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The biggest strength of the United Nations is that it is firmly grounded in rules we have all agreed on, and that we have all agreed apply to all of us. This foundational agreement is increasingly challenged, with alarming trends to dismiss and ignore international law altogether, which can only result in a world where might makes right. This would result in catastrophic human costs, a further proliferation of conflict, and have devastating effects on development and on human security. We hope that both small and medium sized states will come together in our common interest for a strong multilateral system on the basis of respect for international law. This is the moment for us to unify in support of what the United Nations is built on. President. Naturally, we are also strong supporters of international courts, the indispensable enforcement mechanisms of international law. Liechtenstein joined the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice four decades before we joined the UN. We have made more submissions to the court over the past decade than in its entire history before. We strongly support its work and its competence in both its advisory and dispute settlement functions. We encourage all to join us in submitting to the compulsory jurisdiction of the court. Liechtenstein is also strongly committed to the International Criminal Court, the first permanent international court with jurisdiction over the most serious crimes under international law, genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and the crime of aggression. We will continue to support the court and its mandate to ensure accountability and its central message that nobody is above the law. In joining the ICC, we have exercised our sovereignty and delegated the jurisdiction we have ourselves to an international court which we have helped create. We are proud of the way the court has addressed the challenges to its resilience over the past year, in the face of relentless political attacks and unprecedented sanctions. We hope that more states will join this project, which is one of the landmark achievements in the history of international treaty making. The Rome Statute also criminalizes the supreme international crime, the crime of aggression, which complements the prohibition of the illegal use of force, the core piece of the UN Charter. At the international level, by signing the UN Charter, we have all agreed to refrain from the threat of, or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of another state. This is the most ambitious collective commitment to end war that has ever existed. Amidst accelerating human suffering the world over, it has never been more important for us to implement this commitment. President.
Thus, the government of the Republic of Chad on the 27th of July 2026 informed the Secretary General of the United Nations as its depositary of its sovereign and irrevocable decision to withdraw from the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. This decision follows an in-depth consideration of how the court has functioned since it was set up in 2002. The data provided by the court, and the lessons learned from that, have shown us that in several states and among their populations, one can detect that the focus of the judicial activity of the court is on developing countries and in particular on Africa, which has become the target of political instrumentalisation. I'd like to be perfectly clear here. This choice does not mean we are announcing our responsibilities, nor are we becoming a refuge against justice, and even less so. Are we being complacent in the face of impunity? We will continue to strengthen our national courts and support credible, independent and effective African mechanisms that can protect victims and prosecute the perpetrators of the most serious crimes. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, nationally speaking through by the grace of God and thanks to the maturity of its people, Chad remains a country of peace and stability.
Madam president, excellencies, dear friends, the United Nations was born from a harsh lesson of history. The generation of 1945 had learned at terrible cost that while states can choose their actions they cannot control all the consequences they set in motion. That lesson is painfully relevant today. We are living through a period of profound uncertainty. Power is shifting, conflicts are multiplying, and there is a growing tendency to treat the rules and institutions of the international system as constraints belonging to another age. But the United Nations was built precisely for times of uncertainty, to bring rules and restraints to an unpredictable world, and to prevent conflict from descending into catastrophe. The task of our generation is both to preserve the institutions built by those that came before us, and also to remember the hard earned wisdom on which they rest. Today, that wisdom and the United Nations that embodies it is under enormous pressure. Madam president, this year marks 80 years since Iceland joined the United Nations. For eight decades, Iceland has held that a small state should enjoy the same protection, same rights and voice as a powerful one. That idea matters more today, not less. Despite its shortcomings, the United Nations has mattered and it has mattered a lot. UN peacekeeping and peace building operations have helped prevent and contain conflict around the world. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights transformed our understanding of human dignity. The convention on the law of the sea became the Constitution of the ocean, on which countries like mine depend, now strengthened further by the BBNJ agreement. The International Court of Justice has helped states settle disputes by peaceful means through law rather than force. And the International Criminal Court was created to ensure accountability for the most serious crimes. The United Nations has advanced gender equality, fought racism and discrimination, delivered humanitarian assistance, and help countries build more peaceful and prosperous societies. But loyalty to the United Nations cannot mean pretending that everything works perfectly. Bureaucracy can be cumbersome, decisions slow, and resources fragmented. The Security Council, entrusted with maintaining international peace and security, has too often been paralysed when action was needed most. Too often, the veto has become a shield against action rather than a tool for preserving peace. So yes, the United Nations needs reform, and Iceland fully supports the UN80 reform process. We need a United Nations that uses resources effectively and responds quickly when people need it. United Nations that delivers for all. The deeper challenge, however, is political. The strength of the United Nations depends on our willingness to uphold the principles and wisdom on which they were founded. Madam president, the most basic rules of international relations are being tested, not because we no longer know them. We do, but because increasingly governments apply them selectively, meaning that international law applies until it becomes inconvenient, that court decisions must be respected unless they challenge our own actions or those of our friends. That sovereignty is sacred only unless someone else's territory stands in the way of our ambitions. We cannot build courts, celebrate them when they prosecute our enemies and undermine them when they turn their attention to our friends. When grave violations go unanswered, they are more likely to be repeated.
Impunity cannot become normal. San Marino, therefore, reaffirmed its commitment to the Geneva Convention, the Genocide Convention and the Rome Statute, and we reiterate our unwavering support for the International Criminal Court. The court exists because the gravest crimes cannot go unanswered genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. Accountability is not an obstacle to peace. It is a part of a lasting peace. The fight against impunity is also an essential element of the responsibility to protect, which must remain a shared responsibility of the international community. Recent political pressure and coercive measures against the court, its officials and those who cooperate within it are deeply concerning. State parties to the Rome Statute must defend the independence and integrity of the court. San Marino also reaffirmed its historic commitment to the abolition of the death penalty, which it abolished in 1865. This reflects our enduring conviction that human dignity must be protected even in the face of the gravest crime. Justice cannot depend on political power. Mr. president, five years ago, the Taliban seized power in Afghanistan.
At times we succeed. This June, the Security Council unanimously adopted resolution 2823 on accountability for crimes against UN peacekeepers led by Denmark and Pakistan, and backed by a record 153 member states, a clear signal of commitment to the safety and security of the brave men and women who serve under the UN flag, and a clear demonstration that the council can still come together and speak with one voice. Too often, however, the Security Council is blocked by geopolitical divisions, unable to act. Meanwhile, the costs of inaction are felt by the civilians across the world as the disrespect for international humanitarian law is allowed to fester. Excellencies, our collective inability to halt the killings, suffering and injustices in Gaza, Ukraine, Sudan and beyond must not prompt us to surrender to a world ruled by brute force. On the contrary, it must inspire us to work harder to sustain and strengthen the structures, instruments and mechanisms we have built over the last 81 years. To Denmark, this includes maintaining our firm support for the ICJ and the ICC as core international justice institutions. This year Denmark nominated its first ever candidate for judge at the ICC, reaffirming our unwavering support for the court at a critical time. It also means continuing to meet the UN target of providing 0.7% of GNI for official development assistance.
Malawi remains firmly committed to the rule of law, accountability and the peaceful resolution of disputes as indispensable foundation of an effective multilateral system. It is in this spirit that Malawi has presented the candidature of Lady Justice Tujilane Chizumila for election as a judge of the International Criminal Court for the term 2027 to 2036. Justice Chizumila is a distinguished jurist with extensive judicial and legal experience at the national, regional and international levels, including her service as a judge of the African Court on Human and Peoples Rights. Her candidature reflects Malawi commitment to strengthening international justice through experienced, independent and highly qualified judicial leadership. As states parties prepare to elect six judges to the International Criminal Court in December 2026, Malawi respectfully seeks the valued support of state parties for the candidature of Lady Justice Tujilane Chizumila. We are confident that her extensive judicial experience, commitment to the rule of law and demonstrated service to justice and human rights would enable her to make a meaningful contribution to the work of the court. Malawi looks forward to the support of fellow states parties for her election, and to continuing our collective efforts to strengthen the institutions of international justice. Mr. president, the fourth opportunity for restoring trust managing transformation and thereby ensuring a United Nations that delivers for all lies in strengthening global health security.
A diary that would make its way into the world and inspire millions of people. And I think that one of the reasons people are so inspired by Anne is that she had an unshakable belief in the power of people to turn the tide so that good prevails. She wrote, and I quote, how wonderful it is that nobody needs to wait a single moment before starting to improve the world. And these words are just as powerful and true today. This week is the perfect example of that. And I realize that the United Nations does not carry the most positive associations for everyone. And indeed, there is much that can and must be improved. But let us not forget what lay behind the founding of the United Nations over 80 years ago, the realization that doing nothing had led to the darkest chapters in human history. And we now live in a different time. New generations have arisen, and we face new challenges. But when we look at the world today, we see similar challenges as which preceded the founding of the United Nations. We see that the international legal order is under pressure in more and more places, even though it is a very foundation to our freedom and prosperity. We see the unending human suffering in Gaza, Sudan and so many other places in the world. We see violations of international law and of human rights, which are in stark contrast to the UN's aims. And we see institutions being undermined, institutions that were established to protect people and populations. And we must not be naive about the causes. These constant threats and attempts to dismantle the legal order are fueled by people and groups with their own agenda, an agenda that runs counter to the interests of everyone else. Yes everyone, and even those who don't feel directly threatened because they think it doesn't affect them. Sooner or later, everyone is affected. As we saw in the time before the United Nations. And when major powers chose to pursue only their own interests, it is tempting to respond defensively, but as Mahatma Gandhi, an eye for an eye will only make the whole world blind. And so it is time for us, the global community, to choose to pursue the common interest, not by trying to build an entirely new world order, but simply by working together. And the middle powers must take the lead in fostering such international cooperation. And everyone must be able to participate, including those countries who are currently too often left on the sidelines. It is time that countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America had a fully fledged place not only on the Equal Earth map, but in the real world too. To start with, here in the UN, improved African representation in the Security Council at the very least. Because if we want to preserve the UN for the future, we must change the balance of power in line with the changing times and modernize our institutions. And this means that we must focus on core tasks and stable financing, but also that we must work to protect the multilateral order with all our strength. And because international law either works for everyone or for no one. Take the attempts we've seen to undermine the International Criminal Court, which is based in my country, in my city. This undermines the international legal order as a whole, and that affects us all. This court was established to protect us against impunity. This court was built on the foundations of the Nuremberg and Tokyo trials. In the words of the Nuremberg chief prosecutor, Robert H. Jackson, and I quote one of the greatest tributes that power has ever paid to reason. And now, with the ICC under attack, the writing is truly on the wall. After all, how can you possibly be opposed to prosecuting the very worst crimes? And I believe there can be only one response to say, hands off the ICC and all those other institutions that protect the international legal order.
It is an affront to this assembly and to humanity to be forced to listen to a man justify apartheid and genocide when he is wanted by the International Criminal Court for war crimes and crimes against humanity. Our complicity lies in decades of failing to ensure Palestinian self-determination, and in refusing to treat Israel for what it is a settler colonial state. The genocide must end, the apartheid must stop, end the occupation and decolonize Palestine. Our charter summons us to act. Our actions must extend to every conflict and to every person displaced, destitute or in despair. It extends to threats against the sovereignty and territorial integrity of any member state, as we witness in Ukraine. If borders can be redrawn by force, then every border is provisional. We are concerned, too, for the safety and security of the 23 million people of Taiwan who have no seat and no voice in this hall. Taiwan is a friend of Belize. For more than three decades, she has walked with us on our development journey, not as a donor at a distance, but as a partner in the field. Today, that partnership is helping Belize close real gaps in climate resilience and in the technical capacity of our agricultural and public infrastructure sector.
Colleagues, we need to continue our quest to ensure that there can be no impunity for committing the most grave international crimes. The International Criminal Court is one of the most important expressions of this noble quest. Together with so many like minded countries, we will strengthen our resolve to defend and to further develop the ICC. Norway resoundingly rejects the calls for dismantling the International Criminal Court.
But the answer is not withdrawal. The answer is to reform, renew and reinvest. The UN80 initiative offers an opportunity to make the United Nations more efficient and more effective. The European Union also continues to call for a comprehensive reform of the United Nations Security Council to make it more effective, inclusive, democratic and accountable. The European Union will continue to contribute to strengthen the United Nations politically, financially and through concrete actions. Because the best argument for multilateralism is what it delivers: on peace and security, with the treaty of Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. On climate action, with the Paris Agreement. On poverty and health, with the global response to Covid-19. The truth is, when we act together, multilateralism delivers for people. And that is why this week, the European Union has launched together with Australia, Barbados, Brazil, Canada, India and Kenya, the P4M: Partners for Multilateralism, international law, peace and prosperity. Our initiative aims to be an open platform for partners from all parts of the world who are ready to defend common principles and work towards practical solutions. It is a network for dialogue, coalition building and practical cooperation. It will support the work of United Nations and other multilateral formats. It will help to build bridges across regions, and it will contribute to advancing the reform and modernization of the United Nations and the multilateral system, helping to turn shared commitments into concrete action. And I invite all the nations in the chamber to join this initiative and endorse the P4M declarations. Excellencies. There can be no double standards in terms of international law. The facts are clear. We are bearing witness to deliberate violations of international law. Upholding international law is not optional. It is our responsibility. That means protecting the institutions that give their very meaning to these principles, including the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court. We support these courts firmly and we will defend their independence, integrity and their ability to fully carry out their mandate. Threats and attacks on the International Criminal Court and its staff and authorities are unacceptable. Accountability cannot depend on political considerations.
The Republic of Guatemala reaffirms its commitment to the peaceful settlement of disputes and the observance of international law We welcome the fact that the International Court of Justice has set the date for the oral hearings concerning the territorial, insular and maritime dispute with Belize. For my country, this is more than a procedural milestone. With the notification of the hearings, the final procedural stage before the court delivers its judgment has begun. It marks the culmination of a legal dispute that has accompanied the people of Guatemala and successive governments since independence, and whose conclusion we eagerly await. We recognize that the court's judgment, once delivered, will bring the dispute to an end, and we trust that it will provide legal certainty to both parties and lay the foundations for a new chapter in relations between Guatemala and Belize. In closing, I wish to say that Guatemala will continue to do its part strengthening democratic institutions capable of meeting the needs of our people, resolutely confronting transnational organised crime, and those who seek to capture institutions defending international law, consistently promoting regional responses based on shared responsibility, and working for a United Nations capable of transforming itself to fulfil the promise contained in the opening words of our charter, we the Peoples. Restoring trust will depend on our ability to show that even in times of uncertainty and division, we remain capable of building together solutions that none of us could achieve alone. Thank you very much.
These are not the actions of a country interested in peace. Russia could halt its brutal attacks at any time, yet it refuses to do so. Russia's actions have already had direct global impact in increased food and energy costs. This time last year, a bushel of wheat was just over $5; this year, it's more than $7. The fact that a permanent member of the Security Council is seeking to change borders by force, in clear violation of the UN Charter is utterly unacceptable. Sovereignty and territorial integrity apply equally to all states. The international community must remain steadfast in our response, in support of the UN Charter and of a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. Ireland stands in solidarity with Ukraine and will continue to do so. We will continue to support efforts to hold Russia accountable for its actions. There can be no impunity for war crimes, not in Ukraine, not anywhere. And that is why Ireland is a steadfast supporter of the International Criminal Court.
Since the end of Second World War, Japan as a peace loving nation, has attached great importance to the rule of law in the settlement of any disputes. This is demonstrated by Japan's consistent support for and its contributions of judges to various international judicial organizations such as the International Court of Justice, ICJ, the International Criminal Court, ICC and the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea ITLOS. We established a unit for peace mediation within the Government of Japan in March of this year.
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Confidence will not be reborn in an organisation where some actors tolerate arbitrary behaviour. And the promotion and protection of fundamental rights for our states has an absolute responsibility. And we are engaging in this in a context of extreme violence imposed against our populations by terrorists. And when our state adopts exceptional measures as strictly contained by our national legislation and our international obligations, the idea is to protect the populations, to preserve public order and guarantee national security. The most important human right is the right to life, the right of a people to not live under terror. We see that these measures are often subject to selective, biased lectures from others without sufficient consideration for the realities on the ground. The Confederation reaffirms its commitment to impartial, objective and non-selective treatment of human rights. We call for dialogue based on mutual respect, good faith, and factual rigor. We accept impartial and objective reviews but we do reject political processes and being tried in the court of political appeal. Yes, to respect the law, but we reject its instrumentalisation. This is precisely due to these grave shortfalls, persistent selectivity and manifest politicization that our states made a sovereign decision to withdraw from the International Criminal Court and formally notified our withdrawal from the Rome Statute. International justice, yes. However variable justice, no. The Confederation remains committed to multilateral, independent institutions that are impartial and credible.
The power fuelling climate chaos and the war on nature. And the power unleashed by artificial intelligence. Excellencies, The first great power test in the 21st century is peace and security. Peace is far more than the absence of conflict. It is the presence of restraint of power by law. It is the recognition, as enshrined in the UN Charter, that force cannot be the final arbiter of whose lives, rights and future matter. Today that principle is under profound strain. Across the Middle East, conflicts are cascading. So-called ceasefires have amounted to little more than “lesser fires” – with civilians continuing to pay the price. Enough is enough. I appeal to the leaders in this Chamber to maximize this High-Level week for de- escalation and dialogue. Together, let's send a clear message from this Hall: The fighting must stop. Humanitarian aid must flow. And navigational rights and freedoms must be fully restored in accordance with international law. Amid the turmoil engulfing the region, we must not lose sight of the devastating situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. It is nearly three years since the abhorrent terror attacks by Hamas on 7 October. What followed was an onslaught on Palestinians in Gaza, with a scale of killing and destruction unlike anything I have witnessed in all my years as Secretary-General. The International Court of Justice has issued legally binding provisional measures in the case entitled: “Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip.” In an advisory opinion last year, the Court was clear that the United Nations needs to be allowed to perform our mandates in Gaza – and for our staff and humanitarian personnel to be protected. All parties must comply with international law and the Court’s orders. Meanwhile violence, displacement and settlement expansion by Israel in the Occupied West Bank are bulldozing the path to peace and raising the spectre of ethnic cleansing. We cannot allow the two-State solution to disappear before our eyes. In Ukraine, Russia’s full-scale invasion has subjected a sovereign country to a brutal war in blatant violation of the Charter. Civilians continue to be killed far from the frontlines. Mainly in Ukraine, but also more recently in parts of Russia – homes, energy and water systems, and transport have come under repeated attack, threatening food and energy supply chains globally. In Sudan, a war for raw power fed by outside actors has become a war on civilians: Millions displaced. Hunger spreading. Drones striking hospitals and homes. Sexual violence and ethnically driven attacks escalating. And a country being torn apart as the world looks away. And in Myanmar, another crisis is at risk of slipping from global attention with: escalating violence; mass displacement; and expanding transnational crime. Excellencies, These and so many other conflicts show what happens when power gets out of control, force outpaces diplomacy, military budgets soar, and accountability goes out the window. The test before us is whether power will be exercised with the law – or beyond it. We must pass that test: We must defend the Charter without double standards. Protect civilians without exception. Ensure humanitarian access without obstruction. Shield humanitarian personnel without fail.
So, Melania, thank you very much. Great job. Great job you're doing. Led by Ambassador Michael Waltz here at the United Nations, we have also worked with many countries in this room to implement the most sweeping U.N. reforms in history. We cut the U.N. budget for the first time ever, slashing it by 15% in 2026 and eliminating more than 4000 positions from the U.N. bureaucracy. The United Nations has great, great potential. I've said that for many years, but it must stop imposing the far left agenda of globalist bureaucrats who nobody ever elected. Last year, my administration was forced to intervene to stop an obscure U.N. body, the International Maritime Organization, from secretly establishing a first ever global carbon tax, very expensive tax to raise international shipping costs by 10 to 20%. And maybe more than that. There is no global government. And while I'm president, there will be no global taxes. The United States is equally opposed to the out of control. Thank you. Thank you very much. The United States is equally opposed to the out of control institution known as the International Criminal Court. We will never allow U.S. service members or anyone else to be investigated or given show trials by an anti-American tribunal with no jurisdiction over us or an evil group of people. I call on all nations that are members of the ICC to officially resign from this rogue institution immediately.
Every person who turns to the court, regardless of who they are, must have faith that justice will prevail. A separate international commercial court, based on the principles of English law, is being established at the Tashkent International Financial Center. We have eradicated child labor and systemic forced labor. We have tightened the responsibility for domestic violence.
Mr. President, when Sweden joined the UN in 1946, the world was emerging from the devastation of war. The lesson from that catastrophe was clear peace must not be taken for granted. Defence of sovereignty and territorial integrity has been at the heart of Swedish foreign policy ever since. Eight decades later, these principles are once again being challenged. Bad faith, conflict and utter contempt for the common rules are weakening the institutions that we built together. These are times of upheaval. The number of armed conflicts is growing and civilians are paying the price. In Ukraine, Sudan, Yemen, Palestine, Lebanon, Myanmar, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and many other conflict zones, millions are suffering. Mr. President, Russia's aggression against Ukraine is a blatant violation of international law. It strikes at the heart of the very principles upon which the United Nations was founded. Sweden's support for Ukraine is felt deeply throughout our entire society. It comes from our people, our civil society and the business community. We will support Ukraine for as long as it takes. Russia has not only violated the UN charter, it has repeatedly violated international humanitarian law and human rights law. Attacks targeting civilians, forcible transfer of and deportation of children, conflict related sexual violence and torture, the list is far too long. Ensuring accountability for these violations is crucial. If there is anything that we have learned from history, it is that there cannot be a just and lasting peace without accountability. Sweden stands firmly behind the ICC, its independence and integrity and recognises its vital role, not least in Ukraine. Russia must also be held accountable for its breaches of the Chemical Weapons Convention, both on and off the battlefield. Russia's war of aggression against a peaceful neighbour is one of the biggest strategic mistakes and moral failures of the 21st century. Four and a half years after launching its full scale invasion, Russia has failed to achieve its objectives. Its economy is under strain and its casualty numbers are devastating. Ordinary Russians are withdrawing their funds from the bank, and a substantial share of Russia's young people are dying on the frontlines. The impact of Russia's war of aggression extends far beyond Ukraine. Russia intensified its systematic attacks on civilian infrastructure and on vessels in the Black Sea this summer. This has once again disrupted global food supply chains, exacerbating an already dire situation for vulnerable people across the globe. To President Putin and Mr. Lavrov, I say this the path to peace is clear. The choice should be easy. Withdraw your troops.
International law must apply to all states. It must protect all civilians, and where violations occur, there must be responsibility and accountability. This is why Austria will also continue to stand firm in protecting the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court. Rules do not defend themselves. They need institutions capable of upholding them. Today, the United Nations too often falls short, not because it has failed, because we have let it stand still. But there is no alternative to the United Nations. There is only the work of making it work. The United Nations was not created to discuss international problems. It was created to solve them. Yet as conflicts and injustice multiply, the UN too often fails to act. Inside this building, that failure can look like another meeting without a decision. Outside these walls, it means that wars continue, help does not arrive, and more families bury their dead. For these families, U.N. procedures do not matter. What matters to them is whether food arrives, whether a doctor reaches them, whether peacekeepers protect them. Reform must therefore pass a simple test. Does it make the United Nations more able to deliver when people need it? Austria has been a strong supporter of the reform efforts of the Secretary General, and as an incoming member of the Security Council, we are committed to protect the principles of the charter, to show the world that the Council can act and to work towards making the decisions we take more inclusive because it matters who decides. The United Nations was built to confront the dangers of 1945. Today we must face new and rapidly emerging dangers.
It is the clearest expression of the principle that the force of law must always prevail over the law of force. It is precisely for this reason that we continue to firmly defend the need to uphold the Charter of the UN and international law. We also support, more than ever, the efforts of the International Criminal Court to identify those responsible for the gravest crimes, and we condemn any act of aggression—once again, and unambiguously— that violates the sovereignty and territorial integrity of a state. In this sense, we continue to express our solidarity with the people of Ukraine in the face of the consequences of a war that has lasted for far too long already, and we reiterate our support for efforts aimed at achieving a just, comprehensive, and lasting peace in accordance with the principles of the Charter of the UN and international law. We do so for the people of Ukraine, and also for all territories and populations where the threat of conflict continues to rage. Similarly, we reaffirm that a negotiated solution based upon the coexistence of two states, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace, security, and mutual recognition, remains the most solid path toward achieving a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. On the other hand, we hope that a peaceful solution can be found in Lebanon that fully respects the sovereignty of all countries involved. We cannot resign ourselves to turning human suffering into a statistic: behind every victim is a life cut short, behind every child killed, a future that disappears, behind every school or hospital destroyed, a part of our shared humanity that has failed. For this reason, we are particularly concerned by the increase in attacks against civilians, humanitarian personnel, and United Nations staff who are carrying out their mission, often under extreme conditions and at extraordinary personal risk. The conclusions of the last SG's report on children in armed conflict and conflict-related sexual violence, are especially alarming: the figures presented are not only dramatic, they are morally unacceptable. For the first time, the primary perpetrators of these violations are states themselves, which should be the ultimate guarantors of the protection of their citizens. Given this reality, Andorra will continue to act.
The rule of law is one of the pillars of our society in Canada, and it guides our action abroad. Canada's commitment to human rights and international law is strong. This includes our support for those institutions that defend these principles, such as the International Criminal Court. Canada remains unequivocally committed to the Charter of the United Nations, which Canada helped to shape.
The Holy Quran commands: Wa in janahu lis-salmi fajnah laha wa tawakkal ala Allah, innahu huwa as-Sami al-Alim. If the enemy is inclined towards peace, make peace with them. Surah Al-Anfal. Ladies and gentlemen, Pakistan's founding father, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, had famously declared, we stand by the United Nations Charter and will gladly make our full contribution to the peace and prosperity of the world. These pearls of wisdom have shaped Pakistan's national ethos and guided our conduct at home and abroad. The unanimous adoption of resolution 2788 on strengthening mechanisms for peaceful settlement of disputes under Pakistan's UN Security Council presidency demonstrated our unwavering commitment to global peace. Mr. President. Unfortunately, in February this year, conflict engulfed Gulf along with wider Middle East. Precious lives were lost. Economies suffered. Critical maritime routes, particularly the Strait of Hormuz, came under severe pressure. At this critical moment, Pakistan chose to act swiftly. Through concerted efforts, Pakistan successfully brought Washington and Tehran under one roof in Islamabad. From the Islamabad talks to the Islamabad Memorandum of Understanding, many historic steps were taken to bring an end to this serious conflict here. I deeply appreciate Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir, Pakistan's chief of defense forces and chief of the Army staff, whose relentless efforts helped create space for diplomacy under exceptionally difficult and challenging circumstances. I would also like to commend the efforts of our Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar, in this behalf. Regrettably, Mr. President, recently we have witnessed a dangerous surge of hostilities. Yet amid the roar of missiles, drones and guns, the voice for diplomacy must echo even louder and stronger. The Strait of Hormuz and Bab el Mandeb are arteries of the global economy. They must remain open, connecting nations, not becoming choke points of confrontation. These waters must carry the promise of prosperity, not the perils of war. Excellencies, we once again condemn in the strongest possible terms the recent deplorable attacks by the Houthis against the kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The attempted drone attack on the holy city of Makkah Al-Mukarramah has outraged Muslims across the globe. Any threat to the safety and sanctity of the Haramain Sharifain is a red line that must never be crossed. No Muslim can even dare to think of committing such a heinous crime. Pakistan stands in complete solidarity with the brotherly people of Saudi Arabia, as we always have throughout our history. Ladies and gentlemen, our enduring commitment to peace is also reflected by the historic Makkah Joint Defense Agreement among the brotherly countries Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Pakistan. This alliance is not directed against any country. It is a collective commitment for defense, stability and peace in the region and nothing more. Mr. president, a year ago, Pakistan faced external aggression from India under a false pretext. Pakistan exercised its inherent right of self-defense under article 51 of the United Nations Charter. Our brave and valiant armed forces, under the courageous leadership of Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir, responded with precision and professionalism. They silenced the enemy, repulsed its attack, and taught it a lesson it shall never, ever forget. And of course, thanks to President Donald Trump's resolute and visionary leadership that hundreds of millions of lives in South Asia were saved. His timely intervention came at a decisive juncture when two nuclear armed neighbours stood at the brink of an all out war. And who knows, Mr. President, the extent of devastation that could have taken place had President Trump not stepped in at this critical moment with clarity of thought and action? Mr. president, we must therefore ensure that South Asia never reaches that precipice ever again. But this requires a just and fair solution of the Kashmir dispute. For eight decades, the Kashmiri people have waited for the United Nations to fulfill its solemn commitment of a free and impartial plebiscite under its auspices. Generations have endured illegal occupation, arbitrary detention, extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, sexual violence and collective punishment. More recently, there have been attempts to alter the legal status of Jammu and Kashmir through demographic reengineering and other illegal measures. Helpless Kashmiri mothers and fathers yearn for their sons and daughters who never return. Their homes lie silent under curfew and in deep grief. For many, there is no closure, only a lifetime spent searching for graves that bear no names. Mr. president, from this podium, I assure my Kashmiri brothers and sisters with fullest authority at my command that we shall continue to extend our full diplomatic, political and moral support to them till they are granted their inalienable right to self-determination. Kashmir has and always will be Pakistan's jugular vein. Excellencies, another foundation of stability in South Asia is now under strain. The shared waters of the Indus River system are the lifeblood not only for the people of Pakistan, but for the entire region. India's unilateral decision to hold the existing treaty in abeyance has no legal basis whatsoever. In fact, both its claims and actions have been rejected by UN experts and more recently by the Court of Arbitration. Our legitimate stand that the treaty remains valid, binding and fully operative has been vindicated beyond any doubt. Ladies and gentlemen, water must never be weaponised. Rivers should nourish nations, not divide them. Therefore, any attempt to stop, impede or divert Pakistan's share of the waters will be treated as an act of war. India. India. India must make no mistake about it. Ladies and gentlemen, for generations, Palestinians, particularly women, children and the elderly have been subjected to occupation, eviction, suffering and death. Last year, Mr. President, I had shared with you the heart wrenching story of Hind Rajab, an innocent Palestinian girl who was brutally shot by Israeli soldiers. This year, another tragedy weighs heavy on our hearts, your hearts and the world's heart. This time it is the deafening cries of the sobbing mother of eight year old Wafaa Akila, who embraced martyrdom in this senseless aggression. What should have been the first day of her school, alas, became the last day of her life. Does not a child born in Gaza deserve the same life and the same future and same dream as a child, anywhere else in the world? The tragedies of Rajab, Wafaa Akila and countless others will echo through history as an indictment of our collective silence, failure, and inaction. Excellencies, it is deeply worrying that Israeli violence has now spread to the West Bank where the forcible eviction of Palestinians clearly reflects Israel's genocidal agenda, which continues unabated. Pakistan believes that the only just and lasting solution is the creation of an independent, sovereign, viable and contiguous state of Palestine, based on the pre 1967 borders, with Al-Quds Al-Sharif as its capital. Ladies and gentlemen, we also condemn continued Israeli aggression against Lebanon and Syria. This, too, must stop immediately. Ladies and gentlemen, terrorism remains one of the greatest threats to international peace and security.
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The suffering of the Cuban people should command our deepest solidarity. We reiterate our call for an end to the blockade on the Cuban people. The designation of Cuba as a state sponsor of terrorism is similarly unfounded and should be removed from that list. Unilateral coercive measures have negative spillover effects that seriously undermine third countries. Similarly, we also call for the urgent removal of sanctions against Zimbabwe. Our current reality demands that we act collectively to protect existing international institutions of justice from sanctions and intimidations, such as the International Criminal Court. These institutions fulfill important mandates for the benefit of all humanity.
This is what we expect from a statesman. Yasser Arafat and Yitzhak Rabin were statesmen. They challenged the past to envision a future of peace. They were defeated by hatred. Generations of Palestinians will carry the pain and trauma left by the genocide of women and children perpetrated by Netanyahu government in Gaza. Israeli civilians pay the price for radicalism and intolerance of Hamas terrorist acts. Persecuting the International Criminal Court and its members encourages these crimes to go unpunished. The U.N. special rapporteur, Francesca Albanese, must not be silenced for telling the truth. Illegal settlements in the West Bank are making the two state solution increasingly unviable, essential for Israelis and Palestinians to live in safety. Threatening civilizations with extinction will not bring stability to the Middle East. The Strait of Hormuz has become a battleground, when it should have remained a vital passage for international trade. Families around the world are paying for the rising the price of fuel, fertilizers and food. The war between Russia and Ukraine has dragged on for five years in a humanitarian drama that continues to claim lives. We all know that there will be no winners on the battlefield. Diplomacy is the only option. Initiatives such as the Friends of Peace Group, created by Brazil and China, revealed that there are forces in the international community willing to work towards dialogue.
It confirms that climate responsibility is not only political or moral, it is legal. And the task now, Your Excellency, is implementation. Obligations recognized by the court must be reflected in national commitments, in the conduct of states and in the outcomes of our negotiations. Climate finance must move from promise to access, from announcement to disbursement. The loss and damage fund must operate at a scale that reflects actual need, and access must be simplified. For small administration, the cost of applying should never exceed the capacity to apply. In November, the world gathers in Antalya for COP31 and before that Fiji hosts the Pre-COP and Tuvalu a leadership event in early October. To every delegation in this hall come to the Pacific. See what a rising sea means to a village that has nowhere to move. Then let us go to Antalya and deliver on adaptation on finance and on loss and damage, and on the transition away from fossil fuels. As a Large Ocean State, Fiji's identity, economy and future are inseparable from the ocean.
The possibilities before us are immense. We have the possibility of silencing the guns through dialogue and diplomacy. The world does not need more sophisticated instruments of destruction. It needs a more sophisticated capacity for peace. In this regard, I reiterate Guyana's call for a just and lasting solution to the crisis in the Middle East, one that brings an end to the suffering of innocent civilians and recognises the Palestinian people's legitimate right to self-determination and to secure a homeland of their own. Reiterate our support for a two state solution. We call as well for an end to the Russia-Ukraine war and the war in Sudan, and for peaceful resolution of all conflicts that continue to consume lives, uproot families and extinguish the hopes of millions in other parts of our world. We reiterate our call for a viable solution for Cuba, one that is peaceful, people centred, development focused and allows for a full aspiration of the Cuban people to be realized. Guyana reiterates CARICOM's offer to play a meaningful role in achieving this objective. In Haiti, resolving the multidimensional challenges remains central to achieving democracy, stability, peace and prosperity for the Haitian people. The sustained support of the international community through the provision of key financial and material resources, is critical to realising these objectives. Ultimately, the future of Haiti must be Haitian led and Haitian owned. Mr. president, turning to my own country, Guyana has always advanced the peaceful settlement of the controversy in relation to our border with Venezuela. Despite the historical truth clearly outlined in the Arbitral Award of 1899 that determined the full, perfect and final settlement of our border with Venezuela, we endured long and repeated provocations and aggression. The matter was referred to the International Court of Justice by the Secretary General, acting pursuant to the Geneva Agreement, and the court twice pronounced on its jurisdiction to hear the matter. Recourse to the ICJ came after decades of efforts to resolve the controversy bilaterally, including through a mixed commission and the good offices of the UN Secretary General. In full respect for international law, Guyana participated and encouraged Venezuela to participate in the proceedings of the ICJ. Now that we have both participated in the hearings, which were completed in May 2026, we urge Venezuela to abide by the forthcoming ruling in accordance with their obligations under the UN Charter, as Guyana will do. We look forward to a new era of neighborly relations in the interests of our peoples, the development of our countries and the stability and prosperity of our region.
Adopt the rules. Similarly Mr. President, a multilateral agency with which we see of increasing irrelevance today, namely the International Criminal Court, is one which calls for an order to end its participation and to revoke its membership. Before I depart New York, Naoero will be depositing our instruments of withdrawal with the Rome Statute repository. Mr. president, my government's central purpose is to put Naoero on its own feet.
Today, however, these ideas are not only being called into question; they are being attacked by political actors and governments that want to take us back to a dark past. And I don't need to point them out; we all know who they are and what their modus operandi is. They start by questioning the rules, then they break them, knowing full well that nobody will dare to hold them accountable. They cut their contributions to multilateral bodies like this one. They point to their leaders and officials. They obstruct these organizations' ability to act, to then write them off as useless entities that we can do without. What they're doing, nevertheless, is a planned and coordinated demolition attempt that is presented as something that we can't stop and that's necessary. However, the reality is that it runs counter to the structural currents of history and is based on three misguided pillars. The first of these pillars is selfishness, the absurd belief that the world is a zero-sum game, where some winning must imply that others losing. The second pillar is ignorance, disregarding scientific evidence and assuming that there are countries that are so powerful that they can abuse all of the others and they don't need anyone else to prosper. And the third pillar, the worst in my opinion, is cruelty. Cruelty that isn't even moved when it sees the ribs of a starving child or a hospital reduced to rubble. Over these 8 years, I've seen these selfish, ignorant, and cruel forces grow. I've seen how they took off their masks and seized power in many places. And then I saw them start illegal wars, massacre innocent civilians. I've seen them treat millions of human beings like livestock and take away aid from those suffering the most, from poverty and disease. I've seen them pollute the atmosphere and also the ocean as if it's their own property, and conspire to destroy this organization and everything it represents. I'm saying this because bearing witness to these things has changed the way that I understand the world. However, it hasn't led me to lose hope. Because also, over these 8 years, I've seen wonderful things that allow me to still have confidence in humanity. For example, I've seen millions of people mobilized to defend nature, peace, and civil rights. I've seen thousands of activists and public servants confront these reactionary powers, knowing full well that they're putting their professional careers and even their own lives at risk. I've seen scientists make progress that we thought was impossible. And I've seen many governments do things right, opting for cooperation, social justice, and environmental sustainability. All of this has taught me something that I want to share with all of you, and that is that humanity is not intrinsically good or bad. Humanity can actually be both. And every day, every year, and in each and every crisis, we must decide how to act. The United Nations is one of these spaces where these decisions are made at the highest level. And the UN doesn't always do it well. Of course, I myself, on several occasions, have called out the contradictions and lackings of this body. However, with the same belief, I must call out the fact that the majority of the voices that today insist on criticizing the United Nations are not describing its failure; what they're doing is trying to cause its failure. And I must also say that multilateralism is the best tool that humanity has to manage its diversity and its interdependence, especially in a globalized and multipolar world like the world we're living in today. And this is why what we need to do is ramp up our trust in this organization. We must renew it and strengthen it so that this century it can play the same key role that it played last century. And doing this will not be easy. However, the good news is that all of the guidance we need is right here, in the United Nations Charter. In this charter, they wrote the best chapters. Our forefathers wrote it, the men and women who saw the world burn, and even then, they dared to imagine a better future. These men and women laid down their wisdom and their hope in this charter. And they didn't ask us to keep it in a glass case. They asked us to fulfill it. They asked us to defend it, and for us to turn back to it in times of uncertainty and extraordinary difficulty. And today is one of those times. And therefore, it's our duty to rise to the courage and the ambition present in this text, in the United Nations Charter. And this is why, ladies and gentlemen, we need to reform the Security Council so that all of the regions in the world have fair representation, and so that we can do away with the right of veto of the permanent members. Because as the UN Charter sets out, no country should be judged in its own case, no matter how powerful they are. We therefore need to strengthen all of the other main bodies and reorganize the agencies, funds and programs, and provide them with more resources and more executive capacity so that they can have a more decisive impact on the great challenges that beset humanity. We must strengthen bodies like the International Criminal Court so that they can investigate, prosecute, and punish those that break the rules. It took humanity centuries to replace might is right with the rule of law. And we must not be the generation that backtracks on this. It's for this very reason that we must rebuild the nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament architecture to avoid a poorly designed security policy that brings us back to another global conflict. And we must impose strict regulations on the tech oligarchs who control the functioning of social networks and the development of artificial intelligence. Because at the end of the day, the future of our children is more important than the pockets of these tech oligarchs. And of course, doing all of these things will require compromise, time, strong leadership, being able to build agreements, to listen, to look beyond our known reality, and imagine a better alternative. And what I'm advocating for, for this leadership, is very clear. Nine men have served as Secretary-General of this organization in its 80 years of existence.
We reject these unlawful punitive measures, and we reject the accusations and justifications on which they were based. We affirm that we have fulfilled our obligations, carried out a comprehensive national reform program, and upheld our commitment to international law, to shunning violence and terrorism, and to the two state solution and to peace on the basis of resolutions of international legitimacy. We also affirm that the Palestinian people and its leadership should not be punished for demanding an end for the occupation, or for turning to the UN, the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court. Our choice to invoke international law and its institutions is a peaceful and civilized choice, and not an act that runs counter to peace. Denying the Palestinian delegation access to the UN headquarters is a violation of the United States obligations as the host country. Therefore, we call upon the American administration to lift these sanctions and restrictions, return to dialogue and mutual respect, and work with us and with the international community in order to implement the two state solution on the basis of international legitimacy and to establish peace, rather than punishing the side that has chosen the path of international law and political and diplomatic action in order to guarantee its rights.
The law needs guardians, and this year we marked the 80th anniversary of the International Court of Justice. It settles legal disputes submitted to it by states peacefully and in accordance with international law. The International Criminal Court has a different mandate to fight impunity by prosecuting and trying individuals accused of the gravest international crimes. Their mandates differ. Their independence must be defended equally. Both courts rest on the same idea. Power cannot be its own judge. That remains true even when we dislike the rulings or proceedings. When judges or staff members of an international court face sanctions or pressure for carrying out the mandates, Belgium will always stand with them to protect them. But the promise of the law doesn't end in courtrooms or in relations between states. It concerns people, human rights, the right to think and speak freely, freedom of conscience and religion, and the freedom not to believe. It concerns the ability of every woman to decide the course of her own life and take her equal place in society.
Mr. president, at the end of August, the Vanuatu government initiated proceedings against France before the International Court of Justice concerning sovereignty over Umaenupne and Umaeneg/Leka islands, or Matthew and Hunter, as they called in English, and the maritime boundaries between Vanuatu and New Caledonia. These islands are integral part of Vanuatu's territory, grounded in customary governance, long standing historical connections indigenous ownership and is seen as part of our duty as ancestral custodians to protect and preserve. We recognise France as a steadfast champion of the international rules based order and under the leadership of President Macron, a strong supporter of international judicial institutions. France has stood alongside Vanuatu in advancing global climate action, including through its support for initiatives before the International Court of Justice. We greatly value this partnership and France leadership on issues of international importance. It is in the same spirit of mutual respect and commitment to international law that we respectfully invite France to consent to the jurisdiction of the court. Mr. president, trust is important for the United Nation's credibility. It cannot be restored through declarations alone. Trust must be earned through action. People will trust the United Nations when they see it preventing conflict. They will trust it when international law is respected. They will trust it when humanitarian assistance reaches those who need it. They will trust it when development commitments become real projects. They will trust it when climate finance reaches vulnerable communities. They will trust it when small states are heard and they will trust it when the international system treats all nations with equal dignity. For Vanuatu, restoring trust also means restoring confidence in multilateralism itself. We must resist the temptation to conclude that because the international system is imperfect, it is therefore irrelevant. The UN80 reforms currently implemented are paramount to rebuild trust again at the United Nations, and therefore needs to be managed diligently. Vanuatu supports efforts to strengthen the United Nations. But reform must preserve what is most important the principle of sovereign equality. The United Nations cannot become an institution where the voices of the most powerful states dominate, where smaller states are expected merely to follow. Reform must strengthen General Assembly. It must make international institutions more accessible to developing countries. It must address the financing and capacity constraints facing small delegations. It must strengthen preventive diplomacy. It must improve the implementation of international decisions. It must ensure that the development pillar remains resourced and that the implementation on the ground is effective and efficient. And it must ensure that international law remains central to the international system. Vanuatu calls for UN Security Council that is more representative, transparent and accountable, with membership and working methods that reflect today's realities and give all regions a meaningful voice. But reform cannot be limited to institutional structures. The deeper reform we require is political and renewed commitment by member states to the principles we have already agreed to. That charter does not need to be reinvented. It needs to be respected. Mr. president, excellencies, for Vanuatu, the United Nations Charter remains our compass. It tells us that the nations are sovereign equals. It tells us that disputes must be settled peacefully. It tells us that the force must not be used against the territory or political independence of states. It tells us that the nations must cooperate. And it reminds us that the ultimate purpose of the international system is not power for its own sake. It is peace, justice, human dignity, development, and cooperation. And it is a better future for succeeding generations. These principles are particularly important to Vanuatu because we know what independence means. Our independence is not merely the absence of colonial rule. Independence means the right of a people to determine our future. It means sovereignty. It means dignity, it means equality, and it means having an equal place in the family of nations. That is why Vanuatu will continue to defend the multilateral system. That is why we will continue to defend international law, and that is why we will continue to speak for the principle that every nation, regardless of size, matters. Mr. president, we meet at a critical moment in international affairs. There are wars that remain unresolved. There are communities facing humanitarian catastrophe. There is growing geopolitical rivalry. There is economic uncertainty. There is climate disruption. There is technological transformation. And there is declining confidence in the international institutions. Yet I remain convinced that this is precisely the moment when we must choose cooperation over confrontation. We must choose dialogue over division. We must choose law over force. We must choose solidarity over indifference. And we must choose multilateralism over fragmentation. Vanuatu comes from a part of the world where our ancestors navigated vast oceans using the stars, the winds, the currents and the knowledge passed from generation to generation. Today the international community is navigating another uncertain ocean. We need a compass. The United Nations Charter is that compass. It provides the principles by which we can navigate a world of competing interests while preserving our common humanity. The theme of this 81st session Restoring Trust, Managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all reminds us of what is required. But ultimately, restoring trust will depend not on the words we adopt here, but on the actions we take when we leave this hall. Let us therefore, build a United Nations that is strong enough to prevent war, fair enough to protect the vulnerable, courageous enough to defend international law, and inclusive enough to give every nation a meaningful voice. Let us build a United Nations where the concerns of a small island nation in the Pacific and all over the world can stand alongside those of the largest powers of the world. Let us not allow division to rule our era. Instead, we choose cooperation. We choose peace. We choose justice. We choose solidarity. And we choose to renew our faith in the idea that together, nations can build a world. We can build a better world.
