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Africa must be listened to more. It must be better represented and more closely involved in the decisions that shape the future of our planet. This is what must build trust between Africa and other continents, as well as with international institutions. We no longer wish to see the Human Rights Council become a forum for oppressing countries that are deliberately singled out because they defend and fight for the interests of their peoples. We want to see this council working for justice and equity for all states, without distinction. International human rights law must apply without exception to all states of the world, both in its corrective function as well as in its regulatory function. The Human Rights Council cannot be instrumentalized by other countries to the detriment of others, given that all member states of the United Nations enjoy a status of sovereign equality. Burundi wishes to reiterate, once again, its opposition to the imposition of a special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Burundi, who was appointed without any prior dialogue or consultation. Burundi is a responsible country that respects human rights. It has fought impunity for decades. It upholds the rights and freedoms of all and ensures security as well as the guarantee that crimes it has experienced in the past will not be repeated. Mr. President, Africa intends to be a full-fledged actor and not a mere observer called upon to applaud decisions in whose preparation it played no part. Africa is not seeking any privileges. It is demanding justice, equity, and representation. We, therefore, strongly reaffirm the need for reform of the United Nations Security Council in order to allow for permanent African representation and more equitable participation by the continent in the international community's decision-making mechanisms. In this regard, Burundi believes that discussions on reform must also address the financial viability of the United Nations system by strengthening the predictability, transparency, and sustainability of its financing. It would not be coherent to entrust the organization with ever greater responsibilities without guaranteeing it the resources necessary for their implementation. We, therefore, call on member states, particularly the wealthiest, to demonstrate responsibility and solidarity in order to preserve the organization's financial stability. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, as part of this process of reform, strengthening, and consolidation of our organization, Burundi also wishes to contribute to the debate on the selection process for the next Secretary-General of the United Nations. In the current international context, marked by deep geopolitical divisions and growing challenges to multilateralism, this process must be conducted in a spirit of transparency, openness, and collective responsibility. Burundi believes that this process must be based above all on qualifications, experience, integrity, independence of judgment, diplomatic skill, and the ability to bring together the positions of all member states. We need a true bridge-builder, a leader capable of engaging in dialogue with all parties, of bringing positions closer together even when divergences appear unsurmountable, but also of showing firmness, courage, and independence when it comes to defending the principles of the United Nations Charter and ensuring that the collective interest prevails. Mr. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, peace remains the primary condition for development. The African Union is deeply concerned by the persistence of conflicts and crises that continue to cause massive population displacement, destroy infrastructure, and deprive millions of children of their right to education and to a better future.
My administration is therefore also focused on ensuring that Colombia grows again. For years, we have discussed how to better distribute what we have. That is a legitimate, necessary discussion, but it's absolutely not enough. We also need to ask ourselves, how are we going to produce more? In the end, governments can't decree economic growth. What they have to do is lay the foundations for it to occur. In our miracle nation, we want an idea to be able to become a business, a business to create jobs, and for jobs to become well-being for our people. To those of you anywhere else in the world who are wondering where to invest, I would like to invite you to look at Colombia. It's a country with access to two oceans, productive land, energy resources, enormous biodiversity, an excellent geographical position, and a government that champions private enterprise. But above all, look at our people. Colombia does not want to watch the technological transformation of our time from the sidelines. We want to be a part of it. We want to train young people for super intelligence, for robotics, for data science, for agro industry for engineering, and for the new economy. Millions of Colombians are not asking the state to sort out their lives. They're asking the state to give them the opportunity to build those lives. And that is what gives meaning to what I have called the miracle nation. This isn't the name of a government, nor is it a naive promise that our problems will just disappear. No, that's not it. This is the country that we're going to build. It's a country where security allows us to reclaim our territories threatened by terrorism, where trust attracts investment, where investment creates jobs, and where growth leads to better living conditions. It is a schoolteacher in Mompox, Bolívar, teaching with the tools of the 21st century. It is a rural farmer in Ubaté Cundinamarca who can now sow, sell and prosper thanks to his work. It's a young woman in Pasto, Nariño, preparing to be a part of the future industries. This is the miracle nation that we've already started to build. I'm well aware that 47 days is far too little time to change a country, but it is enough time to change the course of a country. And I want Colombia to once again enjoy strong growth. That growth should lead to a job for a young person, a home for a family, timely access to medicines, a harvest that finds a market, and Colombians who, thanks to their own efforts and dedication, can escape poverty. This is our miracle economy, an economy that grows so that people can grow with it. Our relationship with the world is also a part of this purpose. Over the last few weeks, we have seen this very tangibly, when friendly countries and international organizations came to our aid following the earthquake. This solidarity makes full sense when it reaches people, when it solves problems, and when it produces results.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Six days ago, I asked whether we were prepared to confront some hard truths about this organization. I call for honesty, realism and pragmatism to guide our discussions. Over the course of this general debate, you have answered sometimes with different perspectives, but always with the conviction that the challenges before us demand action and that the United Nations remain indispensable. 194 delegations spoke at this rostrum, including 113 heads of state and government, one crown prince, 11 vice presidents, seven deputy prime ministers and 48 ministers. We have also heard from our Secretary-General, Antonio Guterres.
Chile understands that in a multipolar world, institutional stability is not a luxury, it is a need. For example, we are a pioneer in the energy transition. Chile possesses around a quarter of global lithium reserves, and we are the largest producer of copper on the planet. Chile has a lot of sunlight, the heat of the sun, a long Pacific coast, lakes, rivers, volcanoes that can create vast stores of energy. Chile also has the Strait of Magellan, a crucial alternative route for global trade. Our nation will become the bridge and the port for the bioceanic corridors that will unite America with Asia. This richness, this wealth is not only fortune that we have in our coffers, it brings with it responsibility. Responsibility to you. Chile will never renounce its sovereignty. Neither will it cease to exploit its own minerals. We have our sovereignty, of course, but at the same time, we say that the energy of the future must serve humankind, and energy must not be held hostage by monopolies or actors that do not abide by the rules. Please make no mistake here it is possible to reconcile growth and sustainability. The two are inseparable. Chile understands that environmental protection and economic progress form part of one single development strategy one in which investment and innovation are linchpins when it comes to improving the quality of life of our people. Sustainable development requires robust institutions, clear rules, timely decisions and effective administration able to turn commitments and diagnoses into tangible results for both people and the environment. President, I now wish to turn to a discussion of our continent, Latin America, because I sincerely believe that the coming decade can be ours.
Today, Central Asia is becoming an example of constructive inter-state cooperation as well as economic, infrastructural and technological development. In this regard, we are ready to share the experience we have accumulated along this path. Distinguished heads of delegations. For the first time in its history, Kyrgyzstan has been elected as a member of the United Nations Security Council for the 2027 2028 term. Taking this opportunity, I would like to express my profound gratitude to all countries that supported our candidacy. The support of 142 member states not only confirms Kyrgyzstan's readiness to contribute to international affairs, but also demonstrates the growing role of the Central Asian region in international relations. This achievement is clear evidence that even small states can make a meaningful contribution to addressing global challenges. We fully understand that membership in the Security Council is not a privilege or reward. It is a great responsibility. One year ago, standing at this stage, I stated with confidence that Kyrgyzstan is among those states whose experience enables them to put forward substantive issues for consideration by the Security Council. We do not forget the promises we have made and will make every effort to implement them fully. Therefore, I would like to reiterate Kyrgyzstan firmly adheres to international law, justice and the protection of human rights and supports the multilateral system based on mutual respect, balance of interest and responsibility towards future generations. We intend to work closely with every country and remain committed to productive cooperation. Distinguished colleagues as you all may know, since the establishment of the United Nations in 1945, its member states and leaders have attempted to undertake systematic reforms. Reforms have ranged from expanding the membership of the Security Council to modernizing mechanisms of governance, peacekeeping and the protection of human rights. These initiatives continue to be actively discussed at the international level. However, despite numerous efforts and years of discussion, the institutional structure of our organization continues to face various challenges. Therefore, I believe that expanding the membership of the Security Council is one of the reforms that the international community expects. I consider it fair to grant two permanent seats to the African continent, with a population of more than 1 billion people and one permanent seat to Latin America. Today, the world has changed. At the same time, a number of developed countries have also expressed their aspiration to become members of the Security Council. I believe that the request of this country should be also considered. Another issue, in my view, the weakness of effective mechanisms for ensuring the implementation of the decisions of the organization. The systematic failure to implement the organization's decisions undermines the legitimacy of multilateralism concept, creates the impression that international law is not binding and encourages disregard for international obligations. Therefore, we must expand and strengthen the authority of the United Nations. In this regard, we propose to develop the United Nations mechanism for the implementation of decisions and accountability. First, it is necessary to establish, within the framework of the General Assembly, the permanent Public registry of the implementation of resolutions and obligations by Member States. This registry could include the following information and ensure the implementation of such mechanisms as. First, systematically record and verify the level of implementation of adopted decisions. Second, establish the obligation for Member States to regularly submit report in accordance with the agreed standards. Third, provide analytical reviews on sectors and regions. Fourth, ensure transparency and equal access to information for all states. The registry could be administered by the United Nations Secretariat with the support of independent experts. If decisions of the organization are systematically not implemented, I propose the gradual response mechanisms. The first stage an official notification to the concerned state, followed by consultations with the relevant bodies of the organization. The second stage deployment of a monitoring mission to the country concerned to assess the objective obstacles, preventing the implementation of the decision and to prepare recommendations. The third stage consideration of the case right here at a plenary meeting of the General Assembly to determine the status of the concerned state in terms of its systematic implementation or non implementation of United Nations decisions. The fourth stage, the initiation of appropriate procedures under the charter of the United Nations with regard to states that fail to comply with the requirements. In particular, the matter could be referred to the United Nations Security Council for consideration of restrictive measures provided for under international law, including the first temporary restriction on participation in United Nations programs. The second, recommendations to review existing formats of cooperation and other diplomatic measures, where appropriate. Distinguished colleagues, I believe that when cases of systematic non-implementation of United Nations decisions are considered, the permanent members of the Security Council should voluntarily refrain from using the veto. If a mechanism designed to ensure the implementation of the organization's decisions is systematically blocked by permanent members through the use of the veto, such practice would no longer be consistent with the spirit of the UN charter and the principle of equal responsibility of Member States. Therefore, we should once again consider the possibility of voluntarily restraining to use the veto in matters related to the implementation of the organization's decisions. This approach could promote universality, the equality of all states, regardless of their size, the primacy of diplomacy, and avoid the double standards. In order to implement this initiative, I propose establishing to open a working group within the General Assembly with the participation of the interested Member States. The working group could conduct inter-governmental consultations and prepare a report on possible models for the proposed mechanism. Following these consultations, the General Assembly and the Security Council should consider adopting the relevant resolutions and decisions. The strategic objective of this initiative is to ensure that the decisions of the organization are treated not merely as political recommendations, but as genuine international obligations. Improvement of their implementation would strengthen the rule of international law and reinforce confidence in the United Nations. Kyrgyzstan is ready to initiate interstate discussions on the development of such a mechanism. Starting from the 1st January 2027, as a member of the United Nations Security Council, we intend to formally submit all these proposals to the relevant committee. Distinguished colleagues, I would like to address separately the issues of sanctions. As we have all observed today, sanctions are in some cases, used by individual countries as an instrument to interference to the internal affairs of sovereign states.
In this regard, Mongolia is successfully implementing a series of national policies and initiatives, including the Billion Trees, Food Revolution, White Gold, Blue Gold and Healthy Mongolian aimed at restoring degraded land, expanding forest resources, protecting soil, water and pasture land, ensuring food supply and security, and supporting sustainable rural development. Mongolia's Billion Trees national movement goes far beyond tree planting and afforestation. It is a comprehensive, nationwide initiative aimed at combating desertification and land degradation, scaling up land restoration, expanding forest resources, protecting soil fertility, water resources and biodiversity, mitigating the adverse impacts of climate change, improving food supply and creating employment opportunities. Furthermore, the United Nations General Assembly resolution initiated by Mongolia proclaiming 2026 as the International Year of Rangelands and Pastoralists, provides a new opportunity to raise global awareness of the importance of rangeland ecosystems, support the livelihoods of pastoralists, strengthen sustainable food systems, conserve biodiversity, and preserve the cultural heritage of nomadic peoples. In this regard, Mongolia, with its millennia old tradition of nomadic pastoralism, took the initiative to convene the Global Pastoralist Gathering and Conference in Ulaanbaatar. The gathering brought together around 400 herders from 57 countries, whose opinions and fruitful discussion of challenges and solutions culminated in the adoption of Ulaanbaatar Declaration. Moreover, in August, Mongolia successfully hosted the 17th session of the conference of the parties to the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification in Ulaanbaatar under the theme Restoring Land, Restoring Hope. Restoring Mother Nature to its pristine state and creating conditions for future generations to live in a healthy environment with confidence and contentment, must be a noble duty of humanity. Mother nature and healthy soil are the guarantee of humanity's existence and the foundation of food and water resources, livelihood and sustainable development. Healthy soil means healthy food and healthy food means healthy people. Therefore, desertification, land degradation and drought should not be viewed merely as environmental issues, but should be addressed holistically in connection with food supply and security, water resources, livelihoods, sustainable development, and global peace and security. In this spirit, as the presidency of UNCCD COP17, Mongolia has advanced the Steppe Action Agenda built upon three interconnected flagship initiatives the Rangelands Flagship Initiative, the Water Land Nexus Initiative and the Nature based Solutions for Sustainable Infrastructure Initiative. Particularly, we regard the Rangelands Flagship Initiative as a landmark global movement that opens a new chapter in the history of rangeland conservation. This initiative is special in raising global awareness that the protection, sustainable management and restoration of rangelands are of strategic importance for building resilience to climate change, ensuring food security and maintaining balanced ecosystems. The nomadic way of life that we Mongols have inherited and carried forward over thousands of years embodies a comprehensive set of values and wisdom for living in harmony with nature and preserving it in its pristine state. Today, we Mongols aim to share with the world our cultural heritage and the traditional knowledge and experiences gained from living in harmony with nature, thereby contributing to enhanced adaptation and resilience to climate change.
At the same time, climate change is worsening and constitutes a concern at a planetary scale. Floods, droughts and wildfires are recurring and do not spare any region in the world. These climate events prevent many populations from benefiting from the marvelous technological progress that we have made. President, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, in this situation, it is our collective duty to work together in order to overcome these challenges and effectively respond to the expectations of our peoples, and the United Nations offers us, in this case, an ideal framework to engage in discussions and find compromises, find consensus in order to seek solutions to these challenges that concern all of us. Cameroon is firmly committed to this path, and we support the UN 80 initiative, as well as any other initiative that could contribute to strengthening cooperation and international solidarity.
Mr. President, colleagues, on October 25th, 1971, right here in this august hall, the General Assembly adopted resolution 2758 at its 26th session with an overwhelming majority by which UNGA decided to restore all the rights of the People's Republic of China in the UN and recognize the representatives of the government of the People's Republic of China as the only legitimate representatives of China to the UN. This is of profound and far reaching significance for both China and the world. Over the past 55 years, China has been a stabilizing force in times of volatility. China is firmly committed to pursuing peaceful development and has the best track record on peace and security among major countries. It is the largest contributor to peacekeepers among the permanent members of the UN Security Council. It also took the initiative that led to the issuance of the first joint statement of the leaders of the five nuclear weapon states on preventing nuclear war. China has been a main engine driving common development. China has created two miracles at home, namely fast economic growth and long term social stability. And over many years, it has contributed around 30% to global growth. China has joined hands with more than three fourths of the countries in the world in pursuing high quality Belt and Road cooperation. It has mobilized over 23 billion USD and carried out more than 2000 projects under the Global Development Initiative. And it has granted zero tariff status to all the African countries and LDCs having diplomatic relations with it, to empower the Global South in pursuing modernization. China has been a progressive force in an era of change. China has always spoken up for the global South, stood up for the legitimate rights and interests of developing countries, and continued to work toward a more just and equitable global governance system. In October, China will host the Global Governance Forum in the Xiong'an New Area. You're welcome to attend the forum and join in the discussion about the way forward in global governance. Mr. President, colleagues. No matter how the international dynamics evolve, China remains unchanged in its pursuit of peace and development and its dedication to safeguarding fairness and justice, and in its commitment to multilateralism. China will join hands with all other countries to build a community with a shared future for humanity and make the world a better place for all of us. Thank you.
But today a new source of power have emerged. A handful of private actors now control how billions of people communicate, work, transact and consume information. Artificial intelligence is changing how economies operate, how societies function, and how governments make decisions. The opportunities are enormous, but so are the risks. We must therefore ask a simple question who governs the transformation? Technology must serve humanity, never the reverse. And the answer cannot be that small number of companies or countries decide the rules for everyone else. The United Nations must continue to empower global South countries who are likely to be more greatly affected by inequitable AI development, to participate in global discussions on AI. The global South cannot simply become a destination for data centers while decisions about AI are made elsewhere. We must be partners in innovation, not merely customers and markets, and not merely destinations for investment partners involved in the decisions that will shape our future. Equitable decision making and equitable development. That means managing the enormous demands that tech infrastructure places on water, energy, land and other resources, so that the benefits of AI can be shared more broadly across the borders. Mr. president, in our hyperconnected world today, indeed, very few things stay where they begin. Technologies are rapidly shared, and they can just as rapidly disrupt. Similarly, war can also travel beyond borders. Across West Asia, escalating conflict threatens some of the world's most important routes for energy and trade, including the Strait of Hormuz and the Bab el-Mandeb.
If AI is available only to a few, new divisions will appear. Entire communities may be left behind. The growing use of AI-powered weapons and autonomous systems also requires urgent attention. One principle must remain clear: machines should never be allowed to make life or death decisions on their own. Just as the international community developed rules for nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons, we also need strong international frameworks for these new technologies. The United Nations can and should play a leading role in this effort. AI is not only a potential threat on the battlefield; it is already having a negative impact on society, especially in education. An entire generation of young people is being affected. Recent assessments show declining test scores across the vast majority of countries. This is a concerning trend that deserves open and serious discussion on international platforms such as the United Nations. At the same time, we should not see AI only as a risk. It can be also a tool for peace. It can help us analyze information, identify patterns, and overcome language barriers in real time. It can support better decisions, faster responses, and more effective prevention. With responsible use, proper human oversight, and good governance, we can move this technology away from the battlefield and toward diplomacy, mediation, and conflict prevention. And prevention matters. Every conflict we prevent saves lives. It protects development. It preserves human dignity. Once violence begins, every solution becomes harder, more costly, and more painful.
Therefore, the question of Palestine remains central to any discussion of stability in the region. There will be no room for security in the Middle East without a just solution for this issue, and without establishing the right of the Palestinian people to their land. To self-determination and to establishing their sovereign state. We stress here the paramount importance of facilitating humanitarian access and the protection of civilians.
The UN Charter begins with the commitment: "We, the peoples." Yet the UN marginalizes Taiwan's 23 million people, disregarding that foundational purpose. We stand with like-minded partners in calling for the reversal of misrepresented interpretations of the rules and procedures that have constrained Taiwan's meaningful participation in this body. Under the UN Charter, small states are sovereign states with the right to determine their own future, choose their partners, and pursue development that serves their people. We urge all parties to preserve peace and stability, resolve differences peacefully, and choose dialogue over escalation. Beyond politics and policy, one truth should unite us: our children and their children deserve a world that is safe, healthy, and clean. For that reason, our discussions here and beyond must lead to action--action that protects the conditions in which every child can live, grow, and thrive. We acknowledge, while not yet at the scale required, that the architecture is being built, political momentum is growing, and resources are beginning to mobilize, even amidst a complex geopolitical landscape. Our traditional wisdom reminds us: "Msisichau e ng kmedang a meched." Be strong and do not give up. The shore is near. The promise of multilateralism is that even the smallest can be heard, and that the many voices shaped by different histories and experiences can move toward a common shore. In Palau, we also say: "Tekoi el ua Iuul." Knowledge is like ocean waves. It comes in many forms and sizes, yet no wave overpowers another, and they ultimately reach the same shore. Let us leave this Assembly committed to multilateralism that honors every voice, values every form of knowledge, and carries us toward a safer, healthier, and more peaceful world.
Mr. president, the pursuit of restorative justice gained new momentum with the adoption of the Resolution on Slavery and Transatlantic Trafficking of Enslaved Africans in this hall in March of this year. This development is relevant for Suriname and equally important for the countries of the Caribbean region. The discussion is no longer about whether slavery and colonialism have caused lasting consequences, negative consequences. We know we are living them. We increasingly must focus on how to overcome these effects. And on the question of what form reparations should take to achieve that. How countries that have benefited from slavery and colonialism will compensate the affected. That is the important issue now. It is therefore, that the CARICOM ten-point plan for restorative justice is now of eminent importance. Mr. president, Suriname occupies a unique position. We are carbon negative and remain the world's most forested country with over 90% forest coverage. High Forested and Low Deforestation countries like Suriname should not first have to lose forests before climate finance institutions recognize the value of protecting them. Conservation costs cannot be borne only by the countries protecting ecosystems whose benefits are shared globally. So I will continue my plea for just and effective climate finance, because our forests are under even more pressure than when I addressed this meeting last year. I stated that the forests faced competition of rich natural resources like gold, diamonds and other precious minerals. We are now confronted, however, with a new threat of people who also want to clear parts of our rainforests for large scale agriculture. We will need to prevent that, and we can use every assistance. At this very moment, my government is introducing legal and institutional measures to better protect our forests and the immediate living environment of indigenous people and tribal communities. Their knowledge and participation are important at all stages of development.
Water security is fundamental to the well-being and the resilience of our societies. Water underpins public health, food and energy security, climate resilience and peace. Yet despite its fundamental importance, global water governance remains fragmented. The recent devastating floods in the mountainous regions of Nepal and China remind us of the growing risk associated with water and climate related disasters. In this context, President Tokayev has proposed the establishment of International Water Organization under the auspices of the United Nations. The purpose is to make international water governance more coherent, accountable and capable of effective implementation. Kazakhstan calls for inclusive, member state led process to explore options for strengthening the institutional architecture for water within the United Nations. We will continue to advance this discussion in the lead up for the 2026 United Nations Water Conference in Abu Dhabi. Kazakhstan stands ready to work with all member states and partners to advance this common agenda. Distinguished delegates Artificial intelligence and rapid technological change present another area where urgent international cooperation is needed.
President, Liechtenstein joined the United Nations 36 years ago as its 160th member. We did so driven by the conviction that we, as one of the smallest members of the international community, should be part of the most important conversation on global governance, with the participation of all states, big or small, in developing international norms and standards, and also in upholding respect for them. Sovereignty was a key theme of our domestic discussions, resulting in our UN membership. We joined out of enlightened self-interest the belief that we need the UN to secure respect for our sovereignty through upholding international law as the basis for our security and prosperity. To this end, we also decided to make our own contribution to make best use of the opportunity offered to us as a small state, to be an active part of the biggest peace project in the history of humankind. President, our belief in the United Nations remains steadfast. This is the place where we can make our voice heard, where we can put ideas forward, and where we can gather to try to solve the issues that affect us all. We have greatly benefited from our membership, and the UN has consistently been a key platform for our foreign policy. Our membership has consistently enjoyed high levels of support in our population. But today we also find ourselves in a moment where instability and uncertainty dominate the conversation. Our organization no longer seems able to deliver on the key promises of the UN Charter to save future generations from the scourge of war. It can no longer count on the unconditional support of its most powerful members for the guiding rules of international law. It is increasingly ignored or sidelined in efforts to address both the traditional and new challenges, such as the regulation of artificial intelligence. It is permanently squeezed financially. Legal obligations to pay are turned into tools to exercise political leverage. As a result the United Nations has moved down the foreign policy agenda, even of states who have a strong history of supporting it. We can no longer take it for granted that our people will continue their strongly positive views of our organization. President. This is the difficult moment in which we find ourselves. But rather than engaging in doomsday scenarios, we have to find the opportunities hidden in the challenge. The overwhelming majority of the states present in this room believe in the United Nations. They want to see positive change for the UN to emerge stronger, more effective, more relevant. But we all have to be prepared to be part of the change that we want to see. Resisting the temptation of collective inertia and of waiting for positive change to happen on its own, will require our active political investment. We are grateful to Secretary-General Guterres for his service to the organization, and for his proposals to adapt the organization to the needs of today. On the basis of his ideas, our delegations here have done good work that will show positive results over time. This is important. It shows that we can come together also during times of deep political division. It is also not enough. The steps we have taken are just the beginning of what we need, a political agreement that combines significant structural change with a reliable financial commitment and firm support for the UN Charter from all. This is also the vision we are looking for in the person that will be appointed as the next Secretary-General. We hope that this decision will come very soon, in order to give the new Secretary-General the time she needs to prepare for this most unique of jobs. And we remain convinced that having a woman at the helm of the United Nations is long overdue for an organization that prides itself on its role in gender equality. President. At its core, the United Nations is a peace organization.
It is the same conviction which guides our commitment to human rights. At a time when respect for human rights is being subjected to growing pressures, we must resist the temptation to see it as something that's up for discussion. Human rights are neither a privilege reserved for the few, nor the expression of one culture, of one political system. They are the very bedrock of human dignity. Our commitment is also concrete. As a member of the Human Rights Council for the period 2022 2024, Luxembourg took the full measure of just how important it is to defend human rights through multilateralism. We continue to support the office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, as well as efforts aimed at clarifying the fate of persons who were disappeared in Syria. Madam president. Restoring trust also means making our institutions worthy of that trust.
We are promoting an agenda which we can all get behind a unifying agenda. Concrete ideas and projects. Today, what's coming to the fore is the topic of international information security. Clearly, the UN should play a central role in these discussions, not other narrow fora. In October of last year in Hanoi, at Russia's behest, the UN convention against Cybercrime was opened for signature. We welcome the establishment of the first standing global UN mechanism, which seeks to help implement the convention. The UN shoulders a special responsibility given the fast paced development of AI technologies. Generally recognized rules for the use of AI should be underpinned on an equal foundation with the participation of all countries. The start of the work of the Global Dialogue on AI governance and the Independent International Scientific Panel on AI. We believe these are steps in the right direction.
Australia stands for a safer world where no country dominates and no country is dominated, crises are prevented, disputes are settled through rules and dialogue, and institutions deliver outcomes. There are so many issues to confront urgently and cooperatively. Last year at this assembly, Australian parents spoke to world leaders about their campaign, resulting in our nation's social media ban for under 16. Those parents channelled their personal grief into a powerful call for global action. And the world has answered. Already, more than 20 countries are bringing in or have brought in age restrictions on social media. And with the European Community taking action, there are many more to come. More recently, our government has announced a Digital Duty of Care. Its purpose is to deliver control back into the hands of people by empowering them to determine what appears in their feed, giving them the choice. The technological development that must now be the subject of public discussion is artificial intelligence. AI can improve lives, boost growth and productivity, provide revolutionary breakthroughs in healthcare and other fields. But leaders of AI companies themselves have warned of the potential risks to allow frontier AI to develop too fast without guardrails. Recently, an artificial intelligence agent infiltrated an Australian government website. This is unacceptable, and it is why Australia has been leading the way in establishing Australian Standards for AI. Standards to ensure that AI will work and deliver for people, not the other way around. We can't ignore AI or prevent it. And it's why we joined with other nations this week to call for action to shape artificial intelligence development, rather than be passively shaped by it. Australia is a nation built on fairness and opportunity that promotes equality and respect for all people. We work to prevent conflict, protect civilians, and defend the rules that protect us all. We uphold international law, including the UN Charter, and support bold, practical reform to ensure the UN can best fulfill its mandate into the future.
Both are priorities during our membership in the Security Council. No discussion of development today is complete without addressing the technology that is reshaping that development. From this podium two years ago, His Royal Highness the Crown Prince and Prime Minister called for the adoption of an international treaty governing the development of artificial intelligence. It would ensure that this technology contributes to peace rather than exacerbating conflict. Since then, the General Assembly has taken positive steps. However, dialogue can bring positions closer, but it is not a step that creates obligations. The aim is not to halt a technology that no one has the power to halt, but to ensure that its growth is surrounded by safeguards, just as the international community surrounded nuclear energy with safeguards that preserved its benefits without preventing it. This technology knows no borders. A safeguard adopted by a single state is not a safeguard, just as a rule that applies in a single strait is not a rule. Therefore, we renew our call for a binding international framework to ensure that this technology becomes a driver of innovation rather than division. And this, in our view, is what it means to manage the transformation that you chose as a theme of this session.
Mr. president, ladies and gentlemen, let us begin with the theme of today's debate restoring Trust, managing transformation. A United Nations that delivers for all. It is an interesting theme that allows us for a very substantive discussion, which we have been witnessing for a week now.
Bolivia wants to enter partnerships, to compete, to learn, and it is also open to contributing. This historic moment has seen a discussion that we can no longer postpone the transition to energy diversification. It's not so much a transition in and of itself, but rather diversifying our energy. The world needs cleaner energy sources, but it also needs minerals lithium, copper, other critical minerals. It needs new supply chains. And it needs to do that in a responsible way. And Bolivia wants to be a part of that conversation. But we would like to raise a question. Can energy, the global energy diversification, really be just if the countries that possess strategic resources continue to primarily export them as raw materials? No. That is why we want to enter into partnerships and open ourselves up to the world. But as a society, as partners, and not just as a source of raw materials. The energy transition also needs to represent productive diversification. It should create opportunities for producing countries. It should generate local capacities, respect the environment, it should incorporate and include communities, and it should allow our young people to be actors in those new industries. That is why we are proposing a new international relationship around strategic resources, a relationship that is based on investment knowledge, technology and added value. The United Nations.
Our world is changing at a pace far exceeding the ability of international governance institutions to respond. Our crisis does not lie in the absence of charters and principles, but rather in the widening gap between what we proclaim and what we implement, and between those who make decisions and those who are affected by them. Our world does not need a merely symbolic multilateralism that brings together states in open discussions. Rather, it needs effective multilateralism in which every state has a voice and every people receive a fair share of decisions, opportunities, and resources. It is no exaggeration to say that confidence in the effectiveness of collective action and the multilateral system has declined. There is an urgent need to restore adherence to international law to avoid policies based on power, polarization and double standards. It is no coincidence that the countries of the Global South, which comprise the overwhelming majority of the world's population, are among those most harmed by the decline of the rule of international law, the weakening role of international organizations, and the fragility of global governance and international cooperation frameworks. From this perspective, Egypt, as a founding member of the United Nations, believes that restoring trust requires three interconnected pillars justice and representation and decision making, justice and the application of the law and justice in the distribution of development and transformation opportunities. This is not a call to rebuild the international system from scratch. It is a call to fulfill its original promises and purposes. Notably, sovereign equality among states respect for law, peaceful settlement of disputes, international cooperation for the benefit of peoples, and enabling them to reap the benefits of accelerating scientific progress. The multilateral international system remains an indispensable choice. However, its survival depends on strengthening justice and ensuring the effectiveness and sustainability of its institutions. Instead of merely repeating the principles for which it was established without making meaningful action. Mr. president, if justice in the application of rules is the litmus test of the credibility of the international system, then the Palestinian issue remains the clearest example of the existing dysfunction.
Ladies and gentlemen, one of the biggest tests for the UN's relevance is Russia's aggression against Ukraine. For more than 12 years ago, since the illegal annexion of Crimea and occupation of eastern Ukraine in 2014, a permanent member of the Security Council of the Russian Federation has been perpetrating a war of aggression at the very heart of Europe. That aggression disregards the principles of the United Nations Charter to its very core. It violates the respect of sovereignty and territorial integrity of states, and the prohibition of the use of force against another state. The consequences of Russia's aggression, however, extend beyond Ukraine and Europe. For example, by increasingly targeting Ukraine's Black Sea ports, commercial shipping, grain infrastructure, and alternative export routes, Russia is putting global food security at grave risk. As such, this is a concern for all of us, and rightly so. Russia's actions have been condemned by a large majority of this Assembly. But condemnation is not enough. We need to collectively force Russia into peace in Ukraine, to force into a negotiation table by raising the cost of its aggression. For this, we can and should use the diverse instruments at our disposal, be they economic, diplomatic, or political. I strongly encourage more of my fellow heads of state and government to use this occasion to call on Russia to cease its aggression. Those of you who have done so already, be it the Global South or North, you have my appreciation. The principles of the UN Charter cannot be trampled on. It is our collective task to stand up for them. We should also support the efforts of international mechanisms to document the war crimes, ensure accountability, and provide assistance to those whose rights have been violated. Estonia is doing its part. We have completed all national procedures and taken the lead in discussions in Strasbourg to establish the special tribunal as soon as possible. A UN member state whose armed forces have been repeatedly cited in the UN Secretary-General's reports for grave violations against children and conflict-related sexual violence should have been no place in UN peacekeeping operations. This is a matter of ensuring that perpetrators' actions have consequences. But it is equally a matter of retaining trust in and the integrity of UN peacekeeping. I therefore call on the UN to stop reflecting and instead take appropriate actions immediately. Ukraine requires assistance in defending itself, but also in rebuilding the country. Estonia, together with its partners, have worked closely to support Ukraine's cybersecurity and resilience, in responding to evolving threats through the Tallinn Mechanism and the IT-Coalition. Estonia is also proud to be hosting the Ukraine Recovery Conference in 2027, organized in cooperation with our closest friends in the Nordic-Baltic region. Building on the outcomes of earlier conferences, next year's event will be advancing in practical terms long-term international support for Ukraine and its recovery. As such, it will be a multilateral effort and example of true cooperation for international peace and security. My fellow leaders, while it is the situation in Ukraine and Ukraine's security that affects Estonia most directly, we are neither indifferent nor unaffected by the impact of other wars, threats, and conflicts. The situation in the West Bank and Gaza remains of great concern. Innocent civilians and children must not bear the devastating human cost of war. Estonia has consistently called for upholding international humanitarian law and ensuring safe, rapid, and unhindered access of humanitarian aid for those in need. We remain a stable donor in UNRWA and are committed to a credible political process leading to a negotiated two-state solution, with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace, security, and dignity. We have provided food aid to hospitals in Gaza and stand ready to offer our digital transition expertise in its future reconstruction. Estonia has consistently condemned the attacks by Iran against our close partners, the Gulf states, and has shown its readiness to contribute to ensuring freedom of navigation in the region. This is an issue that affects us all. We also see instrumentalization of migration as a means of exerting pressure on countries, whether on the European Union's eastern and southern borders or elsewhere.
Madam president, with regard to the North African region, thanks to the momentum initiated by His Majesty King Mohammed VI, may God assist him, the question of the Moroccan Sahara reached a historic turning point with the adoption by Security Council of Resolution 2797 last October. Since then, this regional dispute has embarked on an irreversible course, breaking with the past and looking to the future with a view to its final settlement. This track rests on principles and parameters that admit no interpretation, nor any reading between the lines or in the margins, as some are vainly attempting deluding themselves in flagrant denial of reality and total disregard for established truth. These principles, as set forth in the Security Council resolution, are as follows. First, there is no solution outside the framework of the autonomy under Moroccan sovereignty. Second, there is no approach or mechanism other than the political negotiation process under the auspices of the United Nations and on a sole basis, namely the Autonomy Initiative presented by the Kingdom of Morocco. Third, there can be no discussion or dispute regarding the responsibility and obligations of the four parties clearly identified by Security Council resolution 2797. Fourth, there will be no maintaining of the status quo preferred by the other parties. The train of political solution has already departed. Fifth, there is no credibility for interlocutors who violate the ceasefire and refuse to respect Security Council resolutions. Sixth and last, there can be no tolerance for the continued holding of the population of the camps as hostages for half a century, in flagrant violation of international law and international humanitarian law. Alongside with its firm commitment to the final settlement of this regional dispute, artificial regional dispute, the Kingdom of Morocco steadfastly continues to drive social and economic development in its southern provinces, particularly in the areas of infrastructure, university, education, health sector and airports, among others.
We will take the lead in shaping AI into a tool for solving the shared challenges we face, such as the climate crisis, public health, food insecurity, and refugee issues. Second, the green transformation. The climate crisis is often referred to as a global group project shared by all 8 billion people on earth. A single country cannot tackle this challenge alone. At the same time, abandoning growth cannot bring everyone on board. The Republic of Korea announced its 2035 Nationally Determined Contributions as part of its active participation in the Paris Agreement and UN Climate Action. The Korea Green Transformation Strategy aims to convert our industrial structure, creating a virtuous cycle in which carbon neutrality leads to new growth engines and decent jobs. We are ready to share our experience and best practices with the international community. Co-hosting the fourth UN Ocean Conference with Chile in 2028 reflects our commitment to leading discussions on the sustainable development of our oceans.
The world listened. We expect that more steps will follow from discussions that will be held as part of the Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting in Antigua and Barbuda in November. As I conclude, Mr. President, we ask how the United Nations can restore trust while managing transformation. In summary, trust is restored when the smallest and most vulnerable nations feel they are included and that their concerns are addressed. Trust is restored when a national debt is restructured to be fairer, it is restored when hurricane response arrives in time and when the benefits of new technology, such as artificial intelligence, is shared, rather than hoarded and priced out of reach. It is restored when an embargo denounced in this chamber is finally lifted, when peace in the conflict is secured, and when a historical wrong is made right. Mr. President, we remain hopeful. With necessary changes in the organisation and in the mindset of those of us who shape its work, the United Nations will live up to its name. However, we must manage this era of transformation with courage, honesty and fairness, and including equally the concerns of all the peoples of the world who, despite our individual protestations, are inevitably part of our shared humanity. Thank you and may God bless us all.
Artificial intelligence, which we've heard so many times from the podium this week, is arguably the most urgent frontier. AI offers with extraordinary potential, but its capability is advancing faster than our appreciation of its risks. There are fundamentally three categories of risk. First, the loss of control of autonomous systems. Second, that rogue actors could use AI to create bioweapons or other weapons of mass destruction or mass disruption. Third, the economic, the social the political domestic disruptions are only just emerging. But excellencies, the genie is already out of the bottle. It is too late to call for a halt, especially given the superpower rivalry and the huge financial incentives for companies who already have frontier models. But let me offer a metaphor of driving a high performance car. To drive a high performance car quickly and safely, you need a powerful engine. But equally, you need good brakes. And especially if you are going to go beyond your neighborhood or cross boundaries, you need effective shared rules, traffic lights, insurance norms of behavior, seat belts. The engine is innovation. Every one of us has to continue to invest in science, the talent, and the infrastructure that will drive AI forward. For small states, this entails especially developing our people, equipping them with the skills necessary to master and deploy AI quickly, widely, at scale and safely. The real productivity gains from AI comes not from the IT department, but from our businesses and workers having the skills, the tools and the wherewithal to engineer their work processes, workflow by workflow. That's where the cutting edge of value creation arises. But having said that, every powerful engine needs good brakes, safeguards. As the capabilities of AI advance, our safeguards must keep pace. We need rigorous testing and evaluation before deployment. We need clear limits on what autonomous systems can do and mechanisms to intervene when they behave in ways we do not intend. And since the risks from AI do not remain confined behind borders, it means we also need rules of the road that will form a shared global understanding of how we will collectively confront this challenge. Just as all of us instinctively understand traffic lights the same way, whether we're here in New York or in Beijing, Moscow or Singapore. Most importantly, human beings must ultimately remain in control and accountable. Let me give you an extreme thought experiment. Do you want the nuclear button to be in the hands of a human being or an AI? Think about that. The scarce resource today is not legal architecture or technology. It is trust. Trust that the risks will be disclosed, that testing will be comprehensive and credible, and that cooperation will be inclusive and not be used to secure unilateral advantage. The technology has already become an arena for strategic competition precisely when international cooperation is most needed. Any durable international approach must give all states a meaningful stake. Not only those who already have the most advanced models, or the deepest pockets, or the largest set of armaments. So the question is how do we build trust? We begin with the science. Even where states have differences on governance, I believe it is possible for us to work together to collectively understand the capabilities and risks of AI models, to develop comparable methods for testing and evaluation, and to report serious incidents quickly across borders. We are not starting from zero. If you carefully go through what we already have today, the UN's Independent International Scientific Panel on AI already helps to establish a common understanding based on evidence. The Global Dialogue on AI Governance can help to translate that common understanding into common objectives, and the ITU's AI for Good Global Commission brings together leaders from government, industry and international institutions to discuss challenges and to come up with practical solutions. We must urgently establish common rules and safeguards for AI, and we should build on the many ongoing discussions in different formats and groupings. And here I want to make a point: the UN, the United Nations has a critical role to play in building convergence, because this is the only apex international institution with universal membership. We must explore all options, including the idea of a UN framework Convention on AI safeguards. We may also need an international institution that can perform for AI some of the functions that currently exist for institutions that perform this function of setting common technical standards and the examples are the International Telecommunications Union, which provides all the International Atomic Energy Agency, which provides verification. Ultimately, the global commons are best protected by collective action agreed through an inclusive process, and Singapore commits to contribute where we can. This week we joined the call for greater safety and security of frontier AI models, and I'm glad that this was led by Finland and Norway. We will continue to contribute through platforms such as the Digital Pillar for the Forum of Small States, and by making our governance frameworks and testing tools available to all. But the work of building trust and laying the ground for global cooperation must begin now.
It will be restored when institutions act consistently, uphold international law, and produce results that people can see and experience. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the United Nations Charter is founded on sovereign equality, territorial integrity peaceful coexistence, human rights and dignity of every person. The most important word in this year's theme is all. Not some. Not a selected group of nations, not only those with the greatest economy and military might. The promise of the charter belongs equally to every human being and every Member state. Yet the United Nations has increasingly become associated with political gridlocks in the Security Council, prolonged negotiations without tangible outcomes and a weakening capacity to mobilize collective action in response to the threats to international peace and security. This should concern all of us, not because the United Nations is not important, but precisely because it is indispensable and appears absent from the global solutions for peace and stability in this dangerous and unpredictable time. The Security Council must become more representative, transparent, and effective. Africa remains unrepresented in the permanent category and not represented enough in the non-permanent category as well. This historical injustice against the 54 sovereign states cannot be postponed indefinitely. Somalia supports the common African position and a meaningful African representation in both categories of the Council. Given that many of the discussions directly concerned African states, they have the right to full representation on equal par with all other permanent Security Council members. Reform is not an attack on the United Nations. Reform is necessary to protect its legitimacy, renew confidence in its institutions and ensure that it remains capable of responding to the realities of our time. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Somalia currently proudly serves as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council and as a member of the African Union Peace and Security Council. We carry these responsibilities with great seriousness, humility and determination. In both institutions, Somalia works to uphold the principles of the United Nations Charter and Constitutive Act of the African Union, strengthening cooperation between the United Nations and the African Union, prevent conflict and support peaceful African led solution with global benefits. Respect for national sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity is not an abstract principle for Somalia only. It is a foundation for peace and stability in our country, our region and the wider international community. Therefore, Somalia firmly rejects unilateral actions that undermine its sovereignty, unity and internationally recognized borders. Disagreements between nations must be resolved through dialogue and in accordance with international law, and not through actions that create new tensions or threaten regional stability.
Mr. president, we in Sudan are a peace loving nation, but we also seek a just peace. Therefore, from this UN hall, we reaffirm that comprehensive, lasting and just peace in Sudan in a manner that ensures the non-recurrence of conflict cannot be achieved without ending persistent external interference, halting the flow of weapons, ammunition and mercenaries into Sudan, dismantling the terrorist militia, stopping its attacks against civilians, cities, civilian objects, infrastructure, dams, medical centers and hospitals. Disarming this militia and ensuring that arms remain exclusively in the hands of the state and its established legitimate national institutions. We also call for the support for the steady progress being made by the Sudanese government in the protection of civilians and the peace building process. Mr. president, peace and stability in Sudan cannot be discussed while the destructive war waged by terrorist militia against the Sudanese people continues. The international community's silence and its failure to take steps to deter the atrocities and violations committed by the rebel militia in Sudan, despite the availability of documented and credible evidence and its disregard for legitimate calls to designate it as a terrorist organization and its failure to take decisive measures to stem the flow of weapons, material and mercenaries supporting the terrorist militia across our borders are the factors that prolong the war and encourage the militias continued aggression. Silence regarding the atrocities committed by the terrorist militia in Sudan is not only shameful, unethical and complicit, it is a betrayal of the civilian victims of women and girls who have demonstrated unprecedented resilience in enduring suffering beyond description, and indeed, of an entire people. Mr. president, the call for a comprehensive, nationally owned Sudanese-Sudanese Dialogue to achieve peace represents one of the key pillars of peace and the optimal path for resolving the current crisis. However, a conducive environment must be established to ensure its success and the achievement of its intended outcomes. This should be through the following Parallel and measurable measures to protect civilians, reduce polarisation, de-escalate tensions and contain political estrangement among civilian, political and military forces. Constructive confidence building measures to provide the dialogue with credibility and legitimacy. The dialogue being conducted through a purely Sudanese will free from external interference and free from bargaining, intimidation and coercion practised by some parties, at least at present. The implementation of the provisions of the Jeddah Declaration regarding the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces, including fundamental obligations under international humanitarian law, the facilitation of humanitarian action, meeting the needs of civilians and affected persons, and ensuring the safe and voluntary passage of civilians leaving areas of hostilities. Mr. president, past experiences and the wars imposed upon Sudan have taught us that peace is not achieved merely through the signing of peace agreements, without addressing the root causes of the crisis and eliminating its underlying drivers, thereby preventing its recurrence. Rather, peace is a process requiring patience, determination and commitment to addressing the root causes of conflict, removing sources of instability, disarming armed groups, restricting arms possession to the state, and building peace. The state has already begun preparations and creating a conducive environment for this dialogue, aimed at reaching common ground through free discussion and placing the country on the path towards the most appropriate and inclusive political transition that excludes no one except outlaws and traitors.
Every day they try to murder our people. And in particular, they try to murder our people in our historic homeland in Judea. By the way, that's where the word Jew comes from. Judea. That's our land. They try to murder us. Thousands of attempts per year on families, peaceful families driving along the roads. They shoot at pregnant women. They shoot entire families. Of course, none of this is covered in the international press or in the social media. None of it. What they cover is a handful of young juvenile delinquents, about 150 in number who go, who throw stones who chop down olive trees. Occasionally they do. They fire up. They lit some fires. I can't stand that. I won't stand for vigilantism. We're a country of law. So we put our Shin Bet on them. But that's what they call settler violence. And the number of casualties a year, maybe two. Three in the total time that this is being discussed, maybe 2 or 3 dead compared to the thousands of terrorist attacks against the peaceful settlers, honorable people, law abiding people. What a distortion. It's an obsession. I hear this discussion here. I mean, leaders of countries seriously talk about that. And they say it with such importance. We can't stand settler violence. You don't know what you're talking about. And listen, two days ago, two days ago, two days ago. I say this to my colleague Emmanuel Macron. Two days, three days ago, a French citizen, Netanyahu shukran, a father of six, was gunned down when he visited a spring with his 16 year old son and a Hamas terrorist in Judea. Samaria comes and fires point blank at him in the last words he uttered flee, flee, son, save yourself. That was three days ago. Two days ago, in Judea, Samaria, a reserve officer, a reserve soldier near your leader was mowed down by a drive down terrorist Palestinian terrorists. He's fighting for his life now in a Jerusalem hospital. I visited the family right before I boarded the plane to come here. Najjar, a father of four, is the son of Yechiel Leiter, our brilliant ambassador to the United States. Three years ago, Israel's oldest son, Moshe, a father of six, was killed while clearing a booby trapped building in Gaza. You killed my brother. Your pain is immeasurable. The entire people of Israel and many outside of Israel are praying for Neerja's life. But despite the pain, despite the agony, we do not give in. In a recent post before he was attacked, Najjar wrote this. Listen to this. We have no other country. It's a privilege to defend it to an area and to all the heroes of Israel. I pledge a sacred vow. Your sacrifice will not be in vain.
Whether in the Security Council or in the international financial system, institutions built for another age are being asked to govern a completely different world that we live in today. Restoring trust requires more than defending those institutions. It requires having the courage to reform them. This is not a conversation we are beginning today. For decades, member states have debated how to make the Security Council more representative, legitimate, and effective. In 2008, after years of discussion, this General Assembly moved Security Council reform into intergovernmental negotiations. Those negotiations began the following year. Seventeen years later, we are still negotiating. The central question remains before us: membership, the veto, regional representation, the size and working methods of the Security Council, and its relationship with this General Assembly. The world has not stood still while we have been debating these issues. In the Pact for the Future, member states agreed that redressing the historical injustice against Africa must be a priority in the Security Council reform. We should not accept that reform is impossible because it is difficult. This organization has changed its architecture before. In 1963, this General Assembly adopted amendments to enlarge the Security Council. The council grew from 11 members to 15 because member states recognized that the institution had to respond to a changing membership. What was possible then, ladies and gentlemen, is possible today. Reform must deliver equitable and permanent representation with all the prerogatives and privileges of permanent membership to Africa and other deserving regions. Political reform and financial reform are not separate projects. They ask the same fundamental question: whether the institutions that govern our common future will reflect the sovereign equality they proclaim or preserve inequalities inherited from another age. More than half a century ago, this General Assembly called for a new international economic order founded on sovereign equality, interdependence, and cooperation among states. We need not recreate the debates of another era. But we must ask the question they left unfinished: what does equality among nations require in the world of today? It requires a world in which no continent is permanently excluded from the highest decisions on peace and security. A world in which international law does not change with the identity of the state to which it is applied. A world in which a nation's prospects are not determined by how expensive the world has decided its capital to be. It requires that no child lose a classroom because debt service came first; that no mother finds an empty clinic because essential investment became unaffordable; and that the resources of developing countries became foundations for their prosperity rather than pathways for extraction.
I don't think that there could be a more appropriate framing for our discussions of this week. Trust, or more properly, the lack thereof is the greatest challenge currently facing our world. The erosion of trust that has gripped our societies runs deep. Where once people embraced trust, now people are gripped by suspicion, suspicion of governments, suspicion of institutions, suspicion of businesses, even. All too often suspicion of each other. I am talking about suspicion, not skepticism. The legitimate questioning of those who hold power over people's lives is the lifeblood of a democratic society. Suspicion. However, the assumption that others are automatically looking out for their interests and not those of the common good is poison to any democratic society. No community can succeed if we blindly believe that our neighbors are out to do us down just as no country can succeed if it blindly believes that its neighbors, even those it may long have considered and seen as friends, are out to get it.
For us, environment is not an abstract for international discussion. It is where we live. It is where we grow our food. It is where we fish. It is the inheritance we will pass on to our children. Mr. president, in our interconnected world, decisions made in one country can affect people thousands of kilometres away. Greenhouse gases do not recognise national borders. Pollution carried by ocean does not stop at immigration checkpoints.
Artificial intelligence must not be used as a tool for destabilization, manipulation, or undermining the international order. Technology must serve humanity and the truth, not chaos and manipulation. Ladies and gentlemen, Poland's priority is order based on truth, enshrined in our constitution and resulting from our historical experience. That is why we view the United Nations not merely as a forum for discussion but as an institution that must be capable of taking action. The world is changing. The UN must change as well. We need an organization that can respond to violations of law, enforce principles, and prevent impunity. UN reform cannot be reduced to mere declarations. It must mean real effectiveness and accountability, including in the face of new challenges such as the demographic crisis or the development of artificial intelligence, which is outpacing existing rules and testing the limits of our responsibility. We are at a turning point. On the one hand, the logic of force and impunity is making a comeback. On the other, there are technologies that can either reinforce this logic or stop it. It depends on our decisions whether the law will prevail over force and whether humanity will remain more important than the tools it has created. Poland, and I want to convince you about that, ladies and gentlemen, will always stand on the side of the law, responsibility, humanity, and freedom. Thank you.
This must change. Excellencies, The second test of power is inequality. Inequality is often framed as an economic problem. It is a power problem. Power over opportunity, resources, voice. Never has humanity possessed so much wealth, knowledge, and technological capability. Yet for billions, progress remains out of reach. They see prosperity around them, but not for themselves. They are told globalization expands horizons, but they experience exclusion. They are promised that technology will unlock new possibilities, yet many fear it will take away their livelihoods. Meanwhile, billions of people still live without the essentials embedded in the Sustainable Development Goals. Food. Clean water. Education. Decent work. Health care. Dignity. Excellencies, No country should be denied a sustainable future because it is on the wrong side of a deeply unequal financial system. Yet so many throughout the developing world are being crushed by unsustainable debt. Battered by disasters they did little to cause. And locked out of affordable finance. That is why we have pushed relentlessly: For reform of the international financial architecture – which is not a technical debate, but a question of representation, fairness and power. For debt relief that is timely, effective and just. For Multilateral Development Banks that are bigger, bolder and better equipped to provide affordable long-term finance at scale and massively leverage private finance. For Special Drawing Rights to benefit countries that need them most. Excellencies, No discussion of inequality can ignore its most universal form: The inequality between women and men. Everywhere, women and girls continue to face discrimination, violence, exclusion and abuse. Around the world: Their rights are being rolled back. Their voices silenced. Their bodies turned into battlegrounds. And their freedoms treated as bargaining chips. This is an outrage –and a profound waste for humanity. Peace is more durable when women are at the table. Economies are more dynamic when women have equal opportunity. Societies are more resilient when girls can learn, lead and live free from fear. And institutions are more effective when power is shared equally. Over the last decade, we achieved an enormous milestone. I am proud to report to you today that the United Nations achieved gender parity for the first time in history across all senior leadership…all headquarters … and all professional staff. It happened because we removed barriers, challenged assumptions, and refused to accept that power must look as it always has. At every step, we never compromised on quality and competence. Equality is not a dream. It is a decision. If the United Nations can change: So can Governments. So can Parliaments.
It is about whether a child in Tanna can attend school, whether a farmer in Malekula can bring a produce to market, whether a family in Torba has access to reliable electricity, whether a community in Penama can recover quickly after a natural disaster, and whether our young people can find meaningful opportunities at home rather than being forced to leave in search of them. Mr. president, this year, as Vanuatu celebrated its 46th independence anniversary, we reflected on how far our country has come since 1980. Our independence was not given to us in a golden plate. It was achieved through the determination, courage and sacrifice of our people, supported by our brothers and sisters in the Pacific. At our independence celebrations, we were reminded once again of the importance of solidarity, including the historic support of Papua New Guinea during our struggle for independence. Our 46th independence anniversary was therefore not simply a celebration of the past. It was a call to build the future. The message of our national celebration was one of unity, national pride, resilience, and determination to build a stronger, more prosperous Vanuatu for future generations. And this is important in the context of our discussions today. Vanuatu has experienced cyclones, earthquakes, volcanic eruptions and economic shocks and other disasters. Yet we continue to stand, we rebuild, we adapt, and we move forward. Resilience is not simply something Vanuatu speaks about.
Humanity will have to address this question, no matter how devastating the consequences may be. My friends, this was true in 1961 and sadly remains manifest today. This is why Barbados throws its full support behind the establishment of the International Panel on Inequality that is being proposed. Growing inequality is at the centre of geopolitical discussions, tensions, distrust in institutions and indeed the increasing number of conflicts that we see. It is for this reason that we reject the notion that governments must refrain from policy interventions that are essential to creating a level and fair playing field for ordinary citizens. We know that it is the policy choices of government that has led to this injustice, and it is the policy choices of governments that must now remove it. For us, this is as important a battle as the climate crisis. Mr. President, that brings me to that crisis.
We must defend free and independent science. Let's protect the IPCC, IPBES. We need scientists who measure, who analyze, who assess. Let's uphold our commitment to the Paris Agreement, to our decarbonization pathways, to our 2050 carbon neutrality target. Let's shoulder our share of responsibility. We need to innovate, cooperate, restart, work on biodiversity credits, and achieve our objectives on forests and oceans. We have many decisions to take. We cannot give in to fatalism. We are already the victims of climate change. We must do it for them, and even more so for our children. Last but not least, we must hold fast and not yield on artificial intelligence. There are some who wish to make us believe that only two powers, the US and China, will be taking the decisions. They want us to believe that just a few economic actors will make all the decisions, the kinds of economic innovations that will be implemented, whether they want to take a break or not, the kinds of innovations that happen. Some of these technological developments might attack the security of our states, our hospitals or banks. They say that just a few will decide what kind of society we live in. No, no. Starting in 2018 at the G7 with our Canadian friends, we launched the Global Partnership for Artificial Intelligence under the auspices of the OECD to kickstart discussions on the need for regulation. At the AI summit in 2025. The AI Governance Summit. The next edition will be held in Switzerland next year. There was also the Indian edition. We advocated for two very simple things for everyone in the world to have their own LLM model capabilities, calculation capabilities, AI capabilities, so that we can craft a way of auditing these models instead of being reliant on just a few private actors. And in fact, Europe was the first with the AI Act to take forward these principles, to take forward these models, and we must continue down that path. Therefore, I wish to emphasize a particular point. Our young people and our children. We've spent far too long not protecting our young people and adolescents. And as a result, we're living with the consequence. Their capacity to learn is in decline. We're seeing mental health problems. The facts are stark, and the correlation is clear cut. That's why we've kickstarted a large scale initiative aimed at protecting our young people, our adolescents, to stop them accessing social networks before the age of 15. Underway in various countries. And I wish to commend our Australian colleagues, the first to take legislation on this front. We must continue down this path and see it through, but let's not wait for the consequences to come raining down on AI. We must act now to protect our children and our young people. Look at the impact chat bots have on our children. This is why, together with Kenya, Spain Australia, we've built a coalition on children's rights in the era of AI. We are mobilizing already this afternoon and also at the Paris Peace Forum on the 10th and 11th of November of this year. Governments, organizations, public and private actors, academics, private companies everyone will be rallying behind this agenda. So I hope to see you on the 10th and 11th of November in Paris. Going beyond that, we can clearly see the race that is underway in cutting edge models we must all be investing in. France is proud to have a competitive frontier model, and we will continue supporting them. So that we can have this kind of model. But we must also forge new kinds of cooperation. And I very much hope and wish for all sovereign states committed to their independence. India and Brazilian, African Gulf states, Singapore. The list goes on. This independent coalition, which I mentioned earlier, I don't want anyone to become the vassal of one of the great powers. Rather, we must come together to build an open source frontier model, a cutting edge model. Using all of the calculation capabilities you have pooling them. Our investment capabilities must be pooled to build a cutting edge, open source AI model, which we will share. We should not depend on somebody else. This is the agenda we must take forward and this through cooperation. Furthermore, there are other areas where we must set new rules AI in outer space, AI and defense, and cyber security. This has very serious consequences which affect the very heart of our national security. In Evian at the G7. Many of us lend our support for the call launched by our Finnish and Norwegian friends, and we want to continue within the framework of the G7, but also working closely with our UK colleagues who will hold the chairmanship of the G20 next year. We want to set a cooperation agenda on AI so as to protect the most sensitive components thereof, which affect our national security. We are coming to an agreement to build a new international architecture. We did this on chemical weapons. We did this when it came to other risks, and we must do the same when it comes to outer space defense, cyber security issues on which we must take control. And we need very specific kinds of cooperation, a specific framework for cooperation between member states in these areas, so as to be able to take this cooperation forward within a specific framework. We must not yield on this either.
So while others have talked, I have acted. While others have spoken of peace, I have made peace. While others have ignored threats, I have confronted them. While others have talked of courage, America has shown it. While others have promised strength, I have used it to make America the most powerful country in the world. Working with many nations in this room, we are solving decades of intractable challenges, and we are settling years of unfinished business. And we're doing it well. There is no better example of a danger that was allowed to gather strength at the world's peril than the number one sponsor of terror, the Islamic Republic of Iran. For 51 years, the fanatical Iranian regime has ruled by bloodshed and mass murder, spreading death and carnage and chaos across the entire Middle East and beyond. They were the bully of the Middle East, but they are the bully no more. From the first day I entered the political arena, I've been unwavering. I will never allow Iran to have a nuclear weapon. Upon taking office last year, I immediately opened negotiations with Iran and offered them full economic cooperation in exchange for ending their nuclear program and support for terror. But they refused. They absolutely refused. That was a big mistake. Then in Operation Midnight Hammer, the U.S. military obliterated their nuclear program beneath mountains of rubble. And again, I urged Iran to make a deal. And again they refused. The regime continued building a vast missile and drone stockpile that threatened the security of every American service member in the region and everyone else in the region. They also made a missile that was capable of hitting Europe, and they were very proud of it. I hope the Europeans realize that Iran's goal was to complete their mad dash to a nuclear bomb from behind this conventional ballistic missile shield. If they had succeeded, that wicked regime would have been free to spread terror and death forever, knowing that any attempt to stop them would face an arsenal of nuclear annihilation. In America, we just marked the 25th anniversary of the worst terror attack in history, September 11th, which killed 3000 people just a few miles from here. It was an unbelievably terrible time. In two weeks, we will mark the third anniversary of the October 7th attack in Israel, where terrorists funded by Iran tortured, mutilated and killed 1200 very innocent civilians, including dozens of Americans and many babies, babies, little tiny, beautiful babies. Iran's supreme leader celebrated that massacre and called it a service to humanity. The same regime slaughtered over 72,000 of its citizens this year. Recently, 10,000 were killed for protesting. Just imagine such a vile regime were ever empowered to carry out large scale terror attacks from behind a nuclear shield. This was the reality we had to confront, a reality that far too many preferred to ignore. They all ignored it. Many presidents and many others just wanted to ignore it. They were unwilling to do anything about it, but they knew the problem. After giving Iran every chance for a deal, I took action to ensure that neither the United States nor any nation in this hall would ever have to face such a nightmare, such a catastrophic problem. As a result of Operation Epic Fury, all 159 ships of their navy are now lying at the bottom of the sea. Likewise, their air force is gone. Their radar is gone, their anti-aircraft equipment is gone. Their missiles and drone manufacturing capacity is almost gone. Their economy is gone. The only thing that isn't gone is inflation, which is destroying their country and is now well over 300%. Yet even after we agreed to a cease fire for nuclear discussions, Iran promptly violated it with brazen acts of terrorism against civilian ships from other countries. I want to thank the U.N. Security Council for voting overwhelmingly to pass a resolution condemning Iran's despicable terrorist attacks on commercial shipping. Thank you very much. That resolution, I'm pleased to say, received more co-sponsors from U.N. member nations than any Security Council resolution in history. That's something. Now, we must be equally united in maintaining pressure. The United States Navy has recently escorted more than 1 billion barrels of oil out of the Strait of Hormuz, and more oil is flowing than at any point since the start of the war. We're taking 22, 25, 30, 32 and 37 ships out, respectively, every single day, every single night. But I have a big decision to make. Will a deal be made with Iran that lets them rebuild and create a far greater country than it ever was before? Maybe one of the greatest in the Middle East, or even the world. Or do I annihilate the Islamic Republic and do it quickly, never giving them a chance to kill and destroy people and countries again? Do I drive them into hell with no chance of survival and no hope of future greatness or generations? But I believe we'll make a deal right after the election, because it doesn't make sense for them not to. They're waiting to see how I do in the midterm election. What they don't realize is that I'm not running. I did that already and won in a landslide. We won in a giant landslide, and I'll be here for two and a half years. The Republican Party is running and I'll be helping them, but I am not running. I gave absolutely no credence and will not give credence to the election. When it comes to Iran, it doesn't even enter my mind. The only thing that does is that Iran will never have a nuclear weapon. The cowards and traitors. Thank you. Thank you. The cowards and traitors would love to say the United States is low on munitions, but that's not true. We have more munitions than we could ever possibly even think of using, and we're building them at levels that we have never done before. We are adding to our stockpiles faster than we have ever been able to do before. Top of the line stuff. In addition, in the very near future, massive munition plants will be opening. There are 18 of them being built by the greatest defense companies in the world right now 18 under construction. Some of them very quickly will be completed. They're almost there. And that rapid construction will be leading to very rapid deployment of missiles of every type and ammunition of every type, and will be able to supply our allies at a much faster rate than we're doing right now. I call on all nations to join us in enforcing the complete economic isolation of Iran, until they stop their attacks on commercial shipping, relinquish their nuclear ambitions, and cease their support of terror. The terrorist regime is behaving badly, not because they are strong and confident, but because they are weak and desperate. If we stand united, we will soon see a world free of the last 51 year menace of Iranian terror. And oil prices will come plummeting down even lower than they were at the start of the conflict. And they were very low in the United States. They were really low. With courage and resolve, anything is possible. Big changes can happen and happen fast. One year ago, when I addressed the great leaders in this hall, the war in Gaza was still raging brutally. The hostages were still deep in Hamas tunnels and there was no end in sight. It was never going to be resolved. But here on the sidelines of the General Assembly, we took the first steps. That changed everything. A few weeks later, we ended the war in Gaza, saving untold thousands of lives. We also brought home all remaining hostages, both living and dead. Every single one of them. Thank you. Thank you. Everyone thought it was a miracle that we were able to do so. And people celebrated in the streets. I want to express my gratitude to the United Nations Security Council for their unanimous endorsement of our 20 point Gaza peace plan, and for officially approving the Board of Peace. Going to be a very significant group of people. Nearly 30 countries have joined the board, which I am honored to chair, and we're thankful to many of those member nations for contributing billions and billions of dollars to relief. And it goes right to the rebuilding and relief. Morocco, Bahrain, these are the countries that gave Qatar, Kuwait, Kazakhstan, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Uzbekistan, and many more. That money goes right to the source, right where they need it, and they desperately need it. And those countries are very have been very generous, and others also are stepping up at numbers that nobody would even believe because they want to see people live. They want to see the humanitarian thing happen properly. They've been fantastic. I also want to thank those who have committed troops police and training to help stabilize Gaza, including Indonesia, Morocco, Albania, Kosovo, Kazakhstan, Egypt, Jordan and more. Since I took office, it has been my great honor to settle eight wars and in so doing, become friendly with the leaders of many of those countries. It was a great honor to do it. Numerous of these wars have gone on for many years and even decades. The reason I was able to make these settlements was the use of my relationships. Very special relationships to this day, very, very special trade, the use of tariffs and the threat of tariffs and various other reasons depending on the country. Among them, terms of settlement, Cambodia and Thailand, Kosovo and Serbia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda, Pakistan and India, Armenia and Azerbaijan. And of course, the war in Gaza, which, as I stated previously, includes the return of all hostages, both living and dead. Almost every one of these countries wrote me a letter of thank you. The Prime Minister of Pakistan, terrific man, said that Donald Trump was responsible for saving 30 million lives, and probably many more than that. The president of Azerbaijan said President Trump in six months, did a miracle. It was an absolute miracle that nobody thought could be done. The Prime Minister of Armenia said this breakthrough would simply not have been possible without President Trump's personal engagement and his resolute commitment to peace. A president of Cambodia stated President Trump's extraordinary statesmanship, marked by his commitment to resolving conflicts and preventing catastrophic wars through visionary, innovative diplomacy was most recently demonstrated in his decisive role in brokering an immediate and unconditional cease fire and peace. This timely intervention which averted a potentially devastating conflict, was vital in preventing a great loss of lives and paved the way towards the restoration of peace. The president of Rwanda said when President Trump saw the opportunity to contribute to peace, he immediately took it. This conflict has lasted for 32 years. Millions and millions of people have died. We got it settled. We've seen countless mediations and efforts, but none has succeeded in resolving the underlying issues. President Donald Trump issued a new and effective statement that really has brought great peace and space through really a breakthrough that we thought was impossible. We're working very closely with the leaders of Russia and Ukraine, and we will get that one done. It's going to happen, I think, more quickly than people understand. They've had it. 25000 young people, mostly soldiers a month, are dying 25000 a month. And I look at those battlefield pictures and I really don't want to see them anymore. It's so horrible to see 25,000 a month. Both sides. In addition, the United States and Iran will definitely get it done. We will get it done one way or the other. It's going to be done. It's going to be done fast. A lot has happened since we last gathered here one year ago. In January, at my direction, the United States military conducted a massive military operation penetrating deep into the Venezuelan capital, Caracas, descended on a heavily defended and fortified military base, one that was supposed to be flawless against attack, and arrested the outlaw dictator, real criminal Nicolás Maduro.
