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Mr. President, the predicament of the Global South is particularly acute. It faces a four F crisis of the security of food, fuel, fertiliser and finance. The combined impact of a super El Nino, compounding fertilizer shortages and now impediments to grain movements, all these are cause for alarm. Moreover, SDG progress is under increasing pressure. The Global South's right to industrialise is also undermined by non-market practices and market denial. The march of technology that was meant to instill hope has now become a source of anxiety. Misuse of AI is sharpening bias and diluting mutual respect.
I return to this issue of belonging at the end of my speech. But, Mr. President, last year, from this very podium, I made a solemn pledge on behalf of Africa and the global African diaspora to seek full international recognition of the transatlantic trafficking and racialized chattel enslavement of Africans as the gravest crime against humanity. Some cautioned that we were reopening old wounds, but we came not to provoke division or render empty judgment. We came to seek healing. And true healing requires truth, and truth requires acknowledgement, and acknowledgement must lead to meaningful repair. Mr. President, for centuries, this tragedy was rendered in the passive voice as though the millions of African men, women and children just vanished into the shadows of time. Mr. President, they did not vanish. They were hunted. They were captured. They were trafficked. They were bought, they were sold. They were exploited and exchanged for profit. They were ripped from their families and communities they belonged to. Their unpaid labor built the cities, industries, banking institutions, and empires of the modern Western world. Meanwhile, the African continent was left depopulated, split families, structural disruption and generational trauma. Mr. President, on 25th March this year, the International Day of Remembrance of the Victims of Slavery and the Transatlantic Slave Trade, Ghana had the honor of tabling resolution 80/250 in this very August Assembly. Mr. President, 123 nations voted to affirm this fundamental truth that the transatlantic slave trade and chattel enslavement were the gravest crimes against humanity. I stand with respect at this podium to thank every nation that voted for justice, and am deeply grateful to our brothers and sisters in the African Union, the CARICOM, CELAC and our partners across the Global South. That resolution was not a mere gesture. It was adopted because the structural legacies of those historic crimes continue to fuel systematic racism, economic marginalization, and a global financial architecture that is weighted against Africa and people of African descent. Since the passage of the historic resolution, we welcome the positive overtures from many countries and institutions that have joined the dialogue on reparative justice. The Netherlands, Germany and France have all made positive moves to join the conversation on Reparatory justice. Mr. President, real repair demands structural transformation. It requires dismantling the persistent engines of exploitation, unfair global trade, predatory resource extraction, discriminatory credit ratings, unsustainable debt burdens of the global South, and the continued export of raw materials from Africa, while real value addition and job creation occur elsewhere. Mr. President, the injustices of the past remain embedded in today's power structures.
We should keep development at the center of the international agenda and jointly forge a global development partnership based on unity and equality, and that is balanced and inclusive. It is important to give priority to key areas including poverty reduction, food security and energy transition, step up resource input and increase support for countries in the global South. Developed countries should honor their commitment to development financing and climate financing. The international community should also build consensus and pool strength to formulate the post 2030 global development agenda. Facing a new scientific and technological revolution and industrial transformation, especially the dynamic development of artificial intelligence, we should take a people centered approach and develop AI for the positive and for good, narrow the digital divide and promote development that is universally beneficial. Both history and reality prove that countries can hardly achieve development without an open and cooperative international environment.
Excessive consumption of the few drives the emission that is currently choking our planet. Yet, delayed promises add a brutal toll on the loss of lives and the devastation of infrastructure. If we are to survive this crisis, we must act now, and act fast. Speaking of actions, my country, Ethiopia, will proudly host COP32 in November 2027. Ethiopia will help organize a vibrant and inclusive platform for the private sector and international stakeholders to pioneer tangible solutions to climate action. In this connection, I sincerely invite all world leaders to come to Ethiopia and leave their footprints at this important global climate summit. With regard to the digital revolution and artificial intelligence, Africa is compelled to ask a very defining question: will the age of the AI become another instrument of global inequality, or will it be a catalyst for our collective growth? We must ensure that the Global South leads this technological revolution, rather than remain a helpless spectator.
But today a new source of power have emerged. A handful of private actors now control how billions of people communicate, work, transact and consume information. Artificial intelligence is changing how economies operate, how societies function, and how governments make decisions. The opportunities are enormous, but so are the risks. We must therefore ask a simple question who governs the transformation? Technology must serve humanity, never the reverse. And the answer cannot be that small number of companies or countries decide the rules for everyone else. The United Nations must continue to empower global South countries who are likely to be more greatly affected by inequitable AI development, to participate in global discussions on AI. The global South cannot simply become a destination for data centers while decisions about AI are made elsewhere. We must be partners in innovation, not merely customers and markets, and not merely destinations for investment partners involved in the decisions that will shape our future. Equitable decision making and equitable development. That means managing the enormous demands that tech infrastructure places on water, energy, land and other resources, so that the benefits of AI can be shared more broadly across the borders. Mr. president, in our hyperconnected world today, indeed, very few things stay where they begin. Technologies are rapidly shared, and they can just as rapidly disrupt. Similarly, war can also travel beyond borders. Across West Asia, escalating conflict threatens some of the world's most important routes for energy and trade, including the Strait of Hormuz and the Bab el-Mandeb.
When Thailand joined this organization, the postwar international order was still taking shape. Today, it is being reshaped once again. Many of its old certainties are giving way. But what comes next is not yet settled. We are seeing many transformations taking place. Power is becoming more fragmented. Strategic competition is becoming sharper and international rules are under strain. At the same time, technology is transforming our societies, while climate change is testing our resilience. Our institutions, however, are struggling to keep pace. Confidence in our ability to work together is weakening, and that is why this year's theme speaks directly to the task before us. Managing the transformation requires trust: trust between countries, trust in the rules we share, and trust that our institutions can deliver. But trust cannot be taken for granted. It must be earned. Trust weakens when principles are applied selectively, when countries have little say in decisions that shape the future and when promises made in this Assembly fail to improve lives beyond it. Rebuilding trust means addressing each of these concerns. We must uphold common principles and consistently, we must give countries a genuine stake in the international system, including a stronger voice for the global South. And we must take shared responsibility for turning commitments into results. Mr. President, the UN's purposes remain as relevant as ever to promote peace and security, human rights and dignity, sustainable development and cooperation among sovereign equals. But we cannot build lasting peace if security is assured for some and denied to others. Universal human rights lose their meaning when applied selectively.
Our world is changing at a pace far exceeding the ability of international governance institutions to respond. Our crisis does not lie in the absence of charters and principles, but rather in the widening gap between what we proclaim and what we implement, and between those who make decisions and those who are affected by them. Our world does not need a merely symbolic multilateralism that brings together states in open discussions. Rather, it needs effective multilateralism in which every state has a voice and every people receive a fair share of decisions, opportunities, and resources. It is no exaggeration to say that confidence in the effectiveness of collective action and the multilateral system has declined. There is an urgent need to restore adherence to international law to avoid policies based on power, polarization and double standards. It is no coincidence that the countries of the Global South, which comprise the overwhelming majority of the world's population, are among those most harmed by the decline of the rule of international law, the weakening role of international organizations, and the fragility of global governance and international cooperation frameworks. From this perspective, Egypt, as a founding member of the United Nations, believes that restoring trust requires three interconnected pillars justice and representation and decision making, justice and the application of the law and justice in the distribution of development and transformation opportunities. This is not a call to rebuild the international system from scratch. It is a call to fulfill its original promises and purposes. Notably, sovereign equality among states respect for law, peaceful settlement of disputes, international cooperation for the benefit of peoples, and enabling them to reap the benefits of accelerating scientific progress. The multilateral international system remains an indispensable choice. However, its survival depends on strengthening justice and ensuring the effectiveness and sustainability of its institutions. Instead of merely repeating the principles for which it was established without making meaningful action. Mr. president, if justice in the application of rules is the litmus test of the credibility of the international system, then the Palestinian issue remains the clearest example of the existing dysfunction.
We have done so through our official development assistance and have deepened our solidarity with the Global South. To date, Japan has provided ODA totaling over 670 billion USD to developing countries and regions, and has dispatched almost 60,000 Japan Overseas Cooperation volunteers to 99 countries. Additionally, Japan has been promoting initiatives towards achieving universal health coverage UHC across the globe. Since 1993, Japan has co-organized the TICAD together with the United Nations. TICAD has served as a platform for reflecting Africa's voice in the Sustainable Development Goals, SDGs and for Japan to first put forward the concept of FOIP. Africa is endowed with a dynamic young population and possesses enormous economic potential. Japan will continue to promote its diplomacy towards Africa, so that Japan and Africa can become more resilient and prosperous together. For example, we will promote industrial development, job creation and enhanced connectivity in Africa.
This theme invites us to consider international cooperation in a world that is subject to profound challenges. For Equatorial Guinea, trust is strengthened when we fulfill commitments that have been made and decisions that have been adopted collectively, and when visible results can be produced. The countries of the Global South need cooperation that preserves peace, that drives sustainable and inclusive growth, and that expands the ability of each state to build its own future. Therefore, 21st century cooperation should provide opportunities for the mobilisation of financing to transfer, transform raw materials and to develop one's own knowledge and technologies. Excellencies, this vision is especially relevant for Africa, which needs investments that can allow it to develop local value chains, build infrastructure, advance industrialization, strengthen human capital, incorporate new technologies and generate employment, especially for the continent's large youth population. A more productive and industrialized Africa will be a stronger partner for the benefit of all of those wanting to halt its emigration. Excellencies. When the 2030 agenda was adopted, the world embraced its deeply human vision: eradicating poverty, protecting the planet, and making sure that all people can live with dignity, leaving no one behind. However, as we approach its end date, we are far from meeting its goals. Poverty persists, inequality is expanding, and climate change continues to rage. It is clear that we need an international financial architecture that facilitates productive investments, that takes into account the real vulnerabilities of developing countries, and supports the efforts of each nation. It is therefore urgent to implement the resolutions adopted at the conferences in Addis Ababa in 2015 and in Seville last year.
Mr. president, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. The deadline for agenda 2030 is fast approaching and we are able to observe that despite remarkable efforts, there is still a ways to go in order to reach the SDGs that we all chose for ourselves and the resources to reach the Sustainable Development Goals are nevertheless available throughout the world, and therefore we must improve the conditions to access them and use these resources. This is why financing for development should not be considered as some kind of alms or kindness. It is an investment in stability, shared prosperity and collective security. For this reason, Cameroon calls for the diligent and comprehensive implementation of the commitments made in Seville in July of 2025 on the issue of financing for development, and this specifically implies engaging in the necessary reforms of the international financial architecture and the multilateral financial architecture in order to give countries of the Global South a more fair shot. We should also give new impetus to international trade, industrialization, and transforming raw materials locally, as well as strengthening regional integration. And it is this energy that guided the work of the 14th Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organization, WTO, which Cameroon had the privilege of hosting from the 26th to the 29th of March 2026.
Our presidency demonstrated that mine action is indispensable foundation for poverty reduction, human dignity, and sustainable development. Mr. president, as the Secretary General, Antonio Guterres, prepared to complete his distinguished tenure at the helm of our organization the government and the people of Lao PDR wish to express our profound appreciation and heartfelt gratitude for his principled leadership, moral clarity, and unwavering dedication to the United Nations. A true and trusted friend of Lao PDR and fellow peace loving developing nations across the Global South, Secretary-General Guterres, will be warmly remembered for his tireless advocacy for international financial architecture reform, climate justice, sustainable development financing, and the dignity of the countries in special situation. His legacy of solidarity and bold championing of equity would continue to inspire our collective, multilateral effort for years to come. Mr. president, in conclusion, the Lao PDR firmly believes that the United Nations remains the essential home of global cooperation. No single nation can overcome today's complex global challenges alone. Let us unite our collective strength, renew our trust in multilateralism, and work together to build a peaceful, resilient and prosperous world where no nation and people is left behind.
This is the promise that the UAE makes to its people and to all who call it home. And it is also the bedrock of our international partnerships, particularly with the nations of the Global South and the African continent, which have matured into an enduring strategic cooperation rooted in mutual respect and shared interests. The UAE continues to expand its investments in artificial intelligence, emerging technologies, healthcare and education. We are also strengthening our position as a trusted and responsible leader in the energy sector, balancing the needs of today with bold investment in solutions of tomorrow and driving the historic commitments of the UAE Consensus toward long term collective action.
But when commitments remain out of reach for those who need them most, confidence in the system weakens. Getting these fundamentals right is central to restoring trust, managing transformation, and building a United Nations that delivers for all. The global financial architecture must therefore evolve to reflect the economic realities of the 21st century, including financing demands created by climate change, technological transformation, and the imperative for sustainable development. Developing countries frequently face borrowing costs several times higher than those of wealthier nations because the system was not designed with the circumstances of the Global South in mind. Debt sustainability is a question of development and fairness. When nations spend more to service debt than invest in education, job creation, or provision of healthcare, trust in the system erodes. Botswana calls upon this assembly and the international financial institutions to pursue reform of global financial governance. This would give developing countries a meaningful voice and provide fair and predictable access to concessional finance. We call upon the United Nations and its financial partners to mobilize private capital through innovative and blended financing agreements that de-risk productive investment in developing economies. This is enlightened fairness and sound economics. Capital should help create opportunity where its impact can be felt. Mr. President, health is where the promise of international solidarity is tested most directly, and Botswana speaks from hard-earned experience.
Second we stand for international cooperation that is peaceful, fair and based on equality. A new nationalism would be a misguided path. Whatever its prophets may preach, the truth is that it would make our lives narrower, poorer and less secure. Instead, global trade relations need to be diversified and deepened in the framework of a fair trading order. No country should have to accept raw materials being used to force obedience or supply chains becoming instruments of pressure. None of us is powerless in the face of this. Where we cooperate, we free ourselves from one sided dependencies and open up new spaces of freedom. With our partners in the European Union, we have begun this work through new trade accords, cooperation agreements and partnerships. These partnerships are built on mutual respect, on common rules and a shared respect of international law. They also take into account the fortunate fact that many countries of the Global South are developing with extraordinary success. The same principle for partnership and cooperation also applies for technology. Access to computing power, data, expertise and infrastructure will increasingly shape who can innovate and who merely has to accept the rules set by others.
Economic transformation and sustainable development are impossible without a healthy population. The vulnerabilities exposed by recent global pandemics continue to linger, reminding us that global health security is only as strong as its weakest link. Malawi is making strides towards a universal health coverage and strengthening our primary health care system. However, systemic global inequities in healthcare access, medical manufacturing and vaccine distribution remain glaringly unresolved. True global health security demands decentralised pharmaceutical manufacturing capabilities, unrestricted technology transfer and intellectual property waivers during health emergencies. My delegation appeals to all of us here to finalize a robust, legally binding pandemic treaty that guarantees equity, solidarity and immediate resource sharing for the Global South. We also call for collaboration in efforts to build long term resilience against pandemics through investment in our domestic pharmaceutical manufacturing capacity. By producing essential medicines within Africa, the entire world gains through stronger health security and stable supply chains, especially through faster outbreak response.
Against this backdrop, it is very important to focus on water in 2026, particularly as climate change intensifies: drought, floods, desertification, and land degradation across Africa. As an arid country, Namibia continues to promote the prudent use and conservation of water, integrated water resource management, groundwater recharge, and greater investment in sustainable water infrastructure. We also underscore the importance of the implementation of the Namib Declaration, adopted at COP11 in Windhoek as part of our collective response to desertification and land degradation and drought. In this regard, we are pleased to inform that Namibia is a host to the Global Water Partnership Headquarters, first-time to be located in the Global South. In our capacity as co-chair with Senegal of the AU International High-Level Panel on the African Water Investment Program, on Monday we convened a high-level side event on water investment for Africa and the globe. We believe its outcome is a meaningful contribution to the 2026 UN Water Conference to be held later in the year, and advance strong global partnership, investment, and action for sustainable water security. Mr. President, the Pact for the Future, which was co-facilitated by Namibia and Germany, provides an ambitious framework for transforming global governance and addressing contemporary and emerging challenges. While the Pact gives due consideration for the interests and the needs of the future generation, its implementation has not been as effective as we had wished.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, I am honored to address this august Assembly for the fourth time on behalf of the 240 million resilient and peace loving people of Pakistan. I congratulate Mr. Khalilur Rahman on his election as president of the 81st General Assembly session, and I assure him of Pakistan's full support. I thank Her Excellency Ms. Annalena Baerbock for her able stewardship of the 80th session. I also convey Pakistan's sincere appreciation to U.N. Secretary General Antonio Guterres for his dynamic leadership and his strong advocacy for the U.N. and the global South, particularly for the downtrodden and the poor. The pursuit of peace, Mr. President, is among the noblest of human endeavors.
Mr. President, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, over the last few days, over the last week, from this rostrum and in the corridors of the General Assembly, the following idea was heard many times. There are tectonic shifts underway in global politics. A fairer, multipolar world order is emerging before our very eyes. The countries of the global South and East are asserting themselves as sovereign centers of development. They're taking responsibility for ensuring security in their own regions. They are demonstrating a commitment to international law. They are refuting external pressure. They're showing interest in the prosperity of all states, not just a select few. Such a constructive philosophy is also the basis for Russia's foreign policy, and it is supported by our countless friends. It is the bedrock of cooperation at the CIS, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the BRICS, and in other global majority fora. Yet this is not to everyone's liking. The Western minority, which dominated for 500 years, thanks to others resources, continues to try to maintain its privileges and to impose its own rules on everyone else. The West continues to use brute force to act unpredictably, to engage in all sorts of ventures putting at risk the life and prosperity of millions, if not billions, of people, on our planet.
If multilateralism works at regional level, then citizens have greater reasons to believe it can work globally. Our governments face a difficult choice whether to meet the needs of their citizens or satisfy the expectations of creditors. In the last year alone, African countries spent roughly the same amount on servicing debt as is needed to close our infrastructure financing gap. This grim reality inspired South Africa's G20 presidency to focus on debt sustainability. The Africa Expert Panel report calls for an end to incrementalism. It support multilateral efforts to establish a borrowers club to counterbalance the power of creditors, and calls for greater debt transparency and greater scrutiny of credit rating agencies. To us, Mr. President, unsustainable debt betrays the promise of development and destroys the prospects for democracy. With only 36% of the Sustainable Development Goals showing sufficient progress, we are running out of time. Africa and much of the global South need multilateral actions to free resources absorbed by debt services and redirect them towards development. We must close the financing gap for the 2030 agenda and meaningful advance implementation of the African Union Agenda 2063. In November 2025, South Africa classified gender based violence and femicide as a national disaster, recognizing that dealing with this scourge demands exceptional measures from our population, and we require international partners to continue to fight this through technology and other means that must support our measures to fight gender based violence in our country.
Inequality and underdevelopment are the result of political choices. It is possible to include the poor in the budget and make the rich pay their share. It is necessary to cut privileges and invest in free quality education and health care. There is a legitimate desire for change throughout the world, but change is not the same as going backwards. It's not about taking away rights. It's not about reviving theories of racial supremacy or female subjugation. It's not about recolonizing the global South. Change means moving towards a more participatory future and more achievements. It is about creating and sharing effective public solutions to development challenge through a democratic, strong, efficient and capable state. It's about betting on the spirit of solidarity and cooperation with Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean region. Initiatives such as the Global Alliance Against Hunger and Poverty, launched by Brazil and the UN Intergovernmental Panel on Inequalities, launched by South Africa, stem from this political will.
In the name of God, the All-Powerful, Most Merciful. Distinguished President of the General Assembly, Mr. Secretary-General, Excellencies, Heads of State and Government, ladies and gentlemen. As President of the Republic of Burundi and the current Chairperson of the African Union, allow me to first, on behalf of the people of Burundi and of Africa, congratulate His Excellency Dr. Khalilur Rahman, President of the General Assembly of the United Nations, on his election, and wish him every success in the fulfillment of his mandate. I would like to take this opportunity to extend my warmest congratulations and express my deepest gratitude to His Excellency Mr. António Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations, for the unwavering commitment and dedication he has demonstrated throughout his tenure in the service of peace, security, and sustainable development around the world. His good offices, exercised with wisdom, humility, and determination, have helped bridge the widest divergences of opinion and provided invaluable support to nations, particularly those in the Global South, in their quest for stability and prosperity. Burundi, which has always been able to count on the United Nations' generous support, wishes to commend his leadership and his unwavering commitment to the principles of multilateralism.
Ladies and gentlemen, one of the biggest tests for the UN's relevance is Russia's aggression against Ukraine. For more than 12 years ago, since the illegal annexion of Crimea and occupation of eastern Ukraine in 2014, a permanent member of the Security Council of the Russian Federation has been perpetrating a war of aggression at the very heart of Europe. That aggression disregards the principles of the United Nations Charter to its very core. It violates the respect of sovereignty and territorial integrity of states, and the prohibition of the use of force against another state. The consequences of Russia's aggression, however, extend beyond Ukraine and Europe. For example, by increasingly targeting Ukraine's Black Sea ports, commercial shipping, grain infrastructure, and alternative export routes, Russia is putting global food security at grave risk. As such, this is a concern for all of us, and rightly so. Russia's actions have been condemned by a large majority of this Assembly. But condemnation is not enough. We need to collectively force Russia into peace in Ukraine, to force into a negotiation table by raising the cost of its aggression. For this, we can and should use the diverse instruments at our disposal, be they economic, diplomatic, or political. I strongly encourage more of my fellow heads of state and government to use this occasion to call on Russia to cease its aggression. Those of you who have done so already, be it the Global South or North, you have my appreciation. The principles of the UN Charter cannot be trampled on. It is our collective task to stand up for them. We should also support the efforts of international mechanisms to document the war crimes, ensure accountability, and provide assistance to those whose rights have been violated. Estonia is doing its part. We have completed all national procedures and taken the lead in discussions in Strasbourg to establish the special tribunal as soon as possible. A UN member state whose armed forces have been repeatedly cited in the UN Secretary-General's reports for grave violations against children and conflict-related sexual violence should have been no place in UN peacekeeping operations. This is a matter of ensuring that perpetrators' actions have consequences. But it is equally a matter of retaining trust in and the integrity of UN peacekeeping. I therefore call on the UN to stop reflecting and instead take appropriate actions immediately. Ukraine requires assistance in defending itself, but also in rebuilding the country. Estonia, together with its partners, have worked closely to support Ukraine's cybersecurity and resilience, in responding to evolving threats through the Tallinn Mechanism and the IT-Coalition. Estonia is also proud to be hosting the Ukraine Recovery Conference in 2027, organized in cooperation with our closest friends in the Nordic-Baltic region. Building on the outcomes of earlier conferences, next year's event will be advancing in practical terms long-term international support for Ukraine and its recovery. As such, it will be a multilateral effort and example of true cooperation for international peace and security. My fellow leaders, while it is the situation in Ukraine and Ukraine's security that affects Estonia most directly, we are neither indifferent nor unaffected by the impact of other wars, threats, and conflicts. The situation in the West Bank and Gaza remains of great concern. Innocent civilians and children must not bear the devastating human cost of war. Estonia has consistently called for upholding international humanitarian law and ensuring safe, rapid, and unhindered access of humanitarian aid for those in need. We remain a stable donor in UNRWA and are committed to a credible political process leading to a negotiated two-state solution, with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace, security, and dignity. We have provided food aid to hospitals in Gaza and stand ready to offer our digital transition expertise in its future reconstruction. Estonia has consistently condemned the attacks by Iran against our close partners, the Gulf states, and has shown its readiness to contribute to ensuring freedom of navigation in the region. This is an issue that affects us all. We also see instrumentalization of migration as a means of exerting pressure on countries, whether on the European Union's eastern and southern borders or elsewhere.
My third observation is that a new economic world order is taking shape. Instruments once used for economic integration, such as trade, technology, energy investment and supply chains, have become instruments of geopolitical competition. There was perhaps, at times, a naive belief that interdependence would bring about stability and peace. Now the focus on opportunities has been replaced by the focus on threats. We've entered a world of coercion where dependencies are vulnerabilities. Countries seek choke points that can be weaponized to pressure others. But dependencies are complex. No nation, not even the biggest ones, can go it alone. All coercive actions come at a cost. And even if a mightier state dominates in one domain, a smaller state can respond in another. In the new geopolitical environment, the economic order of the post World War II era is seeking new forms. A new order must be based on a realistic understanding of the power balance in the world. We in the West must acknowledge that the global South and East are an expanding economic and political force. Many nations around the world have made remarkable advances in competence and know how. We should put this collective expertise to work for the global common good. Countries are right to be wary of dangerous dependencies, but our focus on the threats should not lead us to abandon cooperation. We should strive for an economic world order built on institutions and agreements. Multilateralism is also needed in the global economy. Now, this was the first part. It's all good and well to diagnose the problem.
Created in the aftermath of the Second World War, the immediate focus was obviously on peace and security but the UN system has evolved significantly over the decades to expand its scope and sphere of influence within the confines of its charter. However, the UN must now look to the future, building on its record of achievements as well as from lessons learned from what it could not achieve. As we look to the next 80 years, we must ask ourselves a searching question is the UN fit for the purpose for the 21st century, not the world of 1945, but the world of today and beyond? We are entering a new era of international relations defined by unprecedented technological developments, often absent from the table where the rules of tomorrow are being adopted, developing countries risk being left further behind. The same exclusion afflicts the international financial architecture, which remains skewed against the Global South. Developing nations must have a seat at the table as equal stakeholders. We all acknowledge that the three pillars of the UN charter are peace and security, development and human rights. The twin institutional pillars provided in the charter were and still are, the Security Council and ECOSOC as the apex bodies for achieving these purposes. However, over the years, optimal use has been made primarily of only one of these organs. We need to enhance and accelerate the revitalization of the General Assembly and that of ECOSOC so that they are not merely forums for debate, but engines of action. This must be done as we bring about the reform of the Security Council, the historical injustice regarding the composition of the Council was acknowledged in action 39 of the pact for the future, but the process for reform is still stalled. Mauritius fully supports the Common African Position, the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration calling for no fewer than two permanent and five non-permanent African seats on the council. Mauritius also supports the call for SIDS to have a seat on a reformed council. On the question of the veto, Mauritius aligns itself with the position of a growing number of states that, in the event the veto is retained, any new permanent member must have the same rights as the original permanent members. Mauritius also supports the Franco-Mexican initiative on the suspension of the veto in cases of mass atrocities. We support the positions of the G4 and the L69 on council reform, and we reiterate our support for India's candidature for a permanent seat commensurate with its constructive role in global affairs. Mr. president, Mauritius welcomes the increasing recourse to the International Court of Justice as a mechanism for the peaceful settlement of disputes and determination of issues of international law. We call upon Member States which have not yet done so, to accept the compulsory jurisdiction of the ICJ. We welcome the landmark unanimous advisory opinion of the ICJ on the obligations of states in respect of climate change. This was a vindication of the tireless advocacy of Vanuatu and the core group of states. Mauritius was proud to stand among them.
At all of these times, I have been compelled to reflect upon the major issues concerning humankind, as well as their aspirations and concerns. These are peace, development, equality, the climate crisis, free trade, energy security, and, more recently, artificial intelligence. Where these challenges are concerned, Venezuela has always held, and continues to hold, very clear positions. One, we adhere strictly to the notion of peace and repudiate violence; understanding and dialogue must triumph over conflict. We firmly believe in the power of understanding and dialogue. Venezuela, who today knows exactly what it is to lift its children from the rubble, extend its solidarity—indeed, its wholehearted solidarity—to all peoples suffering from war. We reaffirm, in the most unambiguous terms here, that peace, a just, lasting peace underpinned by dignity for all parties, is not a naive ambition; rather, it is the only truly humane solution to conflict. Our second, unwavering stance: inclusive development with social justice, to alleviate poverty and mitigate the suffering of hundreds of millions of people that are primarily located in the Global South.
Mr. Secretary-General, as you approach the conclusion of your stewardship of this great organization, Africa recognizes your steadfast advocacy for a fairer international financial architecture, greater African representation, and a stronger voice for the Global South. You have reminded the world that dignity, equality, and representation are not favors, but principles to be upheld. And perhaps the greatest tribute to your stewardship will be to turn the reforms you championed into reality. Distinguished delegates, 81 years ago, the founders of this organization looked upon a broken world and chose not to preserve the order that had failed them.
In addition, for four and a half years now, I have been listening to lectures on how many in the West remain last beacon of democracy in the world, the protectors not of Ukraine's but of the rules and principles of international law. And when they raise their voices thinking that they are being highly moral and that their positions are the only right ones, we simply smile and ask ourselves: And how did you treat Kosovo and Metohija and the territorial integrity of Serbia, which is guaranteed by the UN Charter and the resolution of the UNSC 1244? To that, either there is no answer, or they supposedly give us some well-intentioned advice and tell us not to look to the past, but to the future. When we ask them, do you also say to Ukraine that the territories they are fighting for are not important?, we end the pointless conversation and move on to another subject. And I want to warn all of you, all of you here who belong to the Global South, pay the utmost attention while signing all the agreements with great powers. That is how we signed the famous Brussels Agreement in 2013, wishing to resolve problems between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo and Metohija by compromise. All the obligations that were to be met by Serbia have been met, and the only one that was to be met by Albanians, the one about the establishment of the community of Serb municipalities, has not been met to this day. It is interesting that the agreement was accepted not only in the presence of the EU, but it was also confirmed with the signature of the EU, but it meant actually nothing. As the President of Serbia, for ten years I have been facing all possible tricks and pressures to give up on full implementation of what was signed. It is a lesson to us Serbs, but also to all others in the world who want to protect their country. In spite of everything, Serbia will defend its country, its territorial integrity, the UN Charter, the UN Security Council resolution 1244. I wish to thank individually every 107 countries, states that have not recognized the unilaterally declared independence of the so-called Kosovo. We know that many of you, that many of those states, have been subjected to pressure, and we know that maintaining a principled position is sometimes far more difficult than it appears from the outside. Thank you for being consistent in not recognizing the independence of a part of Serbia's territory. Excellencies, Serbia is on its European path, and it will have to do many more things in order to become a full-fledged member of the EU.
Sovereignty for all peoples across the board. My third conviction is that we must not yield to a divided world. Many describe this rift. Many talk about this rift between the North and the South. We won't be able to tackle any of the challenges our planet faces if we give in to this rift, and it is fueled by double standards, this rift. However, we need the North and the South to reconcile so that they can tackle climate health development challenges. And that's why over the last few years, we've launched many more initiatives. and the African Union. When it came to shoring up economies together with the International Monetary Fund to reform special drawing rights and make progress for African economies. And we held our word $100 billion in special drawing rights allocated to helping African countries. We must stay the course, ensuring that we remain united without pitting anyone against anyone else. That is why it's important that the global health infrastructure must remain intact. We will continue reforming that architecture, but we will never weaken the WHO. We must put the finishing touches on the Pandemics Treaty. Africa CDC should be in a position to combat Ebola ever more effectively. We must be clear sighted as we reform our official development assistance, ODA. We must ensure that our investments exhibit greater solidarity, that they're more effective. This is what we did with the Paris Pact for people and Planet in 2023. Also at the Africa Summit in Nairobi, we also agreed to build a new consensus around investment that stands in solidarity with other states. Countries are allocating funds, and yet the needs of the countries of the global South are growing as well. We need to go faster and go further to help the IMF and the World Bank To be more effective, we must bolster the effectiveness of the instruments at their disposal so that we can mobilize the private sector better, creating guarantee mechanisms to ensure that in emerging economies, middle income countries and developing countries, a more effective response can be mounted to the problems they face. This is the kind of new partnership we must forge in order to ensure that there is no gap, no division, between the North and the South. In a similar vein, this north south partnership requires and will require us to wield our capacity to reopen a dialogue about our common history, our cultural relationships and remembrance.
