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And this year, again, hundreds of millions of people need humanitarian assistance, while the resources available to help them are shrinking. When funding runs out what do we tell the mother, who has walked for hours to reach a clinic with a sick child, that the doors are closed? What do we tell to a family waiting for food? That there will be no delivery tomorrow? We cannot ask humanitarian workers to give those answers, because we have chosen to cut their funding. This is not the time to treat humanitarian aid as an optional expense. It is neither a reward nor a bargaining chip. A hungry child is not responsible for the position taken by his government. That child has the right to eat, the right to receive care and the right to be protected. That is why I urge every one of us not to cut humanitarian funding. International law does more than contain violence. It is also enables trade exchange and movements. That brings me to a freedom that may at first sound rather technical: freedom of navigation.
We will make the right to development a pillar of multilateralism by facilitating access to sustainable funding and reducing inequalities globally. Ladies and gentlemen, please allow me to quote the great African writer Chinua Achebe, who said the following. When we gather in the village under the moonlight, it's not because of the moon. Each person can see the moon in his own backyard. We gather because it is good to do so. Let us continue in a spirit of teamwork and draw strength from solidarity.
We also want to make sure that developed countries can fully fulfill their commitment to development and financial action. For Mozambique, as one of the countries that is more vulnerable in the world, climate change translates into losses in life, displaced families, destroyed crops, and damaged infrastructures cyclically. The cyclones demonstrate that resilience is now an environmental, economic, and food security, social, and development issue, and increasingly one of peace and security in all the world. We therefore reiterate the need to increase funding for adaptation, facilitate access to climate funds, operationalize the loss and damage mechanisms, and invest in early warning systems and resilient infrastructure. Mozambique remains highly vulnerable to extreme weather events— floods, inundations, cyclones— and we are concerned with the El Niño that might have potential severe impacts in the central and southern parts of the country, especially when it comes to drought, food insecurity, and livelihood. Their preparedness and international cooperation will be essential to mitigate these impacts in a context where humanitarian needs are already facing a severe funding shortfall in the whole world. Mr. President, digital transformation demands the same solidarity that we are talking about, because Africa must not limit itself to supplying the minerals that fuel the world's innovation hubs. We need to have investment in connectivity, computing capacity, scientific research, training of young people in Africa, technology transfer, governance, ethics for AI, in the spirit of partnership that builds capacity and promotes autonomy of our sovereign states.
Mr. president, recovering the land does not mean only the withdrawal of occupying forces. It also means the return of its inhabitants and the revival of life in their villages and towns. The war has left behind a vast humanitarian crisis in Lebanon. It has caused extensive destruction to housing, public facilities, infrastructure and productive sectors, and has deprived large numbers of Lebanese of their homes and livelihoods. While we thank the United Nations entities and our international partners for their humanitarian contributions, we call at the same time for continued funding to meet the basic needs of those affected, particularly the displaced. In parallel with the requirements of early recovery as well as reconstruction and development. The reconstruction of the South is not merely the rebuilding of stone. It is the rebuilding of people's lives, the restoration of their livelihoods, and the affirmation of their right to live in safety and dignity on their land.
The negative consequences of unjustified unilateral sanctions also affect small countries such as ours, which are at the stage of formation and development. In some cases, such practices led to interference in the internal affairs of independent states and contradict to the fundamental principles of international law. Some major states, in pursuit of their own interests, put pressure on smaller countries, such as Kyrgyzstan, attempting to force them to bargain over certain matters and issuing ultimatums. In this context, I would like to take this opportunity to note the decision made by the president of the United States, His Excellency Mr. Donald Trump, after taking office to halt funding of non-governmental organizations around the world. As a result, interference by NGOs in the internal affairs and policies of the developing countries has practically ceased. President Trump's decisions have created conditions for strengthening the sovereignty of states and enabling them to independently choose their own path of development. Therefore, taking this opportunity, I would like to express my appreciation to Mr. Trump for ending the funding of the NGOs. Distinguished colleagues, decisions to impose sanctions should be taken in accordance with the UN charter and exclusively within the mandate of the Security Council. We believe that the mandate to impose sanctions against the state should belong exclusively to the United Nations. In my view, this is the only possible way to improve the international sanctions system. First and foremost, we should introduce a mandatory mechanisms under which all sanctions and measures are reviewed in advance by the organization. The prior review of sanctions would help ensure that their potential humanitarian, economic and social consequences are taken into account. An important element of the proposed mechanism should be the enhanced transparency and accountability. States initiating sanctions should clearly indicate the legal basis for such measures, explain their necessity and objectives, and define clear criteria and conditions for their eventual removal. I believe it would be appropriate to establish, under the auspice of the United Nations, the Unified International mechanism for monitoring sanctions and reviewing them on a regular basis. Only then can the central role of the United Nations in maintaining international peace and security be strengthened and its mandate enhanced. This would also help eliminate the risk that sanctions being used arbitrarily by one country against another for political or economic gain. No state should act arbitrarily. The United Nations must be strong. Every country should tremble when the United Nations intends to impose sanctions. Only then, the strict international order can be established in the world. Otherwise, some decisions of the United Nations may no longer be taken seriously, while states simply act according to their own discretion. Every decision of the United Nations should be implemented without delay. If a state fails to implement such decisions and other countries cease cooperation with it, the effectiveness of sanctions will increase. Only then will a decision will be implemented promptly, and the United Nations will become a strong and respected organization. Otherwise, existing sanctions will become a sort of children's toy.
President, I come from a country that is small in size but huge in terms of our nature. The Galápagos Islands, where Darwin found evidence of the evolution of life, are a world heritage site for the whole of humanity, and today they are threatened by illegal fishing networks that operate with the same logic and the same financing of other organized crime groups. The same is happening with illegal mining in the Amazon that's destroying forests and funding gangs. Protecting nature is also a matter of security.
Without this reform, it is becoming almost impossible to mobilize development funding, particularly green finance. Gabon, a country with extensive forest cover and a low deforestation rate, as well as a major carbon sink, therefore calls for greater recognition of its contribution to global climate regulation and the ecosystem services that it provides to humanity. These must be properly valued and give rise to fair, adequate, predictable and sustainable financing. Mr. president, while it's true that digital transformation offers considerable opportunities, it also entails risk infringements of privacy, disinformation, cybercrime and the irresponsible use of emerging technologies.
Resilience without resources is not resilience, it is merely survival. The same logic applies directly to the climate crisis. For Seychelles, climate change is not a prospective debate. It is a daily reality that strikes at the very foundations of our society. Rising seas threaten our infrastructure, our coastal livelihoods and our very territory. The science is undisputed. The targets are clear. What remains missing is political will and execution. Major emitters must display greater ambition while all nations act according to their responsibilities and capabilities. Economic growth that bankrupts the planet for future generations is not progress. Seychelles, therefore, welcomes the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on climate change, reinforcing that climate action is rooted in international law, equity and intergenerational justice. Mitigation, adaptation, technology transfer and loss and damage funding are not acts of charity. They are legal obligations.
This is the paradox of our time. We have never had so many reasons to act together, and we have never found it so difficult to do so. This paradox comes with a price, and this price is primarily being paid by the most vulnerable. According to the UN itself, more than 147 million people in 19 countries and territories experienced acute food insecurity caused by conflict in 2025, and yet at a time when need is soaring, resources are shrinking. Humanitarian funding has fallen to its lowest levels since 2016. Official development aid is crumbling. Peacekeeping operations, including in my own country, have been forced to cut back their patrols, shut down bases, and suspend local dialogue initiatives. Each budget cut adopted in New York or in some faraway capital is an opportunity for armed groups on the ground.
Mr. president, the ocean is the heart of Micronesian identity, livelihood and future prosperity. It faces mounting pressure from climate change, sea level rise, pollution and unsustainable exploitation. Micronesia calls for a collective effort to fortify ocean governance, sustainable fishing management and effective conservation of marine biodiversity. Being the first country to sign the BBNJ Agreement, we are among the first movers, comprising six nations to implement the BBNJ. Micronesia is partnering with GIZ and five co leading states to develop area-based management tools and marine protected area proposals under the BBNJ framework, translating our commitment to conserve 30% of our ocean into concrete, durable protection for areas beyond national jurisdiction. Mr. president, on deep sea mining in the International Seabed Area, Micronesia employs a precautionary approach. We stress the need to consolidate comprehensive knowledge, data and science about the marine environment before any decision is taken on proceeding with exploitation. Additionally, it is crucial that all stakeholders, including adjacent coastal states, indigenous people and local communities in the Pacific, are meaningfully consulted prior to such a decision. Mr. president, we must address the growing threat of plastic pollution that degrades the Pacific ecosystem and communities. Marine debris, microplastics and associated toxic substances are accumulating on our shores. Our lagoons, for example, in the state of Chuuk, where oil leaks from World War Two remnants led to the emergency declaration last year, continue to threaten our livelihood. This impact imposes disproportionate cleanup and economic burdens on small island governments, whose waste management infrastructure is inadequate. Our national efforts must be matched by strengthened international cooperation, including technical assistance, predictable finance and collective actions across the plastic life cycle to prevent pollution at its source and protect the Blue Pacific for present and future generations. Micronesia calls on the international community to match local action with global responsibility through sustained funding, meaningful technology transfer, stricter upstream control on plastic production and an end to waste exporting. Critically, the international community must complete its work on a new treaty to end plastic pollution including the marine environment. Mr. president and Excellencies, with less than five years to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals, the international community must respond with renewed political resolve, scaled up financing and accelerated implementation.
Conflicts, poverty, drought, natural disasters and the growing effects of climate change are pushing millions of people from their homes. And just as needs are increasing, funding is falling. With development cooperation and humanitarian assistance we are investing in stability. We are investing in resilience and peace.
Our multilateral framework is fractured because its foundational architecture is obsolete. The institution, designed in 1945, no longer reflects the geopolitical and economic realities of 2026. Malawi reaffirms its unwavering commitment to multilateralism, but it must be a multilateralism that is inclusive, fair and democratic. We call for an urgent, comprehensive reform of the United Nations Security Council to correct the historical injustice done to Africa. Africa deserves permanent representation with full veto privileges as articulated in the Ezulwini Consensus. Furthermore, the international financing architecture, specifically the IMF and the world Bank, must be radically overhauled. The current system traps developing nations in cycles of unsustainable debt, forcing government to choose between servicing foreign loans or funding basic education and health care for their citizens. Mr. president, because Malawi strongly believe in multilateralism, we take responsibility when called upon by the international community to participate in causes that further the aims of this organisation.
And we don't need to reinvent the wheel. A lot of good things are happening already. For decades, the Netherlands has been working with partners around the world to develop climate smart agriculture and future proof water management solutions. And we are keen to share our knowledge and know-how, and we want to learn from what other countries are doing. There are so many great initiatives under way. But I also know there's much more to be done. The need to accelerate and scale up our efforts is only too clear. And that demands our common commitment. The Netherlands wants to build practical partnerships with other countries, so we are once again making funding available for this purpose. And at the same time, we need to adapt to climate shocks that can no longer be avoided. These adaptations will require major investments, both public and private. Because here too, we cannot do it alone. Today, I call on all countries to stick to these ambitions because one way or another, a climate transition is coming. But we can decide how it unfolds. It can be chaotic, or it can be carefully planned with an inclusive approach and economic benefits for all. Ladies and gentlemen, as I come to the end of my remarks, I have an even stronger sense of what Anne Frank was telling us.
While the world focuses on headline grabbing events like monster hurricanes, melting glaciers, and tidal waves, climate change is affecting Saint Lucia daily in small but significant ways, such as the unusual bouts of drought in the rainy season, unprecedented floods in the dry season and stifling of our beaches and coastlines by Sargassum. Our people contribute little to this global emissions. Yet these events constantly set back our people's development and livelihoods and demand that we find the resources to reverse the damage. Saint Lucia calls for climate finance that matches the scale of the crisis: expanded grants and concessional funding, fast and simple access, full support for loss and damage, meaningful debt relief and financing that reaches vulnerable people directly. Climate finance is not charity. It's about justice, responsibility and survival. We must stop confusing loans with solidarity. A loan is not justice when a small, vulnerable nation is forced to borrow to repair damage it did not cause. A United Nations that delivers for all must deliver for those on the front lines of climate change through accessible finance, concrete support and measurable results, not merely through declarations. Saint Lucia laments the continued conflicts and human sufferings across the globe, including Ukraine, Sudan and the wider Middle East, including Gaza, and calls for renewed efforts towards peace, stability and respect for international law. In accordance to the right to self determination and UN resolutions, in particular resolution 3236 of 1974,
We must peak as low as possible and return below 1.5°C as quickly as possible. Every fraction of a degree matters. The Pacific loses an estimated of $500 million every year due to natural disasters such as cyclones, flooding. Early warning systems give communities time to prepare and reduce these losses. That may be a modest sum in global terms but for Pacific nations it is a heavy toll on our countries and our people. And yet the financing to prevent such losses still falls short. The Pacific Resilience Facility, our own financing mechanism for building community resilience, needs a further $328 million in pledges to reach its initial capitalisation target of $500 million. Weather Ready Pacific, designed to reduce the human and economic costs of severe weather events, needs a further 160 million to reach its target. Tonga's Climate Trust Fund, a direct community fund which disbursed its first round of grants this year, also requires significant funding support. We call on all our partners to invest in these Pacific designed and Pacific owned solutions. Tonga stands behind 2026 Pacific Island Forum leaders, the Belau Declaration, and calls on all our major emitters to act urgently. Climate action is a legal obligation, but meeting those obligations will require difficult decisions rooted in science. Climate leadership is not a popularity contest. Seven of the nine planetary boundaries have been breached by human activity. Climate inaction is not an option. Tonga is accelerating its transition away from fossil fuels and expanding renewable energy, and we encourage the shift to electric vehicles. For us, decarbonising also means greater energy security and protection from global fuel price shocks. We must phase out the explicit fossil fuel subsidies estimated by the IMF at $725 billion. International financial institutions and multilateral development banks must recognise the Multidimensional Vulnerability Index, the MVI, which ensures that it informs eligibility and allocations. By any credible index, Tonga is amongst the world's most vulnerable countries. However, we call on all nations, especially the world's largest emitters, to attend the Pre-COP31 meetings in Fiji and Tuvalu in October this year. Come to the Pacific and confront what 1.5 degrees means for our water, our people our food, our homes, and our security. We welcome the General Assembly's declaration on sea level rise, a significant achievement for the preservation of sovereignty. It marks the first time all member states have agreed on a single common text on sea level rise.
Education, employment, infrastructure and the opportunities offered up to our young people are also part and parcel of our efforts aimed at preventing the vulnerabilities, the very vulnerabilities which terrorist groups seek to exploit. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, collective security can only last if we also have economic and financial security. There is indeed another source of fragility at the international level, and that is the fragility of development financing. Many developing countries are facing a particularly difficult equation. They must accelerate their development and at the same time fund their energy transition, as well as adapt to climate change, on top of investing in health, education, the digital sphere and meeting growing social needs. However, these requirements are piling up against the backdrop of a context where access to funding is increasingly costly, where fiscal space is shrinking. Such a situation is no more sustainable than it is equitable. Therefore, Benin calls for ongoing transformation of the international financial architecture, the objective being to allow developing countries to access more accessible, predictable financing financing that is better tailored to their development trajectories.
This inherent flaw in the U.N. charter granted the great powers the luxury of being insensible. To this original sin a profound leadership crisis is now added. The year of 2025 recorded the highest number of armed conflicts since the World War Two. Trillions of dollars are funding a new arms race. Geopolitical tensions threaten to transform regional conflicts into a conflagration of global proportions. Those at the helm of crucial decisions must act with responsibility and with a sense of urgency. The leaders of the countries members of the Security Council must meet. I'm no stranger to the realities of power. But concessions to the law of the stronger have surpassed all limits. This is not idealism, but pure realism. War is not the continuation of politics by other means. It's the complete breakdown of politics.
Second, Japan is devoted to enhancing cooperation towards peace and stability. Since the end of the Second World War, Japan has consistently and seriously pursued efforts towards nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. At the very heart of our aspiration for a world without nuclear weapons lies the earnest plea of the hibakusha. The catastrophic consequences of nuclear weapons must never be repeated. It is Japan's mission as the only country to have ever suffered atomic bombings during war, to lead the efforts of the international community towards a world without nuclear weapons. Japan strongly calls for solidarity within the international community to maintain and strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty NPT regime, to which both nuclear weapon states and non-nuclear weapon states are parties. Further, Japan will persistently advance realistic and practical efforts, including enhancing the transparency of nuclear forces and promoting a deeper understanding of the realities of atomic bombings. The situations in Ukraine and North Korea have reminded the world of growing risks and threats posed by nuclear weapons. There are also concerns regarding the proliferation of nuclear and missile related technologies through the strengthening of military cooperation between Russia and North Korea. The security of the Indo-Pacific and Euro-Atlantic is inseparable. The advancement of North Korea's nuclear and missile programs, as well as its use of malicious cyber activities, including cryptocurrency thefts as a source of funding, are clear violations of relevant Security Council resolutions and pose a serious threat to international peace and security. The full implementation of Security Council resolutions under the principle of the complete denuclearization of North Korea is essential. Moreover, the issue of abductions by North Korea is an ongoing matter with lives at stake. The abductees are still denied their freedoms and their families continue to suffer. This is a matter of grave concern not only for Japan, but for the international community. As the abductees and their families are aging, the abductions issue must be resolved immediately. For the sake of the future of both Japan and North Korea, I am prepared to engage in dialogue and take concrete action to establish a mutually fruitful relationship in accordance with the Japan DPRK Pyongyang Declaration. Third, Japan will continue to contribute to the maintenance and development of a free and open international order based on the rule of law. Any attempts to unilaterally change the status quo by force or coercion are contrary to the principles enshrined in the charter of the United Nations, and must never be tolerated anywhere in the world. Russia's aggression against Ukraine is the most obvious example. A permanent member of the Security Council, with a special responsibility for international peace and security, has initiated an act of aggression against another country and has vetoed Security Council resolutions concerning its own actions. In this current situation, it must be said that the Security Council is not functioning for international peace.
Thus, through appropriate reforms, the government, in addition to improving political situation, we've improved economic governance, including better management of public affairs and greater domestic resource mobilisation. Me and my country today, I must say, works very hard to mobilize the resources that we need, because the international assistance on its own, however great it is, never developed a country. If we looked today, the level of international assistance and we compare that with the needs for financing in our countries, the places where millions of young people arrive at the labour market in Mali and Burkina Faso and Niger and in Africa, we can see that the international assistance will never be enough, and we need to mobilize our own resources, and we need to have confidence that we will be able to have other sources of funding so that our country can move forward, so our countries will continue counting on their own whilst leaving the door open, who want to work with us.
We, the donors, should earmark less and allow more flexible use of resources. Norway remains one of the UN's ten largest donors. We will use our funding to support and promote reform because we believe in investing in the UN. We believe that active, constructive implementation of the UN80 reforms is necessary for its future. This will be a key factor when we assess future voluntary contributions to agencies, funds and programmes. Thirdly, the UN is in an institutional crisis. I am a strong believer in this organisation, but I also recognise that over time we have added excessive complexity to our United Nations. Too often when we identify a new challenge or a new idea, we create a new agency, a new convention, a fund or a programme to address it. Which then comes with secretariats, staff, resources and bureaucracies, and on the ground, an average developing country hosts no less than 23 different UN organisations. In the most vulnerable states, the number is even higher. We also have ten human rights treaty bodies and 11 secretariats for global environmental treaties. I pay tribute to the dedicated and serious staff that is representing us all out there, in at times very difficult places. But those who care about the UN must ask, are we improving the delivery or just creating more fragmentation and duplication? The United Nations derives its legitimacy from the sovereign equality of states. Yet many member states are struggling to keep pace and to participate. We must simplify. We must focus. We must improve our capacity to deliver as one and create more impact on the ground. We, the Member States, must give guidance to the Secretary-General in succeeding with the ongoing reform endeavour. At times this might require a solid dosage of tough love. President, the cost of war affects us all. Grain and fertiliser supplies disrupted by Russia's war against Ukraine undermine food security far beyond Europe's shores. Russia's war against Ukraine and the conflict in the Strait of Hormuz teach us the same lesson. When might succeeds over right, we all pay the price.
Earlier this year, Tuvalu declared a national state of emergency due to prolonged electrical power disruptions caused by fuel shortages, escalating energy costs and infrastructural deficiency. Although Tuvalu did receive with gratitude external assistance, the timing and scale of those responses were slow and insufficient. And this is why access to rapid disbursement and crisis response financing is essential for the stability and resilience of small island developing states. Tuvalu, therefore, continues to urge the international community to adopt financial approaches that match the urgency of the crisis with simpler and faster access to climate finance, scaled up adaptation funding, accessible loss and damage finance and rapid disbursement crisis mechanism.
Mr. president, the stakes are perhaps greatest in international peace and security, one of the foremost purposes for which this organization was created. If diplomacy can bring countries together to find common ground on difficult questions on global development, then surely we can summon the same political courage to prevent conflicts, resolve wars, and build lasting peace. The Gambia speaks on this not merely from principle, but from experience. In 2017, our country stood at a moment of acute constitutional uncertainty. The democratic choice of the Gambian people faced a grave challenge. At that critical moment, the preventive diplomacy of the United Nations working in partnership with African Union and ECOWAS, helped uphold the will of the Gambian people and support a peaceful democratic transition. We have not forgotten that solidarity. It taught us that preventive diplomacy is not an abstract concept. It is a practical instrument for preventing confrontation, creating space for dialogue and protecting institutions. Sometimes it can change the course of a nation. That experience also gives us an obligation. If the international community could stand with The Gambia at a moment of fragility, then countries facing similar moments should be able to count on the same solidarity. Across the world, however, conflicts continue to destroy lives, displaced populations and reverse decades of development. Civilians bear the greatest costs, while humanitarian workers operate under increasingly dangerous conditions, and the resources available to respond to crisis remain far below what is required. The protection of civilians, respect for international humanitarian law and humanitarian access are not political conveniences. They are legal obligations and expressions of a shared humanity. We need stronger early warning systems that enable us to act before crises escalate, timely mediation before positions become entrenched, and peace building that addresses the conditions that allow conflict to take root. The question before us must therefore not only be how to end the ongoing wars, but how to prevent the next war from beginning. Prevention should not have to wait for a crisis to become sufficiently destructive to attract international attention. It is infinitely less costly in human political and financial terms to prevent conflict than to manage its consequences after violence has begun. We therefore welcome the Secretary-General's continued good offices and preventive diplomacy and call for these efforts to be matched with predictable and sustained resources. Mr. president, peace must be built and nurtured through institutions that command public confidence, societies in which trust can be restored and justice pursued, and a future in which women and young people have a meaningful voice and economic opportunity is within reach. The Gambia has experienced the value of peace building firsthand. Since our democratic transition, the Peace Building Commission and the Secretary-General's Peace Building Fund have been steadfast partners in our nationally led efforts to strengthen institutions, advance transitional justice and consolidate peace. We therefore support a stronger and more responsive Peace Building Commission, adequately resourced to support countries emerging from conflict or navigating delicate political transitions. The implementation of the outcomes of the Peacebuilding Architecture review must translate into stronger prevention, greater national ownership and closer coordination across the United Nations system. We also reaffirm our support for United Nations peacekeeping operations, and pay tribute to the men and women who serve under the UN flag, including Gambian military and police personnel who have contributed with distinction, international peace and security. Their safety and security must remain a priority, alongside performance, accountability and strict adherence to international law. Partnerships between the United Nations and regional organisations, particularly the African Union, must also be deepened with sustained and predictable funding. Mr. president, the ongoing conflict in Sudan remains a matter of profound concern to The Gambia. Together with continued instability across part of the Sahel, it reminds us that peace cannot be separated from development and governance. The suffering of civilians in the affected conflict zones globally demands sustained international attention and renewed diplomatic efforts towards de-escalation, dialogue and a durable political settlement. In the Sahel and other conflict zones, our response must be comprehensive and holistic. Security measures are necessary but they must be accompanied by increased support for democratic governance, institution building, education job creation, development and climate resilience. Mr. president, for millions of people around the world, poverty, lack of human rights, democratic governance, etc. continue to pose greater insecurity.
It's the war for truth. It is waged in the world's media and most perniciously in social media. Several foreign countries have spent untold billions to spread lies about my country. The first to do so was Qatar. Decades ago. It started massively funding American universities and toxic media outlets like Al Jazeera. They did the same in Europe, by the way, and their goal was clear brainwash young minds to hate Israel, hate America, hate the West. This is the same Qatar that hosts the Hamas butchers of October 7th. Now the latest country to become a super spreader of anti-Semitic lies is Turkey.
True leadership requires both. Prudence, in this case, means not only knowing what we want; it also is about pursue of goal while calling aggression by its name, and also condemning those who disrupt the world order without turning a blind eye when they violate the rules. Ladies and gentlemen, for many years, representatives of my country have been trying, in this chamber and in the Security Council, to point out that a situation in which a permanent member of the council, Russia, attempts unsuccessfully, but with ruthless persistence, to conquer a neighboring state and destabilize the entire region is a violation of the principles we all uphold as signatories to the Charter of the United Nations. Russia is destabilizing the situation in Europe through open aggression, hybrid operations, acts of subversion and sabotage, and by ignoring successive resolutions of this Assembly. It displays the same imperial arrogance that, in the past, led to unimaginable suffering and the tragedies of two world wars. Contempt for international law must not become the norm. It is not too late to restore the primacy of international law and strengthen the foundations of a system in which principles matter, and in which the international community, acting jointly and in solidarity, opposes aggression, which is prohibited by the Charter of the United Nations. Ladies and gentlemen, the Russian Federation, guided by an imperial and neo-colonial vision of the world, is attempting to impose its will on others. In doing so, it is effectively challenging the right of every nation to determine its own destiny. Neo-imperial and neo-colonial policies are, in essence, an attempt to return to a world in which the borders, security, and future of states and nations would be decided not by the states and nations themselves, but by other states that consider themselves stronger and predestined to dominate, and where might would replace law. It is an attempt to return to the concert of powers. This cannot be accepted. It is the force of law that should decide, not the law of force. Poland is particularly aware of the consequences of Russian colonialism and imperialism. History has taught us that freedom and sovereignty cannot defend themselves. That is why we are determined to counter the threats that the Kremlin's aggressive policies are posing to us, with increasing audacity. As a representative of a country neighboring Russia, I want to make it clear: we are not the ones seeking confrontation. We are strengthening our alliances, developing our military, and modernizing its equipment, not to wage war, but to prevent it. Our goal is deterrence and defense, the defense of two values that also form the foundation of the United Nations Charter: freedom and sovereignty. We continue to view the North Atlantic Alliance as the guarantor of European security. NATO remains united in the overarching goal of defending our community on both sides of the Atlantic, in Europe and America, on its eastern flank and along its northern border. We therefore welcome with satisfaction the strengthening of security in the Arctic region, which is now becoming a reality thanks to the agreement signed yesterday between our allies. Ladies and gentlemen, we must, however, make it clear: modern security threats are not limited to classical military actions. Russia is carrying out actions aimed at undermining the foundations of international stability, striking at global food security through attacks on ports and ships transporting grain, as well as by deliberately provoking crises that affect millions of people outside of Europe. At the same time, a large-scale hybrid war is being waged, involving sabotage, cyber attacks, and destabilization operations on an unprecedented scale, including an artificially induced migration crisis. These are planned, coordinated, and consistently executed actions. Their goal is to weaken states, undermine public trust, and shatter the unity of the international community. We are not dealing with isolated incidents, but with a sustained, well-thought-out strategy. And that is precisely why the response to these actions cannot be ad hoc or half-hearted. It must be firm, consistent, and it must also be united. For if aggression, whether military or hybrid in nature, is not met with an adequate response, it becomes an invitation to repeat it. Ladies and gentlemen, even if today we have reservations about the effectiveness of the Security Council, we respect the achievements of the United Nations in maintaining and building peace in many parts of the world. The role of UN peacekeeping operations in preventing the resurgence of conflicts is undeniable. Poland advocates for stable funding of peacekeeping missions and for granting them more transparent mandates that also take into account tasks related to the protection of the population and support for the reconstruction of state institutions. Poland also fulfills its commitments to global security through its participation in UN peacekeeping operations as well. Polish blue-helmet soldiers are currently serving in Lebanon, carrying out their duties with dignity despite the difficult security situation throughout the region. We will support efforts to de-escalate conflicts, protect civilians, and uphold international humanitarian law, and work toward the implementation of a two-state solution, ensuring the peaceful coexistence of Israel and Palestine. Ladies and gentlemen, this is precisely why the response to contemporary threats cannot be limited solely to reacting to crises. It must be based on clear principles and reliable partnerships.
Distinguished members, we all derive our livelihood and the source of our life from nature. But our world stands on the threshold of serious environmental and climate related threats. Air, water and soil. And also many living species are being affected by climate change. While developing countries and the Pacific region are experiencing the climate crisis to their very core, they unfortunately face serious difficulties in accessing the funding they need. This November we'll host the COP31 summit in Antalya province of Turkey. At the summit, we will ensure that climate justice is given particular prominence. With the partnership we have developed with Australia, we aim to make COP31 an implementation COP where financial commitments are fulfilled, technology transfer is accelerated and promises are actually translated into concrete steps. So COP31 will be made a point of uniting us all. Taking this opportunity, I invite you to the COP31 Leaders Summit. In 2017, my wife, Mrs. Emine Erdogan, initiated the zero waste movement with the slogan the world is our common home, and this initiative has now evolved into a global campaign to raise awareness. It is a fact that there are for sure many ways to tackle the climate crisis. The zero waste movement is the strongest bridge where all these paths meet. I believe that with your support, this bridge will become even stronger. I would also like to draw your attention to the following fact.
That's why we are so united behind Ukraine. And let me say we salute the Ukrainian people. They are showing depths of resilience and courage that is an inspiration to the whole world. I was in Kyiv last month and it gave me a glimpse of life under Russian attack. I went to a bustling market, just a normal scene from any European city. The traders singing the praises of their products, pushing into my hands peaches and plums from Odessa. But their stalls were out on the street because the market hall had been destroyed. In the background, there were burned out cars. Behind us, a building that had taken a direct hit just a few weeks before. I met people riding the metro home from work, people just getting on with their lives. But at night, those same metro stations doubling as shelters for thousands of people, from the elderly to little kids, some who have known nothing but war. People told me about the freezing conditions in the stations last winter, when temperatures dropped below -20 degrees outside. Meanwhile, Russia was targeting their energy infrastructure, trying to make them suffer even more. We can't let them do that again this winter. So we're working to help Ukraine protect their skies and civilians. We're leading the charge in raising the cost for Russia of continuing this senseless and illegal war. The Graham Bill, which President Trump signed last week, will make a huge difference to that effort. And we will support Ukraine to repair and protect the heat and power plants that Kyiv will depend upon this winter. It is right that we provide that support, but we should call Russia out this time and every time. Everyone in this room knows that strikes on civilian infrastructure are explicitly forbidden by international law. Yet we stand here in the U.N. announcing funding to mitigate the effects of these war crimes, which we reliably expect to be perpetrated yet again by a permanent member of the Security Council. It must end. Russia could choose a different course tomorrow: accept a cease fire, come to the negotiating table. I urge them to do so. But until then, we will stand with Ukraine stronger than ever for as long as it takes. This is about upholding the UN Charter and the rule of law. We will stand firm in the face of any threats and challenges to the rule of law, not just from Russia but from others too, including where they threaten the rights of British territories to remain British, such as the Falkland Islands. That's why we're also working with France and other partners to support freedom of navigation in the Gulf. And it's why I have acted on the Middle East. Just eight weeks into becoming Prime Minister, working with my Foreign Secretary, Ed Miliband, I comprehensively reset our position and we built an international coalition of countries to come with us. The terrorist attack on Israel on the 7th of October 2023 was utterly horrific. I have condemned it in the strongest possible terms. We continue to condemn Hamas, and we stand with Israel in the face of the ongoing threats, including from Iran against Israel and Jewish people around the world. But this does not justify the Israeli government's actions in Gaza or the West Bank. Far too many people have died, including so many children. Far too little aid is getting in and it has gone on for far too long. We will not stand by as the horrific suffering continues to grow and the prospect of a two state solution, the best hope for peace and stability for both nations comes under attack. Last month, Israel issued tenders for the construction of the E1 mega settlement, which would drive a wedge through the West Bank and threaten to put a viable Palestinian state beyond reach. It cannot be allowed to happen. So we have acted by banning trade in goods with illegal settlements, recognizing that the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territory is unlawful, and sanctioning those taking part in the construction of illegal settlement. We want to see the suffering and death finally come to an end. We want to see Israeli and Palestinian people living side by side in peace and security, and we will do all we can to keep the hope of that possibility alive. And look, we live in an age of low trust in politics. If we were to continue to talk about the two state solution, but failed to back those words with deeds, that trust will fall even lower and our enemies will seek to exploit the alienation that follows from that. We won't let it happen.
We are duty bound to act, and France stands ready, working in concert with all those who wish to act in defense of the principles enshrined in the charter. All those who do not wish to remain powerless. The coalition of the willing on Ukraine, together with the UK and Germany, a coalition which brings together everyone who stands ready to guarantee peace and stability in the very heart of Europe, the very place where two world wars began, something no one can ignore and many in the room today know better than anyone what a return of war to Europe could mean. We will not yield an inch. The coalition of the willing will continue fighting. We also have an independent multinational coalition aimed at restoring the freedom of navigation in the Hormuz Strait. This should not be used for blackmail. It's a cardinal principle of international law, and it is in the interests of all of us for vessels to be able to transit through the strait securely and for the energy interests of all of our countries to be secured. The reopening of the Hormuz Strait is a priority. Respect for international law is also a priority. It is in everyone's interests and France is committed to it. Moving on to Africa, we shoulder a collective responsibility for the crises which are piling up without any answers, without any responses. Peace operations must be more effective and to this end they must be enabled, endowed with adequate funding and better coordinated with the United Nations as well as host nations. Back in 2018, I already mentioned the role played by regional organizations and better coordination between these regional bodies and the UN. At the Africa Forward meeting in Nairobi with over 30 African heads of state, and in Addis Ababa, the headquarters of the African Union, together with the UN, we stated clearly that the African Union and regional organizations should be fully equipped to play their role as regards peace and security on the African continent. In Paris in November we will hold a meeting aimed at replenishing the African Union Peace Fund. This will be on the sidelines of the Paris Peace Forum. I call on all potential funders to make robust and concrete pledges. We will not yield in the face of war. We must recommit and seek solutions that are in keeping with the spirit of the charter. Second, we must not give in to the permanent temptation to espouse double standards.
