to wait a single moment before starting to improve the world. And these words are just as powerful and true today. This week is the perfect example of that. And I realize that the United Nations does not carry the most positive associations for everyone. And indeed, there is much that can and must be improved. But let us not forget what lay behind the founding of the United Nations over 80 years ago. The realization that doing nothing had led to the darkest chapters in human history. And we now live in a different time. New generations have arisen, and we face new challenges. But when we look at the world today, we see similar challenges as which preceded the founding of the United Nations. We see that the international legal order is under pressure in more and more places, even though it is a very foundation to our freedom and prosperity. We see the unending human suffering in Gaza, Sudan and so many other places in the world. We see violations of international law and of human rights, which are in stark contrast to the UN's aims. And we see institutions being undermined, institutions that were established to protect people and populations. And we must not be naive about the causes. These constant threats and attempts to dismantle the legal order are fueled by people and groups with their own agenda, an agenda that runs counter to the interests of everyone else. Yes everyone, and even those who don't feel directly threatened because they think it doesn't affect them sooner or later. Everyone is affected. As we saw in the time before the United Nations and when major powers chose to pursue only their own interests. It is tempting to respond defensively, but as Mahatma Gandhi, an eye for an eye will only make the whole world blind. And so it is time for us, the global community, to choose to pursue the common interest, not by trying to build an entirely new world order, but simply by working together. And the middle powers must take the lead in fostering such international cooperation. And everyone must be able to participate, including those countries who are currently too often left on the sidelines. It is time that countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America had a fully fledged place not only on the Equal Earth map, but in the real world too. To start with, here in the UN, improved African representation in the Security Council at the very least. Because if we want. If we want to preserve the UN for the future, we must change the balance of power in line with the changing times and modernize our institutions. And this means that we must focus on core tasks and stable financing, but also that we must work to protect the multilateral order with all our strength. And because international law either works for everyone or for no one. Take the attempts we've seen to undermine the International Criminal Court, which is based in my country, in my city. This undermines the international legal order as a whole, and that affects us all. This court was established to protect us against impunity. This court was built on the foundations of the Nuremberg and Tokyo trials. In the words of the Nuremberg chief prosecutor, Robert H. Jackson, and I quote one of the greatest tributes that power has ever paid to reason. And now, with the ICC under attack, the writing is truly on the wall. After all, how can you possibly be opposed to prosecuting the very worst crimes? And I believe there can be only one response to say, hands off the ICC and all those other institutions that protect the international legal order.
Saint Lucia believes that a truly inclusive United Nations must ensure that its decision making bodies reflect the world that they serve. Saint Lucia advocates for comprehensive reform of the Security Council to enhance its legitimacy and effectiveness in addressing global challenges, thereby restoring trust and a more inclusive multilateral system. Mr. president, a 21st century United Nations Security Council could have been more successful in its responsibility for international peace and security had it not been anchored in the world of 1945. The prolonged reform process must be concluded quickly and include expanded permanent and non-permanent membership for Africa, the Asia Pacific and Latin America and the Caribbean region. This reform is essential to restore trust in the United Nations and ensure it delivers peace and security for all. Saint Lucia pledges its commitment and dedication to work with like minded nations to achieve the stated reforms. I wish to take this opportunity Mr. President, to thank the outgoing Secretary General, Antonio Guterres, for his sterling service, especially his steadfast solidarity with the Caribbean through the many challenges and disasters our region has faced.
We want African cartographers to contribute. We want European cartographers to contribute. We want Asian cartographers to contribute. We want cartographers from America, from Arab world, Arab region, Pacific and every region in the world to to to contribute. Because the world belongs to all of us and because the way we represent our world should be a conversation open to all. Excellencies. Today, Togo launches an appeal, an appeal to all member states, an appeal to international organizations, an appeal to the scientific community, an appeal to educators, an appeal to innovators, an appeal to the young people of the world. Let us make correct the Map and international laboratory for reflection, refresh and innovation on the representation of our world. Let us transform our this resolution into a program of cooperation. Let us transform an idea into. Into knowledge. Let us transform knowledge into education and let us transform education into greater understanding among the people we say. We know now what we have to do for our our generation. We are not here simply to correct a map. We are here to to help correct a way of seeing, of seeing a way of seeing some things irritated from the past, a way of seeing that can be enriched by. Since a way of seeing that can be rebalanced by our, our knowledge, and ultimately a way of seeing that reminds us of one simple truth we share our planet, we share our humanity, and we must learn to see our common world with greater occurrence, greater justice, and greater understanding. Let us correct the map. Let us broaden our perspective. Let us strengthen our understanding. Excellence. Excellencies, the fact that a resolution called correct the map was adopted here on the 4th of September 2026, will go down in the history books. And we would like the history books to remember. Another thing that thanks to this resolution, the United Nations begun a global dialogue on the way humanity represents itself. Togo stands ready to continue this dialogue And finally, we invite all member states to join us. We invite scientists to guide us. We invite educators to support us. We invite youth to hold us to account, and we invite innovators to help us to build the tools of the future. Correct. The map is not the end of the map. Correct. The map is the beginning of a new way of seeing the world. Thank you for your kind attention.
Attack from reactionary forces that wish to normalize injustices, inequality and underdevelopment or the result of political choices. It is possible to include the poor in the budget and make the rich pay their share. It is necessary to cut privileges and invest in free quality education and health care. There is a legitimate desire for change throughout the world, but change is not the same as going backwards. It's not about taking away rights. It's not about reviving theories of racial supremacy or female subjugation. It's not about recolonizing the global South. Change means moving towards a more participatory future and more achievements. It is about creating and sharing effective public solutions to development. Challenge through a democratic, strong, efficient and capable state. It's about betting on the spirit of solidarity and cooperation with Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean region. Initiatives such as the Global Alliance Against Hunger and Poverty, launched by Brazil and the UN Intergovernmental Panel on Inequalities, launched by South Africa's team.
Chile understands that in a multipolar world, institutional stability is not a luxury, it is a need. For example, we are a pioneer in the energy transition. Chile possesses around a quarter of global lithium reserves, and we are the largest producer of copper on the planet. Chile has a lot of sunlight, the heat of the sun, a long Pacific coast, lakes, rivers, volcanoes that can create vast stores of energy. Chile also has the Strait of Magellan, a crucial alternative route for global trade. Our nation will become the bridge and the port for the bioceanic corridors that will unite America with Asia. This richness, this wealth is not only fortune that we have in our coffers, it brings with it responsibility. Responsibility to you. Chile will never renounce its sovereignty. Neither will it cease to exploit its own minerals. We have our sovereignty, of course, but at the same time, we say that the energy of the future must serve humankind, and energy must not be held hostage by monopolies or actors that do not abide by the rules. Please make no mistake here it is possible to reconcile growth and sustainability. The two are inseparable. Chile understands that environmental protection and economic progress form part of one single development strategy one in which investment and innovation are linchpins when it comes to improving the quality of life of our people. Sustainable development requires robust institutions, clear rules, timely decisions and effective administration able to turn commitments and diagnoses into tangible results for both people and the environment. President, I now wish to turn to a discussion of our continent, Latin America, because I sincerely believe that the coming decade can be ours.
Mr. president, allow me to conclude by returning once more to the theme of this session of the General Assembly, Restoring Trust and Managing Transformation for a United Nations that delivers for all. The truth is that we cannot call on the states of the world to change their conduct, while failing to make the necessary changes within our own organization so that it delivers the results expected of it and regains the trust of the peoples of the world. The reality is that the world has changed profoundly since 1945. The membership of the United Nations has grown nearly fourfold. Colonialism has ended Africa has risen. Asia has been transformed and new powers have emerged. The balance of the global economy has shifted. Yet the basic composition of the Security Council remains captive to a historical moment dating back to the end of the Second World War. Africa and the Arab world cannot remain without permanent representation on the Council, nor can small and medium sized states remain mere spectators to decisions that concern their security and their future. We know that Security Council reform is a complex matter, but the difficulty of reform is no argument against its necessity. Indeed, reform of the United Nations must begin here with the Security Council. For it is the Security Council that bears primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. I therefore once again add Lebanon's voice to that of the majority of the members of our organisation in calling for an expansion of the Security Council that achieves more inclusive and equitable representation. Being realists, we do not call for the abolition of the veto. Rather, we call for restraint in its use in cases of genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and serious violations of international humanitarian law. We insist on reform of the United Nations only because we want it to be more representative, more democratic and more effective organization We want an organisation true to the purposes and principles of its charter, yet ever renewed, so that it may rise to the challenges of our rapidly changing world and meet the aspirations of our peoples and their new generations.
Elsewhere, we are looking to ensure the material, moral, and spiritual recovery of our homeland that has been beset by a devastating natural disaster. I wish to thank all of the countries of America, Europe, Asia, Africa, and the Middle East, as well as the United Nations system as a whole. I wish to thank you all. You provided your solidarity and your support to the Venezuelan people during the darkest hours of our history that we endured as a result of this double earthquake.
Everyone is aware of it. Its name is Venezuela. Before coming to New York, I visited Caracas, despite the fact that the diplomatic relations between Paraguay and Venezuela have been suspended. My decision to visit the Caribbean country, therefore, surprised many, and many people have questioned, sometimes harshly, my decision. I therefore like to use this forum to say it loudly and clearly: I didn't go to Venezuela to legitimize a regime. I did not go there to legitimize or validate anything whatsoever. No, ladies and gentlemen, quite the opposite. Paraguay cherishes democracy, and we believe that the Venezuelan people also deserve democracy. The reason I went to Venezuela is because, for 25 years, South American leaders have issued fine, lyrical rhetoric, resounding statements, and countless slogans on Venezuela. For 25 years, we watched, we waited, and we condemned, from the comfort of this distance, without doing anything for the Venezuelan people. We watched. We talked. But we didn't act. We did nothing. In the meantime, our Venezuelan brothers and sisters suffered. That is why I went to Venezuela a few days ago, to take a second step following the first difficult but extremely important step that was represented by the fall of the dictator Maduro. Because Paraguay can play a useful role in the second step: Venezuela's transition towards a pluralistic democracy. Venezuela is now facing a new reality. Defending our values cannot mean standing indifferent to that reality. That is why Paraguay has opened a channel of dialogue with the Venezuelan authorities and is already taking action towards a Venezuela in which power resides with its one true sovereign, the Venezuelan people. Dialogue doesn't mean abandoning our principles or forgetting the past. It means having the courage to look ahead and to act. We cannot wait for the United States or some northern power to resolve our problems. We have to resolve them ourselves. Venezuela, what I want, is what my own country achieved after 35 years of dictatorship in 1989: a real, lasting democratic transition. I don't want a photo opportunity. I don't want a communiqué. I want, we want, a transition. With institutions, with security, with an economy, and with a people that are once again integrated into the international community and, in our region, integrated into Mercosur. Paraguayan leadership doesn't confuse dialogue with indifference. Dialogue, talking, is one way of standing with the Venezuelan people. It's also a way of jointly combating transnational crime, which knows no borders and which harms our entire region. Today I call on all my Latin American brothers and sisters, but also on these United Nations. Let us come together to help Venezuela, this beautiful country, to reintegrate into the world and achieve a democratic government that respects human rights. To borrow the words of the Latin poet Publius: I am human. Nothing human is alien to me. The suffering of the Venezuelan people is also the suffering of the Paraguayan people. It is the suffering of us all. And what applies to Venezuela applies, perhaps even more so, to Nicaragua, Cuba, and Haiti, countries that have lived for far too long in the darkness of authoritarianism, violence, and sorrow. Let us bring light to these sister nations. For where there are free elections, there is hope. But we mustn't stop at words. We must act. Let us do so. Let us do so together. Of course, problems are not confined to my region. There are problems all around the world. Paraguay is noting with deep concern what is happening in the Persian Gulf when the Strait of Hormuz is closed. It is not the great powers or the wealthiest who pay the price. It is the least protected who pay the price, the most vulnerable among our citizens. Food and energy security, the food and energy security of millions of people, depends on keeping that passage open. Therefore, today I make an urgent appeal for the immediate cessation of attacks, for the full reopening of and freedom of navigation through the Straits of Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb, and a return to negotiations. Human dignity, dear friends, does not change when we move from one continent to another. It is always the same. And it is that human dignity that must guide not only our words but also our actions. Hormuz is the problem we face today. But I wish to tell you here that tomorrow's problem could be far worse, infinitely worse. I'm referring to the ominous clouds gathering over the Indo-Pacific, particularly over the Taiwan Strait. What happens there is not merely a regional matter. No, ladies and gentlemen. It affects Japan, the whole of East and Southeast Asia, and above all, it affects the global economy. It affects the microchips that power industry, defense, and artificial intelligence. Anyone pretending that this is far off or too distant to matter simply has not understood the 21st century. If oil was the fuel of the 20th century, microchips are the fuel of the 21st. The stakes of this potential conflict could scarcely be higher. The very future of humanity is at stake. And I want to make one thing clear here: Paraguay is not neutral on this issue. Paraguay stands, and I say this loud and clear, with Taiwan. Not out of expediency, quite the opposite. We stand with Taiwan because of the profound values we share: democracy, the rule of law, human rights, and peace. Seventy years of uninterrupted diplomatic relations are not merely a number or the product of a mere calculation. They are a testament to the real friendship between our peoples. That is why today I reaffirm our support for the full and meaningful participation of the Republic of China, Taiwan, in the United Nations and its specialized agencies. Taiwan has concrete contributions to make to peace, development, and human rights. Excluding it doesn't serve to strengthen the system. It deprives the system of capacities that could benefit us all. And it is a stain on the United Nations. But let's make no mistake: the problem is not Taiwan alone. What's happening there, in that part of the world, is simply too dangerous for us all. Dear friends, let us not stop at words or slogans. Let us move to concrete action. I assure you that at this negotiating table, at the table for peace and concord, Paraguay will be on the front row, ready to help. But the world's problems do not end in a single region or place. They go to the very heart of the international system.
Poland will be the voice of this region as a country that understands both the challenges of development and the importance of stable rules of the game in the international economy. Central Europe, a co-founder of the Three Seas Initiative, is not merely a region catching up with the more developed parts of the continent. It is a region of dynamic growth, rising innovation, and exceptional drive. It is one of the most promising areas for economic development in the world. The foundation of this dynamism is cooperation, including in the areas of infrastructure and energy, strengthening transportation links, developing north-south corridors, and investing in security and diversification of energy sources. All of this is translating directly to building the resilience of our economies. Energy sovereignty, including the one based on nuclear energy, is not a choice today. It is a prerequisite for security and political independence. The experiences of recent years have clearly shown that countries capable of making themselves independent from energy pressure are also more resilient to blackmail and destabilization. That is why we view the development of regional cooperation as an essential contribution to building a more stable and predictable global economic order. We believe that we must respond jointly to the challenges of the 21st century. For us, natural partners in this effort also include countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America, with whom we share the experience of development, the ambition to modernize, and the drive to strengthen sovereignty. I believe that everyone will benefit from Poland's membership in the G20. This year, we are participating in the group's works at the invitation of the current presidency, the United States. I would like to thank President Donald Trump very much for inviting us to the G20 summit. We are actively participating in preparations for this event, which will take place in Miami this December.
We are grateful to the European Union, and in particular to the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, and to the President of the European Council, António Guterres, for every kind of assistance they have provided to our country. Although full-fledged membership to the European Union remains a strategic priority, we cannot ignore the prolonged enlargement fatigue, both amongst certain EU member states and among the candidate countries themselves. Serbia's European path is a clear illustration of the length and complexity of this process. We obtained candidates' titles in 2012 and opened accession negotiations in 2014, more than 12 years ago. The citizens of Serbia, therefore, rightly expect a clearer perspective and more tangible results from a process in which our country has participated for more than a decade. At a time when the next enlargement of the European Union does not appear likely in the near future, we have sought to remain constructive and to propose practical ways of overcoming the current impasse. We have, therefore, proposed that the Western Balkans be gradually integrated into the EU's single market and granted access to the Schengen area even before attaining full membership in the EU. This would neither serve as a substitute for membership nor diminish our ambitions. Rather, it would provide a concrete and pragmatic way forward, enable the citizens and economies of the region to experience the tangible benefits of European integration and help overcome the deadlock in which the enlargement process has remained for far too long. However, a stable and integrated Europe, of which Serbia is a part, and our European path, do not mean renouncing the traditional friendship thanks to which Belgrade is one of the few European capitals from which one can fly directly to the United States of America, the People's Republic of China, and the Russian Federation. I owe special gratitude for the support during COVID pandemics, as well as for a paramount investment in Serbia to the President of the People's Republic of China, Xi Jinping, hoping that his talks with President Trump will be productive and that they will contribute to the stabilization of the developments in the world. At the same time, we nurture ties with traditional friends and partners in Africa, Asia, and Latin America, with whom we recently marked in Belgrade the 65th anniversary of the first conference of non-aligned countries held in our capital in 1961. Our openness reflects our development strategy, our history, and our understanding of the world. Serbia believes that states can have a clear course and interests of their own without closing the door to those with whom they do not agree on everything. After all, a world in which we speak only to those who think, as we do, would have little need for diplomacy. Freedom and independence in making decisions are the highest value for Serbia.
After the unimaginable World War II, started by Christian civilized Europe, we could not have hoped for anything less. But it seems that human beings can never really have enough wars, and never really learn lessons of history, never really care. After the Holocaust came the glorious birth of the State of Israel, but then came the Palestinian Nakba, 1948. Over the following years, we read about the wars of partition, famines in South Asia, the Korean War, the onslaught in Cambodia, Laos-Vietnam, the infamous Khmer Rouge genocide, later the Bosnian genocide, Rwanda genocide, and so many other wars. Then came the end of Cold War, bringing us euphoria, celebration, new promises of peace. The Berlin Wall collapsed, apartheid ended, but the seeds of future wars were sown, just as NATO and Gorbachev inked the post-Cold War arrangements. The ink had not even dried, and NATO began its fast eastbound expansion. As expected, for more than 4 years we have had this devastating war in Ukraine, a war that now has backfired into Russia.
The transformation we seek for a better world will only happen when we trust each other. And we accept our responsibility for each other. We in the Caribbean understand something about the necessity of living together. We had no choice. Barbadian novelist and essayist George Lamming once described the Caribbean as perhaps the first global experiment in human history, bringing together, and I quote, every branch of the human family, from the indigenous peoples of the Americas to the diverse peoples from Africa, Europe and Asia. It is as though that we, through this tortuous and shared history of migration, conquest, slavery and the difficult work of constructing a common national and regional destiny that we give the world an example to follow. Against all the odds, the Caribbean produced what Lamming called a new kind of global family. Our history has taught us that difference need not mean division. That coexistence requires dialogue and negotiation, and that those without the power to compel must learn the power of persuasion. These are not merely Caribbean lessons. The universal. And it is.
