Without that capacity, sovereignty over the land, over the sky becomes just an illusion. And then comes the third layer: reach. For centuries, the great threat to freedom of speech was censorship. Today, freedom of speech is threatened by the weaponization of the freedom of reach. Speech is the right to express an idea. Reach is the power to place that idea before millions of people. Speech belongs to human beings. Reach can be purchased, automated, manipulated and secretly assigned by platforms, corporations, criminal networks and foreign states. The right to speak is universal, but there is no universal right to anonymous, unlimited and artificially amplified reach. When one lie can be multiplied a billion times, truth does not need to be censored anymore because it is simply buried. The citizen remains formally free to speak, but speaks into a storm that no human voice can match. Freedom of speech can therefore be defeated without banning a single book, without imprisoning a single journalist, without deleting a single post. The answer to bad speech remains more speech, but the answer to covert industrial amplification must come and must come sooner, more than it will be too late. And it's called exposure. Who created the message? Who paid for it? Was it spread by people or by machines? Why was the citizen targeted? Was the apparent public reaction authentic, coordinated or foreign directed? Defending democracy and defending a way of life and defending the freedom of each and every nation to live in its own way does not mean controlling what people are allowed to think. It means revealing the hidden powers, seeking to control what people are made to see. If we protect freedom of speech while leaving the control of reach completely opaque, we defend the door while surrendering the whole room. Some respond by demanding that artificial intelligence be slowed or stopped. We are too small, but we respectfully have to disagree. A pause by democracies will not produce a pause by dictatorships.

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And of course, with her president speaking here, you never know whether this will be the low point or the high point of her career. Be that as it may, former Secretary General Kofi Annan once said, and I quote, whatever our differences, we stand or fall together. End of quote. When we forget this wisdom of Kofi Annan, disorder is what happens. Last year, from this very podium, I stated that foreign policy is based on three pillars values, interests and power. This year I come with something much simpler a choice, a choice between cooperation or conflict. In today's world, cooperation is undermined by a lack of trust, disregard for rules, and the weakening of institutions. And we've heard that in so many speeches here today. Conflicts are spreading, bringing suffering, violence and injustice. According to some accounts, there are currently 65 active armed conflicts, more than at any time since the end of the Cold War. Now competition will always be there. Nations compete now harder than they did a generation ago. This doesn't worry me. What does is that more and more of them now compete against the rules on which the international order rests. So this speech defends these rules, and it calls for cooperation. It calls for multilateralism. Small nations need it to survive, and large nations need it to be great. Upholding the most basic rules, values and institutions is our best option to ensure that competition does not escalate into conflict and that cooperation gains ground. Now, I want to begin by analyzing how the world is changing today. And as a pragmatic Finn, I will always try to deal with the world as it is, because it often helps in building a world that I wish we would have. In other words, a world which we can build together. I will then make a few suggestions about what we should do next. So here we go. I think we should all be steadfast defenders of multilateralism. As Strobe Talbott reportedly remarked, multilateralism is hell and can be a real pain in the neck, but it is the best option for humanity as a whole. We need multilateralism in order to address our shared agenda, ranging from conflicts and climate change to sustainable development and artificial intelligence. Currently, however, we seem to be going the other way more towards a non-cooperative and multipolar world order. This order, as it turns out, is based on zero sum deals, transactions, and unrestrained power. This is a short sighted approach. Tempting as it may be for some, such a multipolar order will ultimately lead to conflict. It will turn against us, whether you represent a great power, a middle power, or a small state like Finland. Between these two approaches, there is of course, a third option: plurilateralism. It means building ad hoc coalitions when global cooperation is unattainable. And this is my first observation today the emergence of flexible forms of cooperation around different themes and interests, be it in the economy, climate, defense, or technology. Coalition building can be a force of good but with one condition it should not challenge multilateralism, but build on it. It should support the UN system, not substitute it. The coalition of the willing for Ukraine is particularly close to my heart. It's a group of countries working to end Russia's war of aggression. The war is unlawful, unjustified and unprovoked. Its solution will have far reaching consequences for Ukraine and beyond. It is really about upholding international rules. The coalition works for a just and lasting peace in Ukraine, in accordance with the UN charter.

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The United Nations— and I am neither the first nor the last to say so—needs renewal. It needs fresh impetus. And the admirable theme of this assembly calls for a United Nations for All. An admirable theme, certainly. But I fear that it's not enough. So I ask you today, respectfully but firmly: how can we have a United Nations for All when it is led by a security council of the few? Worse still, this is a council that was designed 80 years ago, for another era, for another scenario, another entire set of circumstances. One that all too often demonstrates it is simply unable to address today's problems. That original design, a product of its time, has achieved much, without any doubt. And today I recognize and celebrate those achievements. We all should. Nonetheless, as the great Nobel laureate Bob Dylan would say, things have changed. And the organization, dear friends, has to change too. Different problems need different solutions. Otherwise, this magnificent idea, the United Nations, will simply be overtaken by events and will be reduced to a forum for beautiful speeches with very little action for ordinary people. Some have concluded from all of this that multinationalism has failed. Paraguay reaches a different conclusion. The United Nations remains indispensable. It is the only system that enables all the countries of the world to coexist. But it must become more effective at preventing conflict, protecting people, and ensuring respect for the rules that states themselves have agreed upon. Our commitment to peace is summed up in the words of a distinguished Paraguayan, Manuel Gondra:" Since we cannot ensure that the just are always strong, we must strive to ensure that the strong are always just." Paraguay wishes to shoulder greater responsibilities within the system. But this system, as it stands, simply isn't working. That is why we believe that the selection of the next Secretary-General will be a fundamental decision. The time has come for that leadership to come from Latin America and the Caribbean. Our region has a vocation for peace, dialogue, and multilateralism. And it has candidates that are capable of taking up that responsibility. We need a Secretary-General who restores the organization's political leadership, one that strengthens preventive diplomacy, acts before crises become irreversible, and one that listens to the states and the peoples whom this organization serves. In short, the Security Council must cease to be a pretty snapshot of the world as it was in 1945. It must listen more closely to this assembly and must not remain paralyzed when peace is threatened. We need a UN for 2026 or for 2050, not one for 1945. Only then will the United Nations be able to truly deliver for all of its members.

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This requires strengthening diplomacy, mediation, and political dialogue, as well as effective control over arms proliferation and the military applications of new technologies. Artificial intelligence must be developed in keeping with international law and under effective human control, and outer space must remain the realm of peaceful and safe operations. The same principle ought to guide our response to terrorism, radicalization, disinformation, and cyber threats. No country can do this alone, ladies and gentlemen. Strong institutions, effective UN peacekeeping operations, and closer international cooperation are necessary. Bulgaria will continue to defend this approach. Lasting security is not only built through responding to crises but also through our capacity to prevent them. Excellencies, as a member of the UN Human Rights Council 2024-2026, Bulgaria is striving to create a public environment free of discrimination, racism, anti-Semitism, and hate speech.

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And those words give my compatriots and I courage to uphold the Pan-African and anti-colonial heritage that was bequeathed to us by our forebears. Another line in our item petitions God to fill our hearts with true humility and make us cherish fearless honesty. That prayer inspires me today to follow in the footsteps of Doctor Kwame Nkrumah, Haile Selassie, Nelson Mandela and other global icons who have stood at this very podium before me and have spoken boldly and fearlessly about the state of affairs in our world. The words the world may not transform overnight because of the speeches that we deliver here in this August assembly, but history would faithfully record the truths we choose to speak and the silences that we choose to keep When we are granted the privilege of addressing this global town hall. Allow me, therefore, to begin by reintroducing myself to the General Assembly. I stand before you as president of the Republic of Ghana. Yet we too often ascend these heights draped only in the ropes of our titles, forgetting that alongside each of us stands a history, a people, and a legacy I was born in a little town, Damango, which was then a modest community in northern Ghana, and it's now the capital of the Savannah region of my country. I was born to Mr. Emmanuel Adama Mahama of Berlin and Madam Abeba Naba of both of blessed memory. I belong to them and I belong to the foremothers and the forefathers who gave birth to them, who named them, who nurtured them, and who passed down the enduring values by which I live today. I grew up at the crossroads of several Ghanaian cultures. I speak Gonja, which is a language I speak three and Ghana. I am fluent in Hausa, spoken across the West African savanna and the Sahel.

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Artificial intelligence will transform professions, industries, and the ways in which decisions are made. Energy will be governed by a new configuration and a new logic of operation. Climate change will affect economies, agriculture, cities and the movement of people. Demographic change will reshape labour markets and social protection systems. Security will no longer depend on armies and borders, but also on power grids, data centers, cables, satellites, algorithms and trust in the information we receive every day. And yet today, as we prepare for the future, millions of people are living through war or under the threat of war. More than 100 million people have been displaced by force, more than 270 million children and young people are not in the school. This is the paradox of our time. Humanity has never possessed such immense scientific and technological capabilities, and yet it has never been more evident that technological capability does not automatically produce political wisdom. That is why the real question before this assembly is not simply how we will manage the crisis of 2026. The real question is this: what kind of international order will we leave to the generation that is entering school today? For a small size country like mine, this is not an academic question. It is a question of survival. 33 years ago, since we become a part of the United Nations, the world looked very different. The Cold War had ended. There was hope that a new era was beginning, an era in which cooperation would gradually replace confrontation. Our region, however, was living through a very different reality. Yugoslavia was disintegrating in bloodshed. Wars were being fought just beyond our borders. The fear that the violence might spread was real. And yet my country chose peace. It chose stability. It was in those circumstances on our territory that the United Nations did something it had never done before. It established the first preventive peacekeeping mission in the history of the organization. That experience left a profound lesson in our national memory, a lesson to which I will return towards the end of my speech. Peace does not begin when war ends. Peace begins when politics is wise enough to prevent war from beginning. Perhaps that is why small countries sometimes see international politics differently. Great powers have room for strategic shifts that small sized states simply do not have. For a great power, a mistaken geopolitical calculation may mean a change of strategy. For a small sized country, the same mistake can mean a lost decade. That is why we cannot afford to be indifferent to the rules, nor can we afford to believe that the rules will defend themselves. The world taking shape before us is a world of sharper competition. Power is being redistributed.

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Dear friends. Since this morning, we've heard a number of speeches from this rostrum about the state of the world, and I fear I will not be very original in my description. Every speaker has described the return of imperialism, of arrogance, the return of unrestrained force which knows no rules, a world in which we see power concentrated in the hands of the few, a world in which some believe that they can undermine the international order so as to push their borders outwards. Those that believe that people's sovereignty can be toppled over that they could use that sovereignty. People who believe that they can decide the fate of the planet, whether that be as regards the climate or AI. The question we must answer is very simple. The question is, do we want to live under this state of affairs with a return to the law of the jungle? Or do we want to live in a civilised international society? Our duty today, more than ever, is to hold firm here at the United Nations in order to make decisions to further our common interests so that people can choose their fate freely, their development model choose their future. To refuse their sovereignty being taken hostage by unjust forces, by fear. Therefore, the very raison d'etre of this organisation is to bring together free people on an equal footing. It is our charter that prevents the power wielded by some from making decisions for others. This is what compels us to work together to demonstrate our commitment and our capacity to act, and usefully so. You know just how committed France is to the United Nations and its ability to shoulder the responsibilities conferred upon it by the charter. I wish to reassert our commitment to take action hand in hand with each and every one of you, so as to revive multilateralism and to demonstrate that we are stronger, more effective, more capable of tackling common challenges if we do this together. Today's challenges, future challenges, ones we do not know about yet, challenges we haven't yet tackled. I talked about the climate. It also applies to war and peace, new technologies and development. Across all of these areas, wherever might is right is being imposed, we must defend justice and our common interests, and it is in the interests of each and every one of us as well, because our charter affords us the protection, the right to live together. Given the sorry state of the world, given what we're seeing today, and that is a growing number of wars we haven't solved, multiplying myriad crises and contemporary challenges which are weighing on new generations in new ways, I believe we are duty bound not to yield. And at the end of the day, the message I wish to convey to you today, as I've been doing over the last nine years, is a message of determination. Optimism through action. What I'm trying to tell you is that we will not yield to fatalism, to defeatism, which is very much in vogue according to this rhetoric. There's not much point coming here to deliver speeches. They say might is right. We can impose a different kind of peace. That is what they say.

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For much of my life, I served as a judge in Hungary and at the European Court of Human Rights. That work taught me a simple lesson. The law must apply even to those in power. This belief will guide me as president. I will protect the Constitution, the freedom of our institutions, and the dignity of every Hungarian citizen. The state belongs to those who support the government, to those who oppose it, and to those who have lost trust in politics. Whatsoever. A new political majority must not become the new owner of the state. This April, the people of Hungary voted for democratic renewal. They expected more than a change of government. They expect public life to change rule of law, a state that serves rather than controls, courts that decide without pressure, a press that challenges power and public money, that is used for public goods. There must be accountability for corruption and abuse of power. But there must be no revenge. Justice cannot become a political weapon. A democratic state cannot repair past wrongs by repeating them with new people in charge. The same law must apply to those who govern yesterday, those who govern today, and those who may govern tomorrow. A republic begins when power accepts its limits. That is, the republic. Hungary must now rebuild. Trust from our partners will not return because of one election or one speech.

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Let respect for international law, peace, solidarity, sustainable development and justice be the path that we follow together. Ladies and gentlemen, we in Bosnia and Herzegovina call upon all UN Member states to focus on reaffirming relations between states on the basis of international law, ensuring respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, promoting peace and social progress, combating hate speech and all forms of discrimination, strengthening policies for the prevention of genocide, crimes against humanity and other war crimes, advancing the rights of women and children, and strengthening gender equality, better healthcare and education. The world must return to the fundamental principles upon which the UN is founded. Respect for human dignity, the sovereign equality of states, the peaceful settlement of disputes, respect for international law.

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But let me first draw your attention to a threat to our democracies that I do not believe is receiving the interest it deserves: manipulation via social media. The fundamental principle of democracy is "one person, one voice, one vote." But if thousands of fake accounts speak in a coordinated manner, the individual voice is no longer heard, and freedom of speech is denied. And if thousands of fake accounts launch a coordinated attack on the ideas expressed by an individual, they discourage others from joining that person's cause, and freedom of association is denied.

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The balanced and balancing foreign policy adopted by Armenia stems from the logic of multipolarity, which is one of the key principles of the United Nations. In recent years we have established strategic relations with Georgia, France, China, the Netherlands, Kazakhstan, Germany, Luxembourg, the United Kingdom, Bulgaria, Croatia, Lithuania, the United States of America, and the European Union. Today, by the way, the European Commission approved the decision to adopt autonomous trade measures for Armenia, which is yet another manifestation of the new quality of Armenia-EU relations. Our relations with Russia are in a transformation phase, and this is a natural process because throughout the entire preceding period, the largest factor influencing relations between Armenia and Russia was the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict. Now that we have established peace with Azerbaijan, Armenia-Russia relations will naturally change and it is our desire that these relations develop on the basis of the principles of friendship and mutual respect. We will, of course, continue to develop our relations with partners located closer to or farther from Armenia. And in this regard, I would like to highlight the countries of Central Asia with which our relations are also highly dynamic. But I also cannot but emphasize that the normalization and deepening of relations with our neighbors are nevertheless of key importance for our foreign policy vision. I have already spoken about the dynamics of our relations with Azerbaijan. We have a high-level dialogue with Turkey, and I want to confirm the words expressed by President Erdogan from this podium the other day, that we are resolutely pushing forward the process of normalizing Armenia-Turkey relations. Our relations with our two other neighbors, the Islamic Republic of Iran and Georgia, remain of exceptional importance to us, and our good neighborliness continues to develop and deepen. The Republic of Armenia considers its contribution to the region's stability and development to be our key task in international peace, stability and development. Honorable President of the 81st session of the UN General Assembly. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. This October, Armenia will host the 17th conference of the parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity, the COP17. And I invite you all to participate in this very important event for Armenia and for the international biodiversity agenda. Dear ladies and gentlemen, this is what I wanted to share with you in my speech today. Thank you for your attention.

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For my country, for Cyprus, this is not an abstract principle; it is a painful existential reality. Fifty-two years have passed since the illegal Turkish invasion of Cyprus, an act of aggression violating the core principles of the UN Charter, an ongoing, flagrant violation of international law, with more than a third of the territory of Cyprus remaining under Turkish occupation. For fifty-two years, the tens of thousands of displaced and their descendants are prevented from returning to their homes. For fifty-two years, Varosha remains sealed off, with Turkey still in defiance of its clear and very specific obligations set out in the relevant UN resolutions. For fifty-two years, we are experiencing violations of fundamental human rights, the destruction of religious and cultural heritage, and the organized transfer of settlers amounting to demographic change. Pain and immense suffering are the daily reality of the relatives of the missing persons that, to this day, are demanding answers as to the fate of their loved ones. And for fifty-two years, the principles at stake have remained the same: respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity are not rhetorical vehicles, nor are they to be applied selectively depending on who the perpetrator is. These principles do not become less important with the passage of time, nor do the resolutions of this organization. UN resolutions cannot be upheld in one case and disregarded, fully disregarded in another. And the sovereignty and territorial integrity of a state cannot depend on its size, its power, or the passage of the time. And this is not only a question for Cyprus. It goes to the credibility of the international system itself. If we ask states to believe in multilateralism, if we expect them to be active contributors, then they must be able to trust that the principles and decisions of our institutions will be upheld without exception. Ladies and gentlemen, I listened very carefully to the speech of President Erdogan yesterday. References to international law, to the respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states, to illegal occupation, to the drama of refugees. Yet, in relation to my country, in relation to Cyprus, Turkey is doing exactly the opposite: hyperosity of the highest form. President Erdogan yesterday also quoted extensively from the UN Charter, "But politicians are judged not by their words, but by their deeds." And if Mr. Erdogan wants to quote from the Charter, he must first apply the Charter. The UN Security Council has established the framework for the solution of the Cyprus problem. That framework of a bisonal, bicommunal federation with political equality remains the only basis on which a comprehensive settlement must be reached. And I remain fully committed to achieving a factional and viable solution. I'm ready. I'm ready to resume negotiations from where they left off, building on the substantial work already achieved. The common ground is there. The relevant UN Security Council resolutions, international law, and the law, values, and principles of the European Union. What is now required is political will by all parties and genuine willingness to return to meaningful negotiations, to engage seriously, to build on the body of work already achieved, and to reach a settlement that reunifies our country and our people. A settlement that allows Greek and Turkish Cypriots, Maronites, Armenians, and Ladins to live together in peace, security, and prosperity. On my side, let me repeat it, I'm fully committed. Because, ladies and gentlemen, division will not be accepted. This cannot and will not be the future for my country and my people, ever. Our determination to reunify our island is firm. I therefore call on my Turkish Cypriot compatriots to perceive our future together as the opportunity for prosperity. And of course, I call on President Erdogan to give the green light for substantive negotiations within the UN agreed framework. Excellencies, I mentioned several times how change is inevitable. But the choices we make in response to change are ours. For countries like Cyprus, the answer must be cooperation with purpose.

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I had prepared a speech to present to you yesterday. The United States President described us as terrorists. We have been the victims of terrorism. I come from an Iran in which our esteemed Supreme Leader was assassinated without any legal framework or reason. I come from an Iran where, in truth, they bombed a school. You see these children? These children perished under bombs, with weapons used by the United States and Israel. They were innocent, had committed no crimes. Lamerd, one of the small cities in a province in Iran, a sports hall where children were busy playing. The United States, by using weapons with multiple warheads, targeted that sports hall. They martyred, assassinated, our scientists, our men, women, and children. Innocent children who, in truth, had committed no crimes, no sins. Those who are terrorists and train and protect terrorists describe us as such. We have only defended ourselves. We are not terrorists. Our innocent people have been the targets of cowardly attacks and aggressions imposed upon our country, and we defended ourselves with utmost strength.

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Excellencies, president of the United Nations General Assembly. Excellencies, heads of state and government. Your Excellency, Secretary General of the United Nations, distinguished delegates. Ladies and gentlemen, I am particularly proud and honored to address this August Assembly today on behalf. Of the Republic of Madagascar. At this 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly For the rest of my speech, allow me to now speak to you in the Malagasy language. My mother tongue, in honor of my country and the Malagasy people I would like. First of all, on behalf of the Malagasy people and in my own name, to extend my sincere congratulations to Mr. Khalilur Rahman on his election as president of the 81st General Assembly, as well as to the Vice Presidents. In this regard, I wish to reaffirm Madagascar's support and its full readiness to work in a genuine spirit of cooperation to ensure the success of all of our work throughout this session.

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We are proud of their valuable sacrifices. Ladies and gentlemen, the alarming rise in Islamophobia is deeply worrying as Muslims face hate speech, discrimination, attacks on mosques and desecration of the Holy Quran. Just across our border, RSS driven Hindutva ideology is fanning religious hatred, leading to lynching, communal violence, attacks on places of worship and restrictions upon religious freedom. The demolition of the 150 year old mosque in Saharanpur, India, earlier this month is a case in point.

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Allow me to begin my speech by quoting the sentences that I delivered, uh, 14 years ago on this rostrum on behalf of Slovenia and also on behalf of vast number of current and former heads of states at that time who signed our declaration for. And, uh, allow me to quote This was, uh, 14 years ago, this year's team of the United Nations Assembly is peaceful resolution of disputes. Last year, we celebrated the 60th anniversary of the entry into force of the convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. The convention was the fruit of the tireless effort of the Polish jurist of Jewish descent, Raphael Lemkin. I would like to remind you that since the end of the Second World War alone, there have been more than 80 countries witnessing mass atrocities. At least 53 million innocent people lost their lives. And behind these numbers are concrete men and women as well as children. They had a future, but they were not allowed to leave that future. For this reason, I call on the member states of the United Nations, regional organizations and the United Nations system to develop a new approach and a strategy for the prevention of genocide and other mass atrocities. In addition, an intergovernmental forum of like minded states should be established in order to propose a United Nations resolution that would give a clear mandate for preparation and adoption of an appropriate legal mechanism, legal mechanism that would give the concept of the responsibility to protect a new tool, a legal mechanism that will enforce the prevention of crime, a mechanism that will enable a faster and more effective response to acts of genocide and other mass atrocities. I would like to inform you that this initiative also comes from international civil society. The Institute for Cultural Diplomacy has gathered thousands of supporters and inter international non-governmental organizations among lawyers, lawyers, students, journalists and others. As early as 1960. 1946 Raphael Lemkin declared our heritage is the result of the contribution of all nations, all nations, as well as the United Nations, as we all have great responsibility, as well as an enormous opportunity to prevent atrocities in the future. We cannot escape history, but we can learn something from it. I firmly believe that the mistakes we made yesterday, we do not want to repeat tomorrow. We talk. We. We took responsibility for this word from our fathers, and we have a great responsibility to make it better for our children. I call on you to improve it by joining all our efforts for a world free from genocide and other mass atrocities. End of quote. This was 14 years ago, after 14 years. I know that despite the great initial support, our initiative has not been realized. And we can all say that today world is not better.

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Because noting the limits of multilateralism should no longer mean that we renounce multilateralism. We need even more multilateralism and even more UN, a stronger UN in defending its principles, more effective in preventing and peacefully settling disputes, more representative in its decision making structures, and closer to the realities of the people. The world needs a UN that strengthens and re-establishes trust. A UN that listens without turning away from the concerns of those people that it serves, who decide without losing sight of those for whom it works and which promises, without forgetting that it needs to keep its promises. International trust cannot be restored just through speeches. It is established through the respect of shared rules. And here we're talking about international law. Unfortunately, we are seeing a worsening of geopolitical tensions and a worrisome return to war at the heart of international relations. Violations of international law and of the United Nations Charter are increasing in number. And the weakness of our responses are akin to a type of tolerance that we seem to be willing to accept. Given this situation, Togo would like to reaffirm its firm belief in international law is not an obstacle to power. It guarantees its legitimacy, its predictability, and its stability. It protects the most vulnerable states and also serves the lasting interests of the most powerful. By preventing uncontrolled clashes by shoring up exchanges, and by establishing trust. Togo thus defends a pragmatic type of multilateralism that transforms commitments into results that scaffolds power dynamics with shared rules and organizes the peaceful coexistence of interests. Mr. president, Togo supports efforts as part of the UN initiative to improve the effectiveness, the coherence and the accountability of our organization.

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We want a long term relationship with jobs, training, technology infrastructure, productivity, a future. That is why Bolivia is open to the world and we want the world to come to Bolivia. But we are open with dignity, not based on Demagogical speeches based on our past. What Bolivia wants is a firm and strong future respecting our traditions and our original and indigenous peoples, but also giving them opportunities to grow with dignity and to develop our nations.

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State governors and representatives of the legislative branch. They will decide between democracy and denialism if Brazil will move towards a future with more opportunities, or go back to a past of exclusion. We shall have competitive and transparent elections where every candidate benefits from the broadest freedom of speech. We know that some abuse of this freedom to associate themselves with foreign interests against the country. We do not underestimate the challenge of misinformation networks that aim to distort public debate during the campaign. But we have a modern and robust election system under the watchful eye of a pluralistic citizenry and a free press. We will not allow the enemies of democracy, whether domestic or foreign, to undermine popular will. Brazilian democracy belongs to Brazilians. Brazil continues to be a sovereign country. Nobody, nobody will turn us away from this path. May God bless us all. And thank you very much.

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Here is the most uncomfortable thing I came to say. The hardest pill to swallow in my speech. This organization has not been commensurate with the challenges of our times. It's not only a leadership problem, one of the present or the future, but rather a problem in terms of action. For decades and for several reasons, the United Nations has not been part of the solution to the problems I've outlined. We cannot simply continue to play by the same rules of an order that was established in 1945 in 2026. What we've seen is the development of a UN architecture that holds too many discussions and is too quick to act. A Security Council that reflects the political arena of 1945 and the reality and not the reality of 2026. We have red tape that continues to proliferate, as is true for indeed many countries. We're seeing agendas that, however noble they might appear have ultimately postponed what this organization committed to do with its founding charter that is maintain peace, protect rights, life, and defend the freedom of its peoples. We believe in the United Nations, and believing in the United Nations means ensuring that the organization discharges its mandate. I propose three things reducing bureaucracy and focusing our resources where there are lives at stake. We must suspend agendas that are not priorities to return the spotlight to those that really are priorities. We must reform the Security Council, not as a symbolic gesture, but as a vital prerequisite to ensure that the council's decisions are once again respected and upheld. Chile signed the San Francisco Charter and has been present, ready and willing to defend all of its causes. We are committed to the High Seas Agreement known as the BBNJ, and we proposed Valparaiso as the headquarters of its executive Secretariat. That means that we now have the first UN body to ever have had a headquarters in Latin America and this is an agreement which brings together many different sectors in Chile to play this role, this housing of this headquarters is an expression of the multilateralism that we believe in a tangible, ambitious and able to yield results. There needs to be a multilateralism that is effective and efficient. And allow me to say that the reforms I talked about cannot wait.

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Our size does not diminish our voice. Our vulnerability does not diminish our agency, and our distance from the centers of power does not distance us from its consequences. Transformation will happen whether we manage it or not. Your Excellencies. And the real question is what kind of transformation we choose? Will it be governed by law or by power? And will this great assembly remain a place where we come to describe crisis or become an institution that solves them? Let this 81st session be remembered, and not for the depth of our concern, but for the courage of our decisions. Let us build a United Nations that is trusted because it is fair, relevant because it adapts and respected because it delivers. Let us build a Pacific that remains an ocean of peace, united in purpose, confident in its identity, and strong enough to shape its own future. And let us remember that the measure of what we do here will not be found in our speeches. It will be found in whether a coastal community can remain on the land of its ancestors, and whether a young person can trust democracy and find future at their home.

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Mr. president, Mr. Secretary General, distinguished heads of delegations. Ladies and gentlemen, at the outset of my speech, I would like to sincerely congratulate Mr. Rahman on being elected as the president of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly and wish him further success.

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Dear colleagues, human rights are at the heart of the society we are building at home and of the international order we promote abroad. Human dignity is universal and indivisible. That means protecting the rights and freedoms of every single person, combating discrimination and hate speech, and safeguarding the independent institutions, free media, and civil society on which our democratic societies depend. Montenegro is proud of its multi-ethnic, multi-religious, and multicultural character. We understand that diversity is not a challenge to be managed. It is a strength to be protected. Montenegro sits where the Mediterranean Sea meets the Balkans. We are a small country shaped by different cultures, religions, and identities. Our history has taught us that living together cannot be taken for granted. It has to be renewed by every generation. And perhaps this is why we understand so well that trust is not the absence of differences. Trust is the ability to live with those differences without allowing them to become divisions. And at a time of growing polarization, societies do not become stronger by making everyone the same. They become stronger by building institutions in which every single citizen can recognize the same fairness and the same dignity. Excellencies, the choices we make today—choices on peace, technology, and climate action— will shape the lives of generations yet to come.

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(BRIEF PAUSE) Turning to human rights, we should acknowledge that these are central to the other two pillars: they can promote peace and security and advance sustainable development. And we recognize one of the most urgent assaults on human dignity today: hate speech that incites violence. It is a growing threat to regional and global peace, and it is on the rise. Hateful narratives are spreading like wildfire across borders and into homes at unprecedented speed and scale. They target women and girls, minorities, migrants, refugees and persons with disabilities, often for political gain. New and emerging technologies are used to amplify lies, manipulate public debate, spread hatred and give incitement to violence faster and farther than ever before. We must choose dialogue and tolerance and foster a culture in which human rights are respected not only in law, but in our daily interactions. And we must stop the cherry picking of those rights that fit our respective cultures or the politics of the day. Whether it is islamophobia, antisemitism, homophobia, or misogyny, it’s all the same... hatred, repackaged and relabelled. Let us use the tools of our age not to deepen fear, but to widen understanding and advance human dignity, for everyone, everywhere. (BRIEF PAUSE) My second point: making the United Nations fit for the future, which requires a more foundational approach to reform.

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That is the responsibility of taking Venezuela from uncertainty and conflict to a full democracy which is recognized by its own people and the world. This will be a new era of well-being from which Venezuela will be reborn. To my beloved people, I wish to say this is not the end of a speech. It is the beginning of a commitment. I wish to say to the international community: Venezuela is ready to walk hand in hand with those that believe in respectful international relations, relationships which exist without prejudice or interference. I wish to say the following to my young people, people that have grown up in a fractured country and which often decided to leave in search of what they couldn't find in our country. I wish to say to them that it is worth believing in the country once more. It is the time to rebuild the country that many wish to return to. We want it to be a country that they want to return to, and not just one they want to flee from. I wish to say to all the Venezuelans who suffered the material and human losses of the earthquake, if they're wondering if it's worth carrying on, I say, yes, it is. The strength of a people is not measured in easy times, but rather at times like these. We've lived many a catastrophe as a nation, but we have always emerged more united than we were before it was unleashed. To the Venezuelan people, I say the following: I do not promise you an easy way forward. The country's recovery will take time. Rebuilding our national soul will be our priority. Let us walk united as one nation that decided, in the wake of pain, to choose hope. May this political and geopolitical juncture go down in history as the time at which we decided to get back on our feet together, to rise up, and to allow Venezuela's rebirth. On the 16th of December, we will mark 200 years since the anguished appeal of the father of our freedom, Simón Bolívar. He spoke to them to save them from dissolution, division, and civil war. He said, "Venezuelans, you will be consulted so that you can say when, where, and according to which terms you wish to convene the great national convention. There our people will exercise fully their power. There we will establish our fundamental laws. Only a man can know his worth and be the master of his own fate. An all-powerful individual, a party or a faction, cannot be that figure. Only a people is sovereign. No all-powerful individual, no party, no faction must prevail. We will all work together. We must pool our strengths to ensure the rebirth of our homeland, the homeland that our daughters and our sons deserve.

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Not to live with the thought that war, hunger, disease, or violence could make everything disappear overnight. That is the most concrete definition of peace. Being able to live your life without constantly fearing that you will lose it. We can build peace and we can damage it. We can pass it on or leave the next generation with the task of starting all over again. At the beginning of this speech, I spoke of Maurice Maeterlinck's play The Blind. Its characters were waiting for someone to show them the way. We cannot simply wait. No one will come and decide for us what kind of world we want to live in. But we are not without bearings. We have international law, we have dialogue, and above all, we have a responsibility to use them both. A compass cannot prevent a storm. It helps us hold our course when the storm comes.

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We forge ahead. We seize the future. We pioneer incredible developments in health, agriculture, artificial intelligence, superior intelligence. And we bring these amazing innovations to all of humanity. So Israel has never been stronger. We are not afraid. But I'll tell you who is afraid. The tyrants of Tehran, that's who. And you know what they're most afraid of their own people, the brave Iranian people who have sacrificed so much for so long, the Iranian regime is especially afraid when their people have this, when their people have this. This is a communications device, Starlink that allows people to access truth, to exercise, choice, to exercise, freedom of thought and freedom of speech. That's why the Iranian regime spells rather spends millions and billions of dollars censoring the internet, Mr. president. I'm going to leave this device with you so you can give it to the Iranian delegation.

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To those cynics, I want to point out an instance that shows how hope can triumph over defeatism. And I go back to 1967 when representing the then geographically smallest member state of the Europe of the United Nations, a member state that had been a member of the United Nations for less than three years, Arvid Pardo spoke up in this General Assembly in a stirring speech, Malta's permanent representative made a passionate plea to the world's common humanity. He may have been speaking on behalf of a very small nation, but he had a very ambitious vision. Pardo Pardo called for the world to treat the resources of the oceans beyond their own borders as the common heritage of mankind. His demand for a law of the sea was prescient, but to achieve it took persistence. In fact, it took 27 years before it came into being. What motivated Malta's action, then, is what motivates Malta's demands now? Doing nothing meant leaving the world's oceans to the mercy of the world's biggest, strongest and richest nations. Taking action showed that, and I quote, they belonged to all of humanity. Those living and those who still had to be born. That spirit was evident was evident when, in 1988, right at the start of the concern about global warming, Malta proposed the United Nations General Assembly resolution that recognized climate change as a global problem, requiring collective and global solutions suspicion of collective action won't be counteracted by retreat. It will only be overcome by the strength to turn convictions into action.

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