I am pleased to highlight Mongolia's active leadership within the United Nations in advancing the interests of landlocked developing countries drawing greater international attention to their special needs and unique circumstances, and cooperating with these countries to ensure that their voices are heard on the global stage. Mongolia has launched several important initiatives in this regard, including serving as one of the founding members of the Group of Landlocked Developing Countries at the United Nations and the establishment of the International Think Tank for Landlocked Developing Countries in Ulaanbaatar. To translate the Awaza programme of action into tangible outcomes, it is essential for landlocked developing countries to align the programme with their national development agendas and make full use of available resources and opportunities to accelerate regional integration and cooperation. We also call upon the international community, banks, financial institutions and development partners to provide credible assistance to landlocked developing countries through their support and collaboration. Mr. President, as the deadline for the 2030 agenda for Sustainable Development approaches, the SDG report 2026 shows that only 36% of the Sustainable Development Goals are on track or making moderate progress, while 15% are regressing. It is deeply regrettable that, according to the latest report of the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute released at this critical time, global military expenditure has reached an all time high of 2.9 trillion USD. It is time for all of us to ponder and reflect with common sense, on what progress could have been achieved in the development of human society if this huge budget and funds had been spent on tackling pressing issues such as combating global warming and climate change, and improving education, health, food security and advancement of women and children. According to the SDG report 2026, Mongolia has achieved 68.8% of the SDGs, reflecting the tangible results of our efforts and the progress we have made in recent years.

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Lesotho is increasingly experiencing severe floods and droughts, resulting in unparalleled land degradation and extensive damage to critical infrastructure. Despite contributing minimally to global greenhouse gas emissions least developed countries like Lesotho bear a heavy brunt of climate impact. Global warming and rising sea levels pose terrible threats, particularly to small island developing states. We stand in solidarity with these nations and call for greater global action. To cope with these climate related challenges, we call upon developed countries to honour their commitments by providing new, adequate, predictable and accessible climate finance. Further, we urge developed countries to transfer environmentally sound technology and to strengthen capacity of developing countries to effectively mitigate and adapt to the adverse effects of climate change. Climate justice demands nothing less. Just energy transition is therefore an imperative if one is to be spared from the terrible threat of climate change. Under the visionary leadership of His Majesty King Letsie III, Lesotho has launched the His Majesty King Letsie III Just Energy Transition Fund, designed not only to decarbonise our economy, but to transform it from one historically reliant on migrant labour to one rooted in renewable energy exports. The fund seeks to attract investment to build new energy generation capacity, unlock energy independence and lay a new foundation for national prosperity that benefits every Mosotho. We therefore call for partnerships to mobilise the requisite resources for clean energy projects, which can create significant employment opportunities for our youth and women. As the first Member state to pilot the UN blueprint for national AI and data strategies from design into national implementation, Lesotho stands ready to share the lessons of that journey with fellow developing countries, particularly across Africa and among least developed and landlocked developing countries, charting similar paths towards digital sovereignty.

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It must reach the people living in our occupied historic regions as well, who remain and will always remain part of our shared future. The challenges facing our country also remind us that national stability and success cannot be separated from the wider regional context We believe that the South Caucasus should not be defined by the divisions of the past. We have consistently sought to act as an honest broker in regional initiatives, fostering cooperation and contributing to peaceful solutions. Today, we see a genuine opportunity to turn a new page and build a more peaceful and interconnected region based on shared commitment to a better future. This spirit of cooperation must also translate into tangible economic opportunities for the region. As an integral part of the South Caucasus and the middle corridor. Georgia is well positioned to strengthen connectivity between Central Asia and Europe. Our strategic location and direct access to the Black Sea facilitate trade and investment linking landlocked countries in our wider region to global supply chains.

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It is about distributive justice, who bears the cost. It is about procedural justice, who has a voice. It is about whether the future of mountain communities, small island states, landlocked and least developed countries, and generations yet unborn count equally. Starting tomorrow at the Sagarmatha to seaside event right here at the United Nations, Nepal is ready to help lead this conversation.

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The Security Council must become more representative, more effective, and more accountable to the entire membership of the United Nations. Africa in particular, and it was said many times today, should have a stronger voice. And when the Security Council is paralysed, the General Assembly must be able to play its rightful role. The United Nations must reform so that it can deliver more effectively, particularly when resources are constrained. But reform must never become an end in itself. The purpose of institutions is to serve people. Ultimately, the test of multilateralism is not how many resolutions we adopt or how many meetings we hold. It's whether a child is safer because of our decisions. Whether a young person can receive an education, whether a family can live in dignity, whether a small country can believe that international law will protect it when power alone cannot. This is why trust matters, and this is why Luxembourg will continue to defend multilateralism. Because we know what happens when it fails. Madam president, climate change reminds us, perhaps more clearly than any other challenge, that we cannot solve global problems by acting alone. It transcends borders and generations. Small island developing states are already experiencing consequences that threaten their very existence. Luxembourg may be landlocked, but we are deeply committed to this common effort, including by drawing on the expertise of our financial centre in green finance. Our interests may differ, but our future is shared. Madam president, the world is becoming more fragmented. The international order is under strain. We need to recognise this reality. But we should not mistake a world of competing centres of power for a more just or stable international order. For Luxembourg, the answer is clear. Our experience has taught us that international law and multilateral institutions give countries, whatever their size, a voice and place at the table. It is not about resisting a changing world, but to make multilateralism fit for that world. I believe this is ultimately what the United Nations asks of us, not that we agree on everything, not that we abandon our national interests, but that we recognise that there are challenges for which no nation, however powerful, can find lasting solutions alone. We can look at the imperfections of multilateralism and conclude that it no longer works, or we can reform it fairly, strengthen it, and make it worthy of the trust that future generations will place in us. I know which choice I want to make, because this is the world I want to leave to my children. A world where dialogue is stronger than confrontation, where respect between nations allows differences to become sources of strength rather than division. Where international law protects the weak as well as the strong. If we restore trust, if we listen to the next generation, and if we have the courage to act together, the United Nations can continue to be more than a reflection of the world as it is. It can remain an instrument for building the world we want to leave behind. A world worthy of the trust of those who will inherit it. Young people do not expect us to solve every challenge, but they do expect us to try. They expect us to act with responsibility. And above all, they expect us not to lose faith in our ability to shape a better future.

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For my country, Belgium, it is anything but technical. As early as the 19th century, the port of Antwerp had immense potential, but ships sailing up the River Scheldt had to pay a toll. In 1863, an international agreement abolished that toll once and for all. The abolition was to apply to all flags, all of them. An international route has real value only if it remains open. Passage cannot depend each time on a fresh contest of power. That is precisely what freedom of navigation represents today. It is not merely the abstract right of a ship to travel from a point to another. It allows economies that may share neither the same interest nor the same alliances to remain connected. It allows a landlocked state to take part in global trade. It allows grain, medicines, gas and industrial components to cross several maritime areas without the passage having to be negotiated at every stage. That seems perfectly normal while everything is working, but it takes only one route closing for us to remember how much it matters. Think of the Strait of Hormuz, the Bab el-Mandeb Strait at the entrance of the Red Sea, the Suez Canal, the Bosporus, the Strait of Malacca or the Panama Canal. More than 80% of global merchandise trade by volume is carried by sea. When a ship is attacked, when a strait becomes dangerous, or when a carrier has to sail around an entire region, the effects are felt thousands of kilometers away in our ports, of course, but also in the price of energy, fertilizer and food. The price of a tank of fuel, the price of a loaf of bread, even having a bread.

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