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Solomon Islands reaffirms that maritime boundaries, once established and deposited in accordance with UNCLOS, together with the rights and entitlements that flow from them, shall continue to apply notwithstanding any physical changes caused by climate change related sea level rise. Sir, the ocean is not simply a resource. It is our identity, our heritage and our future. It sustains our livelihoods, our culture and our economy. We do not own the ocean. We belong to it. We hold it in solemn trust for generations yet to be born. Yet our ability to benefit fully from our own ocean is undermined by illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing, which costs our region US$300 million every year. Solomon Islands is fighting back, working with the Forum Fisheries Agency and partners including Australia, France, New Zealand and the US to strengthen surveillance and enforcement across our waters. Mr. president, the SDG 14 remains among the least funded of all the Sustainable Development Goals. With just four years left until 2030, the fourth UN Ocean Conference must raise the bar on ocean finance and secure the ocean's place in the development agenda beyond 2030. Solomon Islands welcomes the entry into force of the agreement and the preparations for the first conference of the parties in January. We look to that conference to establish, without delay, the Secretariat and the institutional arrangements to implement the agreement. Plastic pollution is poisoning our ocean and our food. As negotiations resume in Bangkok, Solomon Islands calls for an ambitious, legally binding treaty that addresses the full cycle of plastics from production to disposal. Mr. president, our people are our greatest asset. With more than half of our population under the age of 25, my government is prioritising legal frameworks that empower young people, advance gender equality and strengthen the protection of women and children against domestic violence. We welcome global progress in advancing the rights and full participation of women and persons with disabilities in the economy, and Solomon Islands is committed to accelerating that progress at home. There can be no sustainable development without equal opportunity for all. Mr. president, our development partnerships play an indispensable role in expanding infrastructure, maritime connectivity, health and education, and in improving the lives of Solomon Islanders. I thank the governments and peoples of Australia, China, Japan, New Zealand, the Republic of Korea and the US, as well as the EU for their contributions to our national development.
We call upon development partners and multilateral institutions to bridge financing gaps, enhance pandemic preparedness, and ensure equitable access to diagnostic tools, medicines, and vaccines worldwide. As the Chair of NAM, Uganda continues to uphold the principles of unity, peace, and solidarity among developing nations. We remain dedicated to advancing the international covenant on the right to development, aiming to transform the 1986 Declaration into a binding operational instrument that tackles structural global inequalities. We look forward to hosting the ministers of NAM member states and observers at the Ministerial Meeting of the NAM Coordinating Bureau in Kampala from December 2 to 4, 2026. Mr. President, as the selection process for the next UN Secretary-General progresses, Uganda has presented a candidate in the name of Ambassador Olara Othunu. Ambassador Olara Othunu brings over four decades of distinguished service across the UN system, international diplomacy, and public administration. As the inaugural Special Representative for Children and Armed Conflict 1998-2005, he placed the protection of war-affected children firmly on the Security Council agenda and established the monitoring and reporting mechanism under Resolution 1612 in 2005. His extensive experience, statements shipped, and proven capacity for consensus building make him exceptionally qualified to lead the Secretariat at this critical time. As I conclude, Mr. President, for eight decades the United Nations has stood as a central pillar of international peace, human rights, and development. While acknowledging its vital achievements and convening power, we must continue to reform the organization to ensure it becomes more transparent, cost-effective, efficient, and representative. Through renewed international cooperation, the UN can truly deliver on its founding promises for all humanity.
That is the tradition I bring to this podium, representing a nation staking its existence on the promise that shared rules faithfully observed remain humanity's best instrument for peace and prosperity. That tradition tests whether trust between nations, large and small, can be restored. Mr. President, restoring trust must begin with restoring respect: respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity, and equal dignity of every nation, regardless of its size, wealth, or military power. For smaller states such as Botswana, a rule-based international order is an essential safeguard. It assures us that international relations will be governed by the strength of agreed principles. Botswana believes that rules that bind only the weak are not rules, and principles applied selectively soon cease to command respect. That is why Botswana calls on this General Assembly, the Security Council, and every organ of the United Nations to recommit to dialogue as the first instrument of diplomacy. Botswana has sought to live by this principle as a host to the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Secretariat through our contributions to regional mediation and election observation, and through our consistent commitment to the peaceful settlement of disputes.
President excellencies, Mexico believes in this organization and today faces a huge challenge resolving and renewing compliance of the foundational mandate to save humanity from the scourge of armed conflicts, to protect human rights, to improve the situation of millions of vulnerable people, and to ensure that international law is respected. This renewal also um, reaches the leadership of this organization because soon we will have a new person at the helm of the UN secretariat. And Mexico would like to be crystal clear on this. At the United Nations. It is also time for women. Alfonso Reyes, uh, diplomat and humanist, left Mexico. Um, taught Mexico rather a lesson that today we'd like to bring to this assembly. The only way of being usefully national is being generous, generously universal. This is the vocation of our foreign policy in Mexico. Knows that no nation can build its future in isolation, and that sovereignty is strengthened through dialogue and respectful collaboration between all peoples. Mexico came up to this rostrum with a conviction, and we are ending with the very same conviction that the legitimacy of institutions depends on their ability to transform through action the life of people. As President Claudia Sheinbaum has said, Mexico is advancing along the path of shared prosperity, with independence, with freedom, and always with dignity.
Fourth, we must strengthen multilateralism and the essential, indispensable role of the UN. The strength of the UN does not lie in its ability to replace the responsibilities of state, but in its legitimacy and capacity to build consensus, established norms, develop rules and mobilise global efforts to address common challenges. For the UN to adapt to the transformations of the time, Vietnam supports efforts to reform the organisation, particularly the GA, the Security Council and the Secretariat, with a view to enhance its effectiveness, prioritising structural reform and streamlining the apparatus, while fully harnessing the UN's advantage in advancing global agendas and safeguarding the interests of developing countries. These perspectives are drawn from the experience of Vietnam itself over the past half century, since its accession to the UN mirrors the transformation of our own country.
And this is why Andorra will continue to work, both within the group of friends of multilingualism and the groups of francophone ambassadors, to ensure that new digital tools, as well as the UN itself, continue to reflect the plurality of peoples and cultures that we represent. This organization exists because the international community understood that the destiny of peoples is shared. No nation can prosper while ignoring the suffering of others, because the security of one depends on the security of all. In this regard, I would like, first and foremost, to commend the excellent UN aid initiative, which proposes improvements to the work of the Secretariat, a stronger mandate lifecycle, and simplification of structures to avoid duplication and overlap. Secondly, I would like to emphasize the need for a form of the Security Council so that the UN can reflect the realities of today rather than those of 80 years ago. But the most important reform is to ensure that this organization remains a space where states not only defend their legitimate interests but are also capable of exercising a shared responsibility to address the great challenges facing humanity, and above all, continue to believe that what unites us is stronger than what divides us. I would like to also offer a few words of recognition to Secretary-General António Guterres. Since 2017, he has exercised his mandate during one of the most difficult and uncertain periods the international community has known, consistently defending the principles of the UN charter and reminding us, even when it seemed most difficult, that multilateralism remains the best hope for preserving peace and cooperation among peoples as well as human dignity.
Mr. president, as a low lying atoll nation with no higher ground, sea level rise is an immediate and stark reality. This week's UN high level meeting on sea level rise has helped achieve new understanding in international law. It is the seas that are rising around us and not our islands which are sinking. Our boundaries and baselines of today. The political footprint on the map will endure in the face of aggressive sea level rise scenarios. Our collective stability and security as Pacific Islands Forum members and as a UN member state will be now better addressed. As an atoll nation, our tide gauge is proof enough that far more action is needed, and we are acting. Confronted with rising seas on our most vulnerable shorelines. We completed the Ebeye Seawall and Footpath last week. 1.8km of oceanside protection built with support from the World Bank, the Green Climate Fund and our own resources. Engineered for rising seas, it now protects 8,400 people and critical energy infrastructure, reduces annual coastal flooding losses and anchors resilient future development on Ebeye, including schools, housing and the proposed new hospital, while providing a safe public space that strengthens community wellbeing. It cost $75 million, took 70,000 tonnes of rocks, took more than a decade to do, and it is just one island of over a thousand. We are taking action and we urgently need strengthened partnership to better protect our islands before sea level rise overtakes us. Mr. president, my nation underscores the importance of the law of the sea as a key pillar of our future. Even before we were a UN member, we fought closely both to participate in UN law of the sea negotiations and to secure these rights in our Constitution. Pacific Island leadership and that of all small island developing states has defined every multilateral milestone for oceans and fisheries. And we will continue to do so. As an ocean people, the consequences of getting it wrong are not from distant impacts, but adjacent to our waters, particularly in the North Pacific, both within the International Seabed Authority and unilateral actions. Collectively, the people and voices of Micronesia must be heard. We are joined by Guam, Northern Marianas, Federated States of Micronesia and Palau in expressing our alarm at seabed mining actions where the decisions are made before impacts are well understood and where adequate safeguards remain undefined. The Marshall Islands joins 45 nations seeking a moratorium on seabed mining. Responsible and science driven regulations need to be in place. Going on guesswork for global oceans is beyond dangerous. There are no do overs. The Marshall Islands looks forward to the first Conference of Parties to the Biodiversity Beyond National Jurisdiction, to work across silos to advance high seas protection. We urge wide ratification of the agreement. The Marshall Islands looks forward to supporting its secretariat in a host nation, committed to upholding the law of the sea as a matter of both principle and law, in words and in actions. Mr. president, too often the word geopolitics is considered to refer only to the whims of superpowers and not the reality of our fragile place between them.
Monaco supports the UN 80 initiative to make the organisation more streamlined, more understandable, more efficient and closer to people on the ground. Still, the UN needs resources to function. My country fulfils its financial contributions in full and on time, and we call on all other states to do likewise. But this necessary step is not enough. In the light of the changes that have to be undertaken, that is why Monaco calls on the real leaders of the United Nations to rethink the architecture of our system from 2030. Bringing on board the public and private sector, civil society and educational and cultural hubs, streamlining processes, preventing mandate duplication, consolidating specialized agencies, regional centres and the secretariat, and guaranteeing small states genuine inclusivity. There is plenty of work to do. The time of the law is patient, but this patience should not be confused with inertia. In the same vein, the principality is in favour of a reform of the Security Council to make it more representative to today's realities. While also preserving its ability to act. And we are also in favour of the revitalisation of this General Assembly, the House of Equality between States. This session will also see the election of the next Secretary General of the organisation. Monaco calls for a transparent, inclusive and rigorous process. After 80 years, the Principality hopes that women candidates will be seriously considered. The organisation would do well to demonstrate at its helm the equality for which it stands. Ladies and gentlemen there is one area where multilateral trust has recently produced tangible results, and it is dear to the heart of His Serene Highness Prince Albert II, and that is to say, the ocean.
Here is the most uncomfortable thing I came to say. The hardest pill to swallow in my speech. This organization has not been commensurate with the challenges of our times. It's not only a leadership problem, one of the present or the future, but rather a problem in terms of action. For decades and for several reasons, the United Nations has not been part of the solution to the problems I've outlined. We cannot simply continue to play by the same rules of an order that was established in 1945 in 2026. What we've seen is the development of a UN architecture that holds too many discussions and is too quick to act. A Security Council that reflects the political arena of 1945 and the reality and not the reality of 2026. We have red tape that continues to proliferate, as is true for indeed many countries. We're seeing agendas that, however noble they might appear have ultimately postponed what this organization committed to do with its founding charter that is maintain peace, protect rights, life, and defend the freedom of its peoples. We believe in the United Nations, and believing in the United Nations means ensuring that the organization discharges its mandate. I propose three things reducing bureaucracy and focusing our resources where there are lives at stake. We must suspend agendas that are not priorities to return the spotlight to those that really are priorities. We must reform the Security Council, not as a symbolic gesture, but as a vital prerequisite to ensure that the council's decisions are once again respected and upheld. Chile signed the San Francisco Charter and has been present, ready and willing to defend all of its causes. We are committed to the High Seas Agreement known as the BBNJ, and we proposed Valparaiso as the headquarters of its executive Secretariat. That means that we now have the first UN body to ever have had a headquarters in Latin America and this is an agreement which brings together many different sectors in Chile to play this role, this housing of this headquarters is an expression of the multilateralism that we believe in a tangible, ambitious and able to yield results. There needs to be a multilateralism that is effective and efficient. And allow me to say that the reforms I talked about cannot wait.
Today, Central Asia is becoming an example of constructive inter-state cooperation as well as economic, infrastructural and technological development. In this regard, we are ready to share the experience we have accumulated along this path. Distinguished heads of delegations. For the first time in its history, Kyrgyzstan has been elected as a member of the United Nations Security Council for the 2027 2028 term. Taking this opportunity, I would like to express my profound gratitude to all countries that supported our candidacy. The support of 142 member states not only confirms Kyrgyzstan's readiness to contribute to international affairs, but also demonstrates the growing role of the Central Asian region in international relations. This achievement is clear evidence that even small states can make a meaningful contribution to addressing global challenges. We fully understand that membership in the Security Council is not a privilege or reward. It is a great responsibility. One year ago, standing at this stage, I stated with confidence that Kyrgyzstan is among those states whose experience enables them to put forward substantive issues for consideration by the Security Council. We do not forget the promises we have made and will make every effort to implement them fully. Therefore, I would like to reiterate Kyrgyzstan firmly adheres to international law, justice and the protection of human rights and supports the multilateral system based on mutual respect, balance of interest and responsibility towards future generations. We intend to work closely with every country and remain committed to productive cooperation. Distinguished colleagues as you all may know, since the establishment of the United Nations in 1945, its member states and leaders have attempted to undertake systematic reforms. Reforms have ranged from expanding the membership of the Security Council to modernizing mechanisms of governance, peacekeeping and the protection of human rights. These initiatives continue to be actively discussed at the international level. However, despite numerous efforts and years of discussion, the institutional structure of our organization continues to face various challenges. Therefore, I believe that expanding the membership of the Security Council is one of the reforms that the international community expects. I consider it fair to grant two permanent seats to the African continent, with a population of more than 1 billion people and one permanent seat to Latin America. Today, the world has changed. At the same time, a number of developed countries have also expressed their aspiration to become members of the Security Council. I believe that the request of this country should be also considered. Another issue, in my view, the weakness of effective mechanisms for ensuring the implementation of the decisions of the organization. The systematic failure to implement the organization's decisions undermines the legitimacy of multilateralism concept, creates the impression that international law is not binding and encourages disregard for international obligations. Therefore, we must expand and strengthen the authority of the United Nations. In this regard, we propose to develop the United Nations mechanism for the implementation of decisions and accountability. First, it is necessary to establish, within the framework of the General Assembly, the permanent Public registry of the implementation of resolutions and obligations by Member States. This registry could include the following information and ensure the implementation of such mechanisms as. First, systematically record and verify the level of implementation of adopted decisions. Second, establish the obligation for Member States to regularly submit report in accordance with the agreed standards. Third, provide analytical reviews on sectors and regions. Fourth, ensure transparency and equal access to information for all states. The registry could be administered by the United Nations Secretariat with the support of independent experts. If decisions of the organization are systematically not implemented, I propose the gradual response mechanisms. The first stage an official notification to the concerned state, followed by consultations with the relevant bodies of the organization. The second stage deployment of a monitoring mission to the country concerned to assess the objective obstacles, preventing the implementation of the decision and to prepare recommendations. The third stage consideration of the case right here at a plenary meeting of the General Assembly to determine the status of the concerned state in terms of its systematic implementation or non implementation of United Nations decisions. The fourth stage, the initiation of appropriate procedures under the charter of the United Nations with regard to states that fail to comply with the requirements. In particular, the matter could be referred to the United Nations Security Council for consideration of restrictive measures provided for under international law, including the first temporary restriction on participation in United Nations programs. The second, recommendations to review existing formats of cooperation and other diplomatic measures, where appropriate. Distinguished colleagues, I believe that when cases of systematic non-implementation of United Nations decisions are considered, the permanent members of the Security Council should voluntarily refrain from using the veto. If a mechanism designed to ensure the implementation of the organization's decisions is systematically blocked by permanent members through the use of the veto, such practice would no longer be consistent with the spirit of the UN charter and the principle of equal responsibility of Member States. Therefore, we should once again consider the possibility of voluntarily restraining to use the veto in matters related to the implementation of the organization's decisions. This approach could promote universality, the equality of all states, regardless of their size, the primacy of diplomacy, and avoid the double standards. In order to implement this initiative, I propose establishing to open a working group within the General Assembly with the participation of the interested Member States. The working group could conduct inter-governmental consultations and prepare a report on possible models for the proposed mechanism. Following these consultations, the General Assembly and the Security Council should consider adopting the relevant resolutions and decisions. The strategic objective of this initiative is to ensure that the decisions of the organization are treated not merely as political recommendations, but as genuine international obligations. Improvement of their implementation would strengthen the rule of international law and reinforce confidence in the United Nations. Kyrgyzstan is ready to initiate interstate discussions on the development of such a mechanism. Starting from the 1st January 2027, as a member of the United Nations Security Council, we intend to formally submit all these proposals to the relevant committee. Distinguished colleagues, I would like to address separately the issues of sanctions. As we have all observed today, sanctions are in some cases, used by individual countries as an instrument to interference to the internal affairs of sovereign states.
Mr. president, there are moments in the life of a nation when its people are called to remember who they have always been. This is such a moment for us. And so I begin with something deeply personal to my people and my country. And that is our name. For many years, the world has known our country as Nauru. Nauru is how our name sounded to those who found it hard to say and the world kept it. But it is not the name our people used among themselves. I rise on my first point not to announce a change, but to affirm a truth long before our country took its place among the family of nations, long before our name appeared on international records, our people knew our homeland by one name, Naoero. That name carries the memory of our ancestors, our language, and our identity. It has been there all along, never lost, never absent. Today we restore Naoero. We do not make this choice to erase our past. We make it because we honour it. We do so with respect for our history and with gratitude for the journey Nauru has carried us through to our independence and our place on the international stage. Mr. president, my government's priority is investing in our people and our future generations. Restoring our name gives back to them a piece of the inheritance, because the identity handed down by our own ancestors has a place in the community of nations, because their history and language matter, because they too have the right to inherit a nation that knows itself, names itself and speaks of itself. In light of this year's theme, let me say this there can be no genuine trust and no true transformation without respect for the identity, history, language and rights of every people to be treated as an equal and to speak for itself. I take the opportunity now to convey my sincerest gratitude to the Secretariat and to this Assembly and the many institutions and partners who have taken steps to recognise our restored name. It may seem a small courtesy, but it means a great deal at home. And so, Mr. President, I say this with the greatest pride. Anga dei-Naoero. That means I am from Naoero and so is every person I have the honour to speak for today. We take our seats under that name, proud of where we have come from, confident in who we are and determined to carry our name into the future. What I ask of the world costs nothing. Join us in recognising and respecting the identity that is already ours.
The UN80 Initiative is a constructive start. But it is only a start. Moving positions on a budget sheet may deliver savings. Merging or renaming bodies may reduce duplication. Streamlining structures may improve efficiency. These steps are important and often necessary for good housekeeping, but they are not enough; we need to dig deeper to address the problems beneath the superstructure, because the United Nations’ reform challenges are chronic and fundamental. On 24 November 1949, four years after the founding of the United Nations, this Assembly adopted resolution 310 (IV), entitled “Problem of the Proliferation and Overlapping of the Programmes of the United Nations and of the Specialized Agencies”. It urged Member States “to refrain from initiating new projects other than those which are urgently required and which can be effectively carried out”. Yet we have not paid sufficient attention to our own decision. We have since created thousands of mandates, of which 4,000 are still active, irrespective of whether they were required or could be effectively carried out. We cannot continue treating a chronic ailment with temporary painkillers when what we need is a deeper diagnosis and a more profound plan for transformation, even if that plan proves painful. And here I must be equally candid: this will happen only if Member States take charge. Time and again, we say that United Nations reforms must be Member State-led. But too often, Member States fail to take the wheel. Passive ownership is not enough. If we do not claim proactive ownership of this place, we cannot expect it to heal. So let us engage. Let us take charge, fix our own house, respect sovereignty of Member States, and together deliver the transformation we need. (BRIEF PAUSE) As we decide what must change, we must also recognize what already works. Again and again, Member States tell us that the United Nations works well at the country level, emergency situations, and in keeping and building peace. We should build on that success. We should strengthen the United Nations’ country-level work and draw increasingly on local capacity, including qualified national institutions and individuals. We should ensure that all activities at country level, from development support to peacekeeping, are properly integrated and produce the highest synergy. We should ensure avoidance of turf battles among different parts of the UN, and exercise care to select resident coordinators that are fit to lead the teams. We want to have full value for money. The Organization’s financial viability is also a chronic concern. We must ensure that it receives sufficient resources on a sustained basis and that all countries pay their dues on time and without conditions. We must also recognize that dues to the United Nations come from hardworking people around the world. Every penny must therefore be properly accounted for. Every penny must be invested to achieve impact on the ground for the people we serve. (BRIEF PAUSE) The role of the Member States, supported by the Secretariat is essential to delivering our work, but not sufficient. This brings me to my third point: building a more open and inclusive United Nations. We know that the United Nations of today, and the world it serves, are profoundly different from those of 1945. Nowhere is the pace of change more evident today than in artificial intelligence.
I would like to begin by expressing my gratitude and respect to all Member States of the United Nations and the staff of the UN Secretariat for their dedication to our prosperous future for all of humanity. I extend my sincere congratulations to His Excellency, Doctor Khalilur Rahman on assuming the presidency of the 81st session of the UN General Assembly.
And very often the countries with the least economic room to maneuver bear the greatest burden in proportionate terms. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea confers rights, but it also imposes obligations. The safety of navigation, the protection of the marine environment, and respect for the rights of coastal states. A smaller navy doesn't mean fewer rights, nor does a larger one confer the right to impose its will. No country should have to surrender the rights the law gives simply because another can send more ships. That is why maritime disputes must be settled by law, not by intimidation. And that is why freedom of navigation depends on common rules, so that every country can exercise its rights while respecting those of others, but keeping our sea routes open also means keeping them safe all the way into our ports. The International Ship and Port Facility Security Code, the famous ISPS code offers a very concrete example of what multilateralism can achieve when it works. Piracy, terrorism and crime are scourges that we must fight together, and that code must be strengthened. Belgium understands its importance. Freedom and security are not opposing ideas. Security is a condition of freedom. I dwell on freedom of navigation because it illustrates something larger. Sovereignty doesn't require isolation. We can defend our interests while accepting that others have rights too. And when rules are clear and predictable enough, a space of competition can still remain a space of cooperation. The ocean, moreover, are far more than the highways of our trades. They feed populations, regulate our climates, and absorb much of the excess heat caused by global warming. For many small island states, rising sea levels affect the land on which the citizens live, in some cases, the culture and the very ability to remain where the families have lived for generations. The freedom to use the ocean, therefore, comes with a responsibility to preserve it. And on this point, allow me to be optimistic. The BBNJ Agreement entered into force this year after almost 20 years of negotiations, almost 20 years. Measured against a political cycle, this is close to an eternity. Measured against the building of international law, it is sometimes the time needed to reach a compromise strong enough to last. The agreement proves that even today, we continue to build international law rather than dismantle it, and Belgium has invested greatly in this process. It helped launch the Blue Leaders, a coalition of countries working to protect at least 30% of the ocean by 2030 and secure an ambitious high sea treaty. The agreement now gives us an essential tool to advance toward that protection goal. But 20 years of negotiations must not be followed by years of waiting. It is in that spirit that Belgium is offering to host the treaty's future secretariat in Brussels. We are ready to enable it to work from day one. It will be able to draw on our scientific expertise and on a community that brings together international organizations, embassies and civil society so that we have agreed together becomes real protection at sea. Beneath those same oceans run other vital routes: the cables that connect the continents and carry much of our digital communications and energy. Here too, our interdependence is plain to see. A break, an act of sabotage or an attack can have consequences thousands of kilometers away. Protecting those connections is essential, but our responsibility in the digital world doesn't end with infrastructure.
Our continent possesses the world's youngest population, vast arable lands, unparalleled cultural vitality and the critical minerals required to drive the global green energy transition. But, Mr. Speaker, let me warn Africa will not remain a passive arena for a new scramble for resources. Critical mineral extraction in Africa must not replicate the colonial era exploitation. We will process our minerals at home. We will build local industries that create dignified jobs for our youth, and we retain the value of our natural resources in Africa. The African Continental Free Trade Area, whose secretariat Ghana is proud to host, is our engine for Intra-african trade, structural transformation and industrial growth. As we heal historical wounds, we must address the alarming breakdown of the current global order. We are witnessing a dangerous shift towards unilateralism, lawlessness and the erosion of multilateral norms. The United Nations must learn from the lessons of the League of Nations. The UN charter must reign supreme over the cynical doctrine that might makes right The veto power must never serve as a license for impunity. Sovereign equality cannot be a privilege. Privilege that is reserved only for nations that are aligned with global superpowers.
Mr. President, esteemed Secretary-General António Guterres, I'm going to speak to António Guterres. On a winter morning on January 1, 2017, you entered your office on the 38th floor of the Secretariat building, fully prepared to undertake the most demanding mission of your long and distinguished career. Throughout this remarkable journey, you have remained true to yourself: a compassionate and enlightened leader, tireless, humble, and approachable; neither dazzled by the promise of your office nor daunted by the immense weight of an unrelenting agenda, 24 hours a day, 7 days a week. You brought to the office neither an ego in constant need of reassurance nor a vanity requiring daily attention. You have remained humble, honest, and steadfast in your principles, never losing sight of the millions of women and children who have been abandoned and forgotten, caught in the turmoil of wars unleashed by warlords. As these wars drag on and their human and material costs become ever more unbearable, the firefighters are blamed for failing to extinguish the very fires set by the arsonists themselves. António Guterres, when you leave this building on December 31, 2026, you will take your place among the great Secretaries General, whose legacies will continue to inspire young people around the world to follow your example of service to those most in need. General Assembly, I congratulate you on your election to preside over the 81st Session of the General Assembly. You bring to this House the wisdom of 5 billion people— 60% of the world's population— representing some of the world's oldest and most sophisticated civilizations. Excellencies, at one time in history, waking up from the horrors of World War II, we were intoxicated with the dreams of a United Nations promising a new dawn for humanity.
We must equally reform the Secretariat to better support peacekeeping and the resolution of conflicts. We've been told that there are more conflicts today than at any time since the United Nations was established, and regrettably, these conflicts are in almost every corner of the planet. The Oslo Peace Institute reported that in 2025 last year. 245 000 individuals faced battle related deaths. That is almost Barbados's population. I'm told that this makes it the third most violent year in the post-Cold war era. My friends, the scale of human tragedy is mounting, and whether it is in Gaza or the West Bank or Lebanon, or Yemen or Sudan or Ukraine or elsewhere. Last Here we fared. That there was a risk of conflicts in the Middle East widening even further, and the conflicts continue. These fears, regrettably, have come to pass and with a global impact. Nevertheless. Indeed, conflicts are more protracted and more fragmented. And when coupled with hunger and unsustainable debt and a warming planet, it becomes a veritable hell for the citizens of those countries Increases in energy and transport costs and in interest rates have spurred inflation. It means that no one, even on the other side of the world, can escape the hardships in meeting their daily needs. The truth is, until there is a two state solution that respects the rights and territories of both the Israelis and Palestinians, we will continue to live on the edge in this world. And you may well ask, how have we gotten here? We need to address with laser like focus each and every one of these conflicts. Legitimacy demands that of us. And let us let the UN deliberately and systematically deploy nimble mediation teams led by political leaders, current and retired. On behalf of the Secretary General and enjoying the Secretary General's confidence and authority and the respect of Member States. This, my friends, will help lift the heavy weight necessary to end these multiple conflicts and to bring peace and dignity to those affected populations. We know that many hands make light work and we can't ignore it. These conflicts need to be supported by a quicker and technology enhanced observer force, capable of rapid deployment to monitor and support ceasefires and peace agreements to be given the resources. These peacekeeping forces must be given realistic mandates, predictable financing and true partnership. Let us work my friends together with the parties to these conflicts, to build dialogue and to bring opportunities for investment and jobs to the affected populations so that they too, can live properly. And as for the wider international legal order, we know that countries of every size and capacity depend on a system in which rules are made collectively and applied consistently and fairly But if we don't act early enough, we have trouble. And that is why we say that the UN must receive the resources and the resolve to act before the guns speak, and not after the guns start to fly. My friends, without an equitable rules based order, smaller states like mine will simply cease to exist in this world.
