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The UN is suffering because of it. But it is also true that the United Nations requires profound reforms to be able to tackle the challenges of the 21st century. As such, the question really is: do we let the United Nations, together with its aims and founding principles, just slowly fall apart? Or do we start facing these challenges with a sense of common responsibility and genuinely try to reform the UN and start to use the only global framework we have in a responsible and sensible way? The stakes are high. The choice is ours. For Estonia, and I believe for the great majority of UN member states, upholding the principles of the UN Charter is of vital interest. But we are also conscious that in order for those principles to remain valid and respected, we need to invest in them as much with our words as with our actions.
And of course, with her president speaking here, you never know whether this will be the low point or the high point of her career. Be that as it may, former Secretary General Kofi Annan once said, and I quote, whatever our differences, we stand or fall together. End of quote. When we forget this wisdom of Kofi Annan, disorder is what happens. Last year, from this very podium, I stated that foreign policy is based on three pillars values, interests and power. This year I come with something much simpler a choice, a choice between cooperation or conflict. In today's world, cooperation is undermined by a lack of trust, disregard for rules, and the weakening of institutions. And we've heard that in so many speeches here today. Conflicts are spreading, bringing suffering, violence and injustice. According to some accounts, there are currently 65 active armed conflicts, more than at any time since the end of the Cold War. Now competition will always be there. Nations compete now harder than they did a generation ago. This doesn't worry me. What does is that more and more of them now compete against the rules on which the international order rests. So this speech defends these rules, and it calls for cooperation. It calls for multilateralism. Small nations need it to survive, and large nations need it to be great. Upholding the most basic rules, values and institutions is our best option to ensure that competition does not escalate into conflict and that cooperation gains ground. Now, I want to begin by analyzing how the world is changing today. And as a pragmatic Finn, I will always try to deal with the world as it is, because it often helps in building a world that I wish we would have. In other words, a world which we can build together. I will then make a few suggestions about what we should do next. So here we go. I think we should all be steadfast defenders of multilateralism. As Strobe Talbott reportedly remarked, multilateralism is hell and can be a real pain in the neck, but it is the best option for humanity as a whole. We need multilateralism in order to address our shared agenda, ranging from conflicts and climate change to sustainable development and artificial intelligence. Currently, however, we seem to be going the other way more towards a non-cooperative and multipolar world order. This order, as it turns out, is based on zero sum deals, transactions, and unrestrained power. This is a short sighted approach. Tempting as it may be for some, such a multipolar order will ultimately lead to conflict. It will turn against us, whether you represent a great power, a middle power, or a small state like Finland. Between these two approaches, there is of course, a third option: plurilateralism. It means building ad hoc coalitions when global cooperation is unattainable. And this is my first observation today the emergence of flexible forms of cooperation around different themes and interests, be it in the economy, climate, defense, or technology. Coalition building can be a force of good but with one condition it should not challenge multilateralism, but build on it. It should support the UN system, not substitute it. The coalition of the willing for Ukraine is particularly close to my heart. It's a group of countries working to end Russia's war of aggression. The war is unlawful, unjustified and unprovoked. Its solution will have far reaching consequences for Ukraine and beyond. It is really about upholding international rules. The coalition works for a just and lasting peace in Ukraine, in accordance with the UN charter.
President, Liechtenstein joined the United Nations 36 years ago as its 160th member. We did so driven by the conviction that we, as one of the smallest members of the international community, should be part of the most important conversation on global governance, with the participation of all states, big or small, in developing international norms and standards, and also in upholding respect for them. Sovereignty was a key theme of our domestic discussions, resulting in our UN membership. We joined out of enlightened self-interest the belief that we need the UN to secure respect for our sovereignty through upholding international law as the basis for our security and prosperity. To this end, we also decided to make our own contribution to make best use of the opportunity offered to us as a small state, to be an active part of the biggest peace project in the history of humankind. President, our belief in the United Nations remains steadfast. This is the place where we can make our voice heard, where we can put ideas forward, and where we can gather to try to solve the issues that affect us all. We have greatly benefited from our membership, and the UN has consistently been a key platform for our foreign policy. Our membership has consistently enjoyed high levels of support in our population, but today we also find ourselves in a moment where instability and uncertainty dominate the conversation. Our organization no longer seems able to deliver on the key promises of the UN charter to save future generations from the scourge of war. It can no longer count on the unconditional support of its most powerful members for the guiding rules of international law. It is increasingly ignored or sidelined in efforts to address both the traditional and new challenges, such as the regulation of artificial intelligence. It is permanently squeezed financially. Legal obligations to pay are turned into tools to exercise political leverage. As a result the United Nations has moved down the foreign policy agenda, even of states who have a strong history of supporting it. We can no longer take it for granted that our people will continue their strongly positive views of our organization. President. This is the difficult moment in which we find ourselves. But rather than engaging in doomsday scenarios, we have to find the opportunities hidden in the challenge. The overwhelming majority of the states present in this room believe in the United Nations. They want to see positive change for the UN to emerge stronger, more effective, more relevant. But we all have to be prepared to be part of the change that we want to see. Resisting the temptation of collective inertia and of waiting for positive change to happen on its own, will require our active political investment. We are grateful to Secretary-General Guterres for his service to the organization, and for his proposals to adapt the organization to the needs of today. On the basis of his ideas, our delegations here have done good work that will show positive results over time. This is important. It shows that we can come together also during times of deep political division. It is also not enough. The steps we have taken are just the beginning of what we need, a political agreement that combines significant structural change with a reliable financial commitment and firm support for the UN charter from all. This is also the vision we are looking for in the person that will be appointed as the next Secretary-General. We hope that this decision will come very soon, in order to give the new Secretary-General the time she needs to prepare for this most unique of jobs. And we remain convinced that having a woman at the helm of the United Nations is long overdue for an organization that prides itself on its role in gender equality. President. At its core, the United Nations is a peace organization.
What has transpired in Gaza is genocide in every sense of the word and the stain of shame on the conscience of humanity as a whole. Future generations will be astonished by the enormous gap between the scale of the catastrophe and the level of the international response to stop it. Yet the catastrophe persists. And Israeli leaders have now begun to openly proclaim that the most appropriate solution is to displace the population, which they call migration. When the extent of global public revulsion at the practices of the Israeli occupation becomes evident, instead of looking in the mirror, they resort to hurling accusations indiscriminately in all directions, at times invoking accusations of anti-Semitism and at others resorting to conspiracy theories and accusing other powers and states of being responsible for creating their negative image. It's as though there were no means of communication, as though Israeli soldiers had not boasted, through both sound and visuals of their crimes, and as though images of the crimes against humanity committed in Gaza had not been circulated by an entire generation of young people across the world, East and west. From the very first day, the state of Qatar has done its utmost as a mediator to stem the bloodshed, to alleviate the suffering of civilians, and to release the prisoners and detainees until a cease fire was achieved. Today, we continue our efforts to consolidate it and to move towards lasting peace. As Palestinian factions agreed to arrangements for the collection of weapons as stipulated in the agreement, Israel, for its part must fully honour its commitments in their entirety: a definitive cessation of operations, withdrawal from the strip, lifting of the blockade and the unconditional delivery of humanitarian assistance. We fear that those who regard displacement as the solution will obstruct anything that could ease the lives of the population, because this would strengthen their resilience on their land. The international community bears a direct responsibility to press for implementation and to ensure that the agreement's implementation does not remain contingent upon the calculations of a party accustomed to reneging on its commitments whenever circumstances allow it to act with impunity on the ground. The continued persecution, apartheid and settler terrorism in the occupied West Bank, the desecration of Islamic and Christian holy sites, foremost among them the blessed Al-Aqsa mosque. Denying the Palestinian people their rights, most notably their inalienable rights to establish their independent state with East Jerusalem as its capital. All this remains an open wound. Israeli aggression, marked by arrogance and hubris, has expanded to encompass neighbouring countries affected the security of the region as a whole. Israel continues its blatant attacks against Syria and is occupying more Syrian territories and adding them to the Golan Heights, which it has occupied since 1967, without even bothering to provide any justification other than its own assessment of the nature of the political system that emerged there in Syria after the removal of the previous regime, as though it maintains tutelage over the countries of the region. It publicly declares that it is not bound by its understandings with Lebanon. It insists on continuing its occupation of Lebanese territories and seeks to assume a policing role there. Its destruction of entire villages in southern Lebanon in broad daylight is reminiscent of its history in Palestine. Dealing with Israel, putting an end to the harm it causes and restraining its unlawful conduct constitute the true test of the international community's seriousness in upholding values and the rule of law. The law must apply equally to all. When it binds the vulnerable but spares the powerful, it loses its meaning.
Mr. President, Excellencies, Ladies and gentlemen, The faultlines in our world are widening. Cracks have become canyons. Over the last decade, wars erupted with devastating consequences and dragged on with despicable cruelty. Civilians were targeted. Human rights trampled. Hunger weaponized. Humanitarians killed. International law cast aside. Geopolitical divides have deepened. Inequalities have intensified. Trust has frayed. The climate crisis went from distant warning to daily reality. And artificial intelligence moved at a speed that has blindsided even those who created it. These are not separate crises. They are chapters of the same story. The story of power. Who has it. Who is denied it. How it is used. And how it is changing. Excellencies, Power is being reshaped in three fundamental ways. First, among States. New centres of economic, political and technological influence have emerged. Second, we are witnessing an extraordinary transfer of power away from governments to a handful of private corporations and individuals. Their reach now extends across politics, economies, information flows, technological development, and the civic space on which societies depend. And, third, humans are increasingly handing over power to machines – with Artificial Intelligence agents going rogue, and lethal autonomous weapons going from science fiction to military reality. Yet our institutions and systems of global governance continue to reflect the power realities and interests of a largely bygone age. That is the defining challenge before us. At the very moment when humanity faces an unprecedented convergence of threats, our mechanisms for collective action are under growing strain. Excellencies, We are clearly moving towards a multipolar world. And that movement is irreversible. But there are different ways that multipolarity can take shape. One possibility is a world of fragmentation and transactionalism. A world of rising tensions and deepening mistrust. Of fractured markets and weakened institutions. Of shrinking cooperation and zero-sum calculations. In many respects, that is the trajectory we are on today. But there is another path. A path towards networked multipolarity. A world built on interdependence – and sustained by a dense web of economic, political, social and technological connections. A world in which multiple centres of influence coexist within a common framework of international law and shared rules. Such a world can help us avoid hegemonic tendencies and what I have called the Great Fracture: The division of the world into two rival blocs with separate economic, technological and security systems. A networked world recognizes that no power can solve today’s challenges alone. Of course, competition will remain a permanent feature of international relations. But competition does not have to mean confrontation. Healthy competition can drive innovation, strengthen resilience, and expand opportunity. But only when it operates within frameworks that preserve stability and enable cooperation where cooperation is indispensable. Building a networked future begins with a recognition, especially by superpowers: That their power isn’t so super. That their power has limits. The events of recent years have made that unmistakably clear. Military power alone cannot secure peace. Economic power alone cannot command stability. And technological power alone cannot guarantee security. A networked multipolar world can create the conditions for more balanced and representative global problem-solving. But it requires a multilateral system centred in the UN that is balanced and representative. Strong, effective institutions that reflect the realities and the progressively changing relative weight of countries and economies in today’s world – not the power arrangements of 80 years ago. Fortunately, we are not starting from scratch. We already have a binding foundation: The Charter of the United Nations. And the principles that give it life. The primacy of international law. Upholding human dignity. And the pursuit of justice in all its dimensions. These are the backbone for the effective, legitimate and responsible exercise of power in the 21st century. Excellencies, It comes down to this: Will we act to ensure that power is governed by law or by force? By cooperation or coercion? By responsibility to young people and future generations or indifference to their fate? Because the defining challenges of our age are not separate from the question of power. They are expressions of it. And they will determine whether we drift deeper into division and instability – or move toward cooperation, justice and collective security. Looking ahead, our future will be shaped by how we address four great tests of power: The power over war and peace. The power that concentrates wealth and drives inequality.
Our nations represent a rich tapestry of cultures, languages and political systems. But diversity need not breed division. Guided by our policy of friend to all, an enemy to none, Seychelles believes that our differences can be the dynamic foundation for stronger global cooperation. Let us restore trust through deliberate action by upholding the rule of international law unconditionally by reforming our global governance institutions to reflect today's world, by delivering equitable climate and development finance, and by protecting our shared oceans and climate. Seychelles enters this General Assembly with deep humility, clear conviction and an unshakable belief in the multilateral system. We may be a small nation, but our voice, our sovereignty, and our aspirations will never be measured by our size on a map. Let this 81st session be remembered not for the divisions we inherited, but for the courage, solidarity, and resolve with which we overcame them. Let us restore trust. Let us manage transformation, and together let us build a United Nations that truly delivers for every nation and every human being.
With this in mind, I propose that we take the following four steps. First, we should safeguard the postwar international order and foster lasting peace based on common security. The world wants peace not war. The international system centered on the UN and. The international order, underpinned by international law that emerged after World War Two must be upheld. We should turn into action. The vision of common, comprehensive cooperative and sustainable security and reject the Cold War mindset and block confrontation. We should settle differences and disputes through dialogue and consultation, and oppose unilateral military actions that violate the UN charter and circumvent Security Council authorization. Major countries shoulder special responsibilities for safeguarding international peace and security, and they should take the lead in complying with the rules, upholding the rule of law and doing what's right. China holds that the sovereignty and security of countries in the Middle East, including the Gulf should be respected. International industrial and supply chains should be kept stable and unimpeded, and global trade should be safeguarded. China calls for advancing the governance of the West Bank and the post-conflict reconstruction of Gaza, in accordance with the principle of the Palestinians governing Palestine. It also calls for bringing the Palestinian question back onto the right track of the two state solution at an early date. On Ukraine, President XI Jinping has put forward four points on what must be done, which are the fundamental guidance for China in playing a continued constructive role in its own way for achieving a political settlement of the crisis. China urges the relevant country to immediately stop using threat of force against Cuba, and immediately and completely lift the blockade and sanctions against Cuba. Second, we should address the global development predicament and promote prosperity for all through openness and cooperation.
In conclusion, Mr. President, I give you my reassurance that Ethiopia remains steadfast, as it has always been, in its historic commitment in upholding human dignity, justice, and the unyielding solidarity of all free peoples.
There can be no double standards in terms of international law. The facts are clear. We are bearing witness to deliberate violations of international law. Upholding international law is not optional. It is our responsibility. It is our responsibility. That means protecting the institutions that give their very meaning to these principles, including the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court. We support these courts firmly and we will defend their independence, integrity and their ability to fully carry out their mandate, threats and attacks on the International Criminal Court and its staff and authorities are unacceptable. Accountability cannot depend on political considerations.
I will switch— The same principles that underpin international law, human rights, the rule of law, and democratic governance are the principles that helped transform my country. Romania's evolution over the past 37 years proves the crucial importance of upholding these principles. Millions of Romanians know, from their personal experience, the difference between a communist system that oppressed them and stifled their initiative and freedom of choice, and a democracy that rewards work, innovation, and personal responsibility. This choice has turned Romania into one of Europe's most dynamic destinations in Europe for investment and industrial development. Romania has aligned itself with the standards of the OECD: leading global companies have established manufacturing, engineering, technology, and service centers in my country, attracted by our conducive business environment and highly skilled workforce. Our most important strategic asset is our people: Romanian scientists, engineers, physicians, and technology specialists are shaping the industries of the future—artificial intelligence, cybersecurity, defense technologies, advanced manufacturing, and robotics. Moreover, Romania is strengthening Europe's resilience: we are developing significant reserves of natural gas, critical minerals, and other strategic resources essential for securing supply chains and reducing dependence on unpredictable energy sources. Next year, we will begin extracting and exploiting 100 billion cubic meters of natural gas in the Black Sea. Romania is a gateway between Europe and the rest of the world, located at the intersection of the Danube, the Black Sea, and major trade corridors. My country serves as a strategic hub for trade, energy, and transport. Economic growth is all the stronger when it is based on partnership. Our message is simple: Romania is open to business and innovation.
International law must apply to all states. It must protect all civilians, and where violations occur, there must be responsibility and accountability. This is why Austria will also continue to stand firm in protecting the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court rules do not defend themselves. They need institutions capable of upholding them. Today, the United Nations too often falls short, not because it has failed, because we have let it stand still. But there is no alternative to the United Nations. There is only the work of making it work. The United Nations was not created to discuss international problems. It was created to solve them. Yet as conflicts and injustice multiply, the UN too often fails to act inside this building. That failure can look like another meeting without a decision. Outside these walls. It means that wars continue, help does not arrive, and more families bury their dead. For these families, U.N. procedures do not matter. What matters to them is whether food arrives, whether a doctor reaches them, whether peacekeepers protect them. Reform must therefore pass a simple test. Does it make the United Nations more able to deliver when people need it? Austria has been a strong supporter of the reform efforts of the Secretary General, and as an incoming member of the Security Council, we are committed to protect the principles of the charter, to show the world that the Council can act and to work towards making the decisions we take more inclusive because it matters who decides. The United Nations was built to confront the dangers of 1945. Today we must face new and rapidly emerging dangers.
Ours is a concerning financial situation. It's affecting the UN's operational capacity, and that is prompting questions about how effective the UN really is. Indeed, these questions are being asked about peace operations, just as they are about the SDGs. The implementation of these is lagging behind and significantly so. In view of this reality, it is true that some might be tempted to view multilateralism as a relic and might be tempted to move outside of that of multilateralism to take action in isolation. Senegal does not espouse that view. On the contrary, it is precisely because the world is beset by a whole host of unprecedented crises that we need a UN that is stronger, more representative and more effective. We will not settle crises by allowing the multilateral system to become ever more piecemeal. We will not achieve peace. If we simply stage power struggles. We will not guarantee a just international order. If we ensure that if we see might being right being replaced by might, doing all of that would imperil the very raison d'etre of our organisation that is dialogue, conflict prevention, the peaceful resolution of disputes, cooperation and respect for international law. In this vein, and with this in mind, the UN 80 initiative provides us with a historic opportunity to usher in the structural and normative transformations that we need to see. However, reforming the United Nations must not stymie its ambitions. On the contrary, it must make it less bureaucratic in how it functions. It must remove red tape, make it more agile, and make it more effective in its expenditure. And there must be better synergies between headquarters and the field, so we can better serve the people we represent. Senegal supports that very dynamic. That was the rationale behind our contribution to efforts to strengthen the UN system. We've used our own resources to build a UN house some 30km away from Dakar. This is a cutting edge institution and the site will house all UN system entities in the region, and that will foster greater coherence and effectiveness in the UN's work. However, a stronger organization and ensuring it is stronger also involves member states upholding their financial contribution pledges and making good on their assessed contributions. President, the years are ticking by, but our efforts to reform governance have yet to produce a significant impact. The status quo when it comes to reforming the Security Council bears witness to that fact. We all agree that the composition of the Security Council is out of step with the realities of our time. We agree that the expansion of the Council should not lead to further inertia, but given the fact the Council is lacking legitimacy and that is indeed the hallmark of the Council's current structure, we cannot simply issue observations. We are in at a juncture where there is an urgent need for action. It's a matter of justice, credibility and balance across the international system, and this is indeed the rationale which underpins the SL weenie consensus, which outlines the African position in connection with the so necessary reform of the UN Security Council. In that vein, Senegal is presenting its candidacy to a non-permanent seat on the Security Council for two 2032 2033. However, beyond reform, the organisation also needs experienced leadership to steer its work in these times of crisis and uncertainty. The UN needs a secretary general able to speak to one and all, able to listen and to build bridges between member states. That is the vision embraced and espoused by Macky Sall, former president of the Republic of Senegal. Here I wish once again to express my support for his candidacy. I wish to reiterate Senegal's request that you, as Member states, support his candidacy. Ladies and gentlemen at a time when our organisation is seeking to rebuild trust, Senegal continues to believe in the vision of a world based on peace, justice, the dignity of each and every human being and human brotherhood. The world does not need unilateral posturing. It needs a fairer, more inclusive and more effective multilateralism. Addressing our challenges requires bridges and not walls, dialogue and not confrontation. Cooperation and not isolation and not might. That is the very spirit in which Sen Senegal will host the Youth Olympic Games in Dakar 2026.
Mr. president, standing before this Assembly, I am reminded that while some efforts have been made from this rostrum over the past year these have not yet matched the scale of the challenges confronting our world. We will have to increase and strengthen efforts and commitment to the process of transformation and strengthening of the UN in order to restore trust that our organization will really be capable of delivering peace, inclusion and development in the world. Suriname is firmly committed to the upholding of international law, as we depend on a rules-based international order without which, like many other vulnerable nations, we simply cannot exist as sovereign countries. The consistent application of international law and the strengthening of its institutions is also essential to maintain international peace and security, protect human rights and ensure sustainable development for all.
We need institutions capable of dealing with issues that transcend national borders. We need multilateralism. But multilateralism will only retain its credibility if it is also able to evolve. Switzerland therefore supports efforts to reform the UN system as part of the UN80 initiative. This reform must make the UN more coherent, more effective and more results oriented, while respecting the powers and responsibilities of member states. The UN must focus its efforts where its action brings real added value: when problems transcend borders, when national or regional capacities are insufficient, or when a universal institution is needed to provide a common framework. The key question is therefore a simple one how can we ensure that the resources, expertise and energy invested in the multilateral system yield better results for those it is meant to serve? Because our institutions do not exist for their own sake, they exist for the people, for those who live in fear of conflict, for those who have lost their home following a disaster, for those seeking work or building a future for themselves, for the children whose lives depend on access to education and the new opportunities we are creating today. It is on this scale that the value of multilateralism is ultimately measured. Ladies and gentlemen, Your Excellencies, we cannot make the diverging interests of our countries disappear. We cannot erase disagreements, rivalries, or borders, nor can we remove all of the mountains that stand between us. But we can determine how we wish to tackle them. We can preserve open dialogue rather than erect more barriers. We can keep the channels of communication open rather than resign ourselves to silence. We can ensure that technological progress creates more opportunities rather than new divisions. And we can reform our institutions rather than accept their gradual demise. Switzerland will continue to play its part, using the means at its disposal by upholding international law, promoting dialogue, providing its good offices, supporting effective multilateral institutions, and by remaining a country where the world can continue to come together and engage. We do not claim to have all the answers, but our experience in the Alps has taught us one simple thing. While a mountain might separate us, it can just as easily be crossed. Crossing it brings people together. Coming together encourages dialogue, and dialogue fosters trust. Perhaps this is where our shared responsibility begins: to keep open the pathways that allow us, in spite of our differences, to continue moving forward, hand in hand.
From primarily a recipient of invaluable assistance during the years of Doi Moi, Vietnam today is making proactive contributions to our common endeavours while deepening and broadening our substantive relations with the UN. Vietnamese military personnel and police officers have served and will continue to serve in UN peacekeeping operations, carrying our nation's aspiration for peace to places where peace remains fragile. A tradition of independence and self-reliance provides a foundation for Vietnam to strengthen its strategic autonomy and proactively pursue international integration. Looking towards our goal of becoming a developing country with a modern industrial base and upper middle income by 2030 and developed high income country by 2045, Vietnam is establishing a new development model based on productivity, quality and added value with science, technology, innovation and digital transformation as key drivers, with economic growth closely linked to cultural development, social progress and equity and environmental protection. Autonomy also means proactively adapting and cooperating with the world on an equal footing. Vietnam, therefore, pursues a consistent foreign policy of independence, autonomy, self-reliance, peace, friendship, cooperation and development, and of multilateralism and diversification of external relations. Vietnam will remain steadfast in upholding the UN charter and international law, promoting dialogue on the peaceful settlement of disputes and deepening its participation in UN peacekeeping missions. Vietnam is working with fellow ASEAN member states to build a united, self-reliant and resilient ASEAN and actively preparing to host APEC in 2027 and as a member of the UN Human Rights Council, Vietnam champions dialogue and cooperation in promoting and protecting human rights and ensuring that all can share the fruits of development. We stand ready to share our experience in poverty reduction, agricultural development and climate change adaptation, and work with partners to broaden cooperation for common interests. The world will continue to change. The direction for such change will depend on the choices we make and the responsibilities we shoulder today. Vietnam chooses peace, cooperation and development. We will work steadfastly with all countries to strengthen the UN, uphold international law and translate our shared commitments into tangible benefits for our people. We believe that with a strong UN, together we can build a more peaceful, equitable, inclusive and better world for all. And on this journey, Vietnam will remain an active member, a reliable partner and a responsible nation, always standing ready to contribute to the common endeavours of the international community.
Mr. president, as a low lying atoll nation with no higher ground, sea level rise is an immediate and stark reality. This week's UN high level meeting on sea level rise has helped achieve new understanding in international law. It is the seas that are rising around us and not our islands which are sinking. Our boundaries and baselines of today. The political footprint on the map will endure in the face of aggressive sea level rise scenarios. Our collective stability and security as Pacific Islands Forum members and as a UN member state will be now better addressed. As an atoll nation, our tide gauge is proof enough that far more action is needed, and we are acting. Confronted with rising seas on our most vulnerable shorelines. We completed the Ebeye Seawall and Footpath last week. 1.8km of oceanside protection built with support from the World Bank, the Green Climate Fund and our own resources. Engineered for rising seas, it now protects 8,400 people and critical energy infrastructure, reduces annual coastal flooding losses and anchors resilient future development on Ebeye, including schools, housing and the proposed new hospital, while providing a safe public space that strengthens community wellbeing. It cost $75 million, took 70,000 tonnes of rocks, took more than a decade to do, and it is just one island of over a thousand. We are taking action and we urgently need strengthened partnership to better protect our islands before sea level rise overtakes us. Mr. president, my nation underscores the importance of the law of the sea as a key pillar of our future. Even before we were a UN member, we fought closely both to participate in UN law of the sea negotiations and to secure these rights in our Constitution. Pacific Island leadership and that of all small island developing states has defined every multilateral milestone for oceans and fisheries. And we will continue to do so. As an ocean people, the consequences of getting it wrong are not from distant impacts, but adjacent to our waters, particularly in the North Pacific, both within the International Seabed Authority and unilateral actions. Collectively, the people and voices of Micronesia must be heard. We are joined by Guam, Northern Marianas, Federated States of Micronesia and Palau in expressing our alarm at seabed mining actions where the decisions are made before impacts are well understood and where adequate safeguards remain undefined. The Marshall Islands joins 45 nations seeking a moratorium on seabed mining. Responsible and science driven regulations need to be in place. Going on guesswork for global oceans is beyond dangerous. There are no do overs. The Marshall Islands looks forward to the first Conference of Parties to the Biodiversity Beyond National Jurisdiction, to work across silos to advance high seas protection. We urge wide ratification of the agreement. The Marshall Islands looks forward to supporting its secretariat in a host nation, committed to upholding the law of the sea as a matter of both principle and law, in words and in actions. Mr. president, too often the word geopolitics is considered to refer only to the whims of superpowers and not the reality of our fragile place between them.
My dear colleagues, this evening I want to talk about the need for nations to work together on the new challenges that we face climate change, emerging technology and the breakdown of international rules. Eight decades ago, the citizens and leaders of our nations made a solemn promise to future generations. Having known the untold sorrow of two devastating global conflicts in their lifetimes, they vowed to work together to prevent another. The pioneers who built this institution from the ruins of war, proud Australians among them, were also coming to terms with two terrible truths the horrors of the Holocaust and the unprecedented horror of nuclear weapons. A depth of evil and a scale of destruction beyond imagining even a decade earlier. Yet rather than recoil from that reality, our leaders stood together to face it, learn from it, and most importantly, guard against its return. And instead of surrendering to fear or dealing in retribution, or abandoning their fate to a world governed by force alone, they came together to renew and affirm their faith in humanity, in the essential and equal dignity and worth of every individual, in the sovereignty of every nation and in the capacity and indeed the responsibility of all of us to give the Universal declaration of human rights, life and weight and real meaning by engaging in the dialogue that builds trust and deepens understanding and backing those words with actions. In this moment, we need to lean in and strengthen and modernise the fundamental parts of the UN system that help to build peace and promote economic development and sustainability, sovereignty, prosperity and peace are never guaranteed. They must be created, nurtured and protected by each generation, supporting the jobs, homes, schools and healthcare that represent the fullest expression of the UN's commitment to the economic and social advancement of all peoples. We know that the surest way to minimise the potential for conflict is to create the prosperity, opportunity and economic justice on which lasting peace depends. That means cooperating on the urgent challenges that confront each of our sovereign nations, and creating solutions that work for our citizens. This was the founding purpose of the United Nations. And for the leaders who have gathered here this week, this remains the test of our time. A test we can and we must pass. Whether it is climate change or artificial intelligence. There is always the temptation to say that our generation is being confronted by issues that our predecessors could not possibly have imagined while dealing with the world they would not recognise. But for all the transformation the past eight decades have brought, the fundamental, fundamental stakes haven't changed. And just as its values, our values, our ideals, our commitment to dialogue and cooperation proved equal to that task, then we can rise to meet these new challenges now. We can reaffirm our national sovereignty and our shared humanity. We can seize and share and shape the opportunities this moment holds in the interests of our citizens. But we can only do it together. From the very first days of this forum, Australia has always known that we understand that the UN mission cannot be entrusted solely to the great powers or the biggest countries, or even the loudest voices alone, nor can it be subcontracted to the world's richest companies, or dictated by the pace of technology. Then now and always, shaping a secure, peaceful and prosperous world is a task for all of us. And that world must be driven by the values and aspirations of all of us. We all have a part to play. And that is why Australia is seeking a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council for 2029 2030. The world faces tough times and Australia wants to respond to partner and to make a difference. Should our Security Council bid prove successful. Our purpose and approach will be consistent with how we have always conducted ourselves at the UN. We will listen with respect. We will partner as equals. And we will protect what matters most. Mr. president, a safer world is one governed by rules, not by power and force alone. It is a world in which all countries have the freedom to decide their own future. And all countries have their decisions. Listen to. As a member of the UN Security Council, Australia will safeguard the rules that protect us all by upholding international law, including the UN charter and the sovereignty of all states. We will amplify the voices of small states and middle powers to ensure a wider range of perspectives shape the council's decisions. We will work to prevent crisis, resolve resolve conflicts and protect civilians through diplomacy, peace building and practical action. Our objective will be to support a more effective, representative and responsive UN that is equipped to address the fast growing challenges of today. Listening, partnering. Protecting colleagues. The world is changing rapidly. New issues are becoming international issues demanding our full attention. Climate change, where the science foretold of the increase in frequency and intensity of extreme weather events that we are now experiencing emerging technology, including artificial intelligence, which is evolving at a furious pace, and the breakdown of trust, civility and social cohesion, which is promoting conflict within and between countries. Clearly, the multilateral system we have all known and benefited from is under immense strain. To promote the peace, to create a world of human dignity, to do justice to the UN's mission, we must embrace change and we must embrace reform. Australia supports the rules and institutions that underpin open trade and connectivity. That order, based on agreed rules and institutions, faces massive disruption. This doesn't mean abandoning multilateralism, it means working to reform it.
In the name of God, the most gracious, the most merciful, your Excellency. Doctor Khalilur Rahman, president of the United Nations General Assembly. Your Excellency, Mr. Antonio Guterres, Secretary general of the United Nations. Ladies and gentlemen, peace and blessings of God be upon you. Allow me to congratulate you, Excellency, on your election as president of the 81st session of the General Assembly. I wish you every success in conducting the work of the session. We would like to express the kingdom of Bahrain's appreciation to your brotherly country, the People's Republic of Bangladesh, as well as the Secretary General for his tireless efforts in the service of international peace and security and the Sustainable Development Goals. It is my honor to convey to this distinguished gathering the greetings of His Majesty King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa, king of the Kingdom of Bahrain and of His Royal Highness Prince Salman bin Hamad Al Khalifa, Crown Prince and Prime Minister and their best wishes for the success of this session. Mr. president, you have chosen for this session a theme that speaks directly to the challenges before us restoring trust, managing transformation, and a United Nations that delivers for all. Trust is not restored through statements or by repeating appeals. Instead, it is restored by upholding the law and translating the decisions of this organization into effective protection for people's lives, rights and livelihoods.
We, Libyanes, bear the responsibility, the primary responsibility. Patriotism is not only the defense of sovereignty against negative foreign interference. It also is the protection of the state from corruption within, the safeguarding of public funds, the upholding of the rule of law, and the placing the nation above power and self-interest. Libya today has an opportunity to leave behind the cycle of transitional phases and to enter the era of the state. It has an opportunity to regain the role befitting its history, its position, and its standing among nations. Libya does not want to be an arena on whose soil the interests of others are balanced, but a state that shapes its own balance by its own will. It does not want others to compete for influence within it, but to compete for partnership with it. That is the path we choose for Libya: a state sovereign in its decisions, unified in its institutions, just among its citizens, and a partner for peace and stability in its region and the world.
Mr. President, Mauritius is committed to upholding the pledges made at the social summit in Doha last year. Nowhere is that promise to universal social protection more concrete than in our health services. As non-communicable diseases and a rapidly ageing population place growing pressure on our health system, we are strengthening public healthcare through major investment, improved service delivery, expanded specialised care and a greater focus on prevention. Mauritius will continue to offer free and quality public health care to each and every citizen. We thus welcome the holding of the 2027 high level meeting on universal health coverage, and Mauritius stands ready to contribute to that global effort. Today, the high level meeting on pandemic prevention, preparedness and response met at a decisive moment, and decisive moments demand more than mere intentions. Mauritius supports the conclusions of the terms of benefit sharing, guaranteeing vulnerable countries real access to affordable, safe, effective and quality medicines including generics, vaccines, diagnostics and health technologies. It is of crucial importance to widen pandemic financing eligibility, including the Pandemic Fund, to formally incorporate the Multidimensional Vulnerability Index. Mauritius also welcomes UN initiatives on road safety, an issue to which we attach the highest importance and which acts as a silent epidemic that continues to claim far too many lives disproportionately in developing countries. We call for greater international attention and resources for this critical issue.
I also express my gratitude and pay tribute to Secretary-General Antonio Guterres for his tireless service over the past decade. Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General and distinguished delegates, the United Nations, which has a history of upholding human dignity and pioneering the way for future generations, now stands at a grave crossroads. The glacial flooding in Nepal that claimed many lives and destroyed the foundations of people's livelihoods evidences that the climate crisis is a reality of today, not tomorrow. Persistent armed conflicts around the world, including those in Ukraine and the Middle East, continue to threaten the survival of humanity.
And we've done this always holding true to our principles, not even in the most difficult times, like the times being experienced by the Spanish city of Ceuta, where inequality, desperation, and disinformation has fed one of the most significant irregular migration crises in recent years. I know that in times like this, the temptation is to take shortcuts, to give in to fear, to turn migrants into the enemy, and to break the law. However, my country, Spain, will not do this. And a Spanish city like Ceuta won't do it either, because their citizens are showing that we can tackle a crisis without compromising on decency, upholding the law, and respecting human rights.
We cannot speak about interdependence without speaking about migration. People have always moved and they will continue to do so, and governments have a duty to manage that movement and to ensure that migration takes place safely, regularly and in accordance with the law. Order is itself a matter of human rights. When migration is left in the hands of smugglers and traffickers, people are exploited, placed in danger and sometimes lost at sea. But the way in which governments maintain order matters just as much. States have both the right and the responsibility to manage the borders. They must do so in full respect of international law and fundamental rights. A person's legal status may change. Their human dignity doesn't. Every person counts. That is why countries of origin transit and destination must work together. Safe, orderly and regular migration and respect for human rights are not competing ambitions. They must go hand in hand, and we can either manage our interdependence or be at its mercy. Health crises have taught us the same lesson. Outbreaks do not recognize borders. Cooperation is a necessity. Those who refuse to cooperate weaken themselves. But if our commitments are to hold, we also need institutions capable of upholding them.
Mr. president, Papua New Guinea comes to this assembly with profound respect for the charter of the United Nations and for the principles and purposes upon which this great institution was founded. The United Nations reminds us that whether we are big or small nations, rich or poor nations developed or developing, powerful or less powerful, we are all members of one international community. The challenges confronting humanity do not recognise the size of our economies, the strength of our militaries, or the boundaries on our map. No nation can address them alone. We must therefore continue to work together, respecting the sovereignty of all nations, upholding the international law and the United Nations Charter, resolving our differences peacefully and recognising that every nation, regardless of its size or economic strength or military might, has a voice and a place in this assembly. For Papua New Guinea and all the nations of the Pacific, multilateralism matters. The United Nations place provides a place rather, where small nations can sit alongside the largest, where voice can be heard and where we can work together on the common challenges facing humanity. And with this, I want to place on record Papua New Guinea's fullest acknowledgement on all speakers from the Pacific who have spoken, all leaders who spoke. We are fully, on behalf of Papua New Guinea, affirm all their points, the points that was raised. I also wish to acknowledge the Secretary General of United Nations, His Excellency Antonio Guterres as he approaches the completion of his tenure on behalf of the government and people of Papua New Guinea. I want to thank the Secretary General for his strong and consistent advocacy for humanity. At a time when our world has confronted war, displacement, poverty, inequality, climate change and many other challenges. He has consistently called for peace, human dignity, international cooperation and respect for the principles of United Nations. He has demonstrated the qualities of a global statesman. If there is anyone befitting of a Nobel Peace Award and label a global statesman, His Excellency Guterres is perhaps the leading person at this time. He has used his office to speak for humanity, including those voices that are often too dim and seemingly unheard. Secretary-General Guterres, on behalf of my 11 million people, Papua New Guinea, thank you for your service to the United Nations and to humanity. We remember fondly your three nights you stayed with us in the mountains and islands of Papua New Guinea. Thank you for being a strong voice of not just Papua New Guinea, but small nations, especially my small Pacific island nations. Your advocacy reminds us that beyond our national borders and political differences, cultures and beliefs, we belong to one human family. And we share one planet called the planet earth. Mr. president, it is in the spirit of common humanity that I wish to speak about human rights, human freedoms, and particularly freedom of conscience, thought, belief, and religion.
That's why we are so united behind Ukraine. And let me say we salute the Ukrainian people. They are showing depths of resilience and courage that is an inspiration to the whole world. I was in Kyiv last month and it gave me a glimpse of life under Russian attack. I went to a bustling market, just a normal scene from any European city. The traders singing the praises of their products, pushing into my hands peaches and plums from Odessa. But their stalls were out on the street because the market hall had been destroyed. In the background, there were burned out cars. Behind us, a building that had taken a direct hit just a few weeks before. I met people riding the metro home from work, people just getting on with their lives. But at night, those same metro stations doubling as shelters for thousands of people, from the elderly to little kids, some who have known nothing but war. People told me about the freezing conditions in the stations last winter, when temperatures dropped below -20 degrees outside. Meanwhile, Russia was targeting their energy infrastructure, trying to make them suffer even more. We can't let them do that again this winter. So we're working to help Ukraine protect their skies and civilians. We're leading the charge in raising the cost for Russia of continuing this senseless and illegal war. The Graham Bill, which President Trump signed last week, will make a huge difference to that effort. And we will support Ukraine to repair and protect the heat and power plants that Kyiv will depend upon this winter. It is right that we provide that support, but we should call Russia out this time and every time. Everyone in this room knows that strikes on civilian infrastructure are explicitly forbidden by international law. Yet we stand here in the U.N. announcing funding to mitigate the effects of these war crimes, which we reliably expect to be perpetrated yet again by a permanent member of the Security Council. It must end. Russia could choose a different course tomorrow: accept a cease fire, come to the negotiating table. I urge them to do so. But until then, we will stand with Ukraine stronger than ever for as long as it takes. This is about upholding the UN Charter and the rule of law. We will stand firm in the face of any threats and challenges to the rule of law, not just from Russia but from others too, including where they threaten the rights of British territories to remain British, such as the Falkland Islands. That's why we're also working with France and other partners to support freedom of navigation in the Gulf. And it's why I have acted on the Middle East. Just eight weeks into becoming Prime Minister, working with my Foreign Secretary, Ed Miliband, I comprehensively reset our position and we built an international coalition of countries to come with us. The terrorist attack on Israel on the 7th of October 2023 was utterly horrific. I have condemned it in the strongest possible terms. We continue to condemn Hamas, and we stand with Israel in the face of the ongoing threats, including from Iran against Israel and Jewish people around the world. But this does not justify the Israeli government's actions in Gaza or the West Bank. Far too many people have died, including so many children. Far too little aid is getting in and it has gone on for far too long. We will not stand by as the horrific suffering continues to grow and the prospect of a two state solution, the best hope for peace and stability for both nations comes under attack. Last month, Israel issued tenders for the construction of the E1 mega settlement, which would drive a wedge through the West Bank and threaten to put a viable Palestinian state beyond reach. It cannot be allowed to happen. So we have acted by banning trade in goods with illegal settlements, recognizing that the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territory is unlawful, and sanctioning those taking part in the construction of illegal settlement. We want to see the suffering and death finally come to an end. We want to see Israeli and Palestinian people living side by side in peace and security, and we will do all we can to keep the hope of that possibility alive. And look, we live in an age of low trust in politics. If we were to continue to talk about the two state solution, but failed to back those words with deeds, that trust will fall even lower and our enemies will seek to exploit the alienation that follows from that. We won't let it happen.
