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Mr. president, I extend my congratulations on your election as president of the 81st session of the General Assembly. I wish you every success as you undertake this important responsibility at a moment when multilateralism and indeed the United Nations faces profound challenges. I also express my sincere appreciation to your predecessor for her stewardship over the past year. I take this opportunity to record Guyana's gratitude to the Secretary General, His Excellency Antonio Guterres, for his distinguished service to the United Nations and to the cause of humanity. His place in the history of this institution is assured not merely by the office he has occupied, but by the principles he has steadfastly upheld, the courage and profundity with which he has spoken when silence would have been easier, and his rare ability to hold before the world a clear mirror of the perils that confront our age and the possibilities that still beckon beyond them.
47 days ago, a new government took office in Colombia. Three days later, at 7:34 a.m., the earth shook. A 7.4 magnitude earthquake struck my country in a matter of seconds. Homes, hospitals, schools, roads and bridges had been totally destroyed or severely damaged. The Colombian Geological Service confirmed that this was the strongest magnitude earthquake recorded in Colombia so far this century. Hundreds of Colombians lost their lives. 4500 were injured and more than 452,000 people were affected. 36,000 homes were totally destroyed. They represented the life savings assets of these people. The government that had barely started its work was forced to confront one of the greatest natural disasters in our recent history. There was no time to ask whether we were ready. We had to act, and we did so. From the very outset, I gave one unequivocal instruction we had to save human lives. There was time for everything else. Appointments to posts could wait, meetings could wait. But my fellow Colombians trapped underneath the rubble could not. The government deployed to the affected areas alongside the security forces, emergency services, volunteers and rescue workers. And from the very beginning, we started receiving the generous assistance from friendly countries and international organizations such as all of you. And today, from this rostrum, I wish to express the profound and sincere gratitude of the Colombian people to all of you. The earthquake claimed the lives of many of our fellow Colombians and destroyed thousands of homes and buildings and much infrastructure. But it also reminded us once again of something that Colombians are very familiar with. We might fall, we might suffer, and we might weep. But what we cannot and what we do not know how to do is give up. But I'm not only going to talk to you about this tragedy.
It is precisely at such times that we must honestly confront our setbacks, however profound, not with blame, cynicism or blind hope, but with action, sober reflection, clear-eyed realism and pragmatism. That is how we chart these turbulent waters. And that is how we rebuild trust in this institution, the central focus of this 81st session. (BRIEF PAUSE) So how do we build back trust? Trust is not given. It is earned. And we earn trust, I believe, in three ways. First, by being unapologetically realistic about where we are falling behind; Second, by taking a foundational look at the reforms of the Organization to deliver better; and Third, by making our work more inclusive and engaging all relevant stakeholders for effective delivery. Let me elaborate. (BRIEF PAUSE) On my first point, we must be frank about where the challenges lie and what needs to be fixed, even when the necessary changes may prove painful. Consider peace and security. Under the UN Charter, the Security Council bears primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. Yet when the Council is unable to act, Member States turn to the General Assembly. We saw this as early as 1950 with the “Uniting for Peace” resolution, and we have seen it more recently through the Assembly’s Veto Initiative. These two principal organs of our Organization are complementary, not competing. The Charter provides for an appropriate balance between them. Both chambers must do their respective part. To be fair, the Security Council, when it acts, proves its strength and effectiveness. It helped liberate Kuwait, ended civil war in El Salvador, supported Namibia’s independence, led rebuilding of Cambodia, and stabilized conflict-affected countries through peacekeeping. Yet when the Council is unable to act on important matters, the effectiveness of our Organization as a whole is called into question. In 1945, humanity placed its trust in the Council in good faith, giving it the extraordinary responsibility of maintaining international peace. The Council accepted that responsibility and entered into a compact. It must now hold up its end of the bargain. This is what the people of the world expect. And in their eyes, when the Security Council works, the United Nations works. The promise of 1945 still binds us today. I call on the Security Council to step up, to lead as we need it to lead and to act when we need it to act. Linked to this is the question of Security Council reform. I will support the General Assembly-led Intergovernmental Negotiations in its work to make the Council more representative, transparent and reflective of the geopolitical realities of our time. Ensuring fair representation for underrepresented regions must remain a priority. Nowhere is this more important, right now, than in Africa. After eight decades, the largest region by number of Member States and a key focus of UN Peacekeeping, is underrepresented on the Security Council. Africa needs to be at the table, not on the menu. Africa cannot be asked to wait indefinitely for its rightful place on the Council. Ending Africa’s underrepresentation, now, is a question of fairness, justice and, ultimately, the credibility of this Organization. (BRIEF PAUSE) Turning to development, and particularly the Sustainable Development Goals, we are right to focus on the challenges.
It helped Namibia achieve independence, supported Cambodia's transition from conflict, disarmed combatants in Sierra Leone and Liberia, and helped Timor-Leste take its place among sovereign nations. More than 2 million peacekeepers have served under the UN flag, proving that peace can be built, protected, and sustained. Its impact reached further into the lives of ordinary people. The United Nations system helped eradicate smallpox, vaccinated generations of children, fight hunger and disease, expand access to education and bring clean water and humanitarian assistance to communities across the world. Since the year 2000, deaths among children under 5 have fallen by more than half. These achievements matter. They changed borders, ended wars, defeated disease, and transformed lives. They tell us that multilateralism works when nations summon the will to make it work. The United Nations has not fulfilled every promise of its charter, but without it, our world would have been poorer, more dangerous, and less free. That is why Kenya speaks today, not from despair in this institution, but from conviction in its possibilities. Yet conviction in what this institution can be requires us to confront what this institution has become. Distinguished delegates, last year the world recorded 65 state-based armed conflicts, the highest number of documented incidences in eight decades of global conflict data.
And we will remain a strong advocate for human rights and democracy. We will support independent human rights mechanisms, peaceful assembly, and free and fair elections. And we will work to ensure that new technologies strengthen our societies rather than weaken them. Mr. President, this is also the moment to confront the extraordinary pace of advances in artificial intelligence.
I am grateful to the Secretary General, His Excellency António Guterres, for his long lasting service and his focus on reforming the United Nations into a more effective, modern and responsive organization. This is the correct path to follow. There is no other way. No nation can confront today's challenges alone. Aggression cannot win. It is only through multilateralism, solidarity, and the unity of all Member States that we can uphold peace security and the rules based international order. It is also important to learn from the many lessons of history. Today, too many seem unwilling to recognize and confront the past crimes committed by totalitarian regimes, including Soviet crimes.
But, Mr. President, the task now is delivery. We need financing that reaches communities without adding debt, adaptation finance that is accessible to countries already bearing the cost of the problems they did not create, and full support of the loss and damage and the special circumstances of SIDS. This means grant-based and concessional finance, grid readiness and storage, productive energy use, and support that respects our circumstances while enabling delivery at scale. Those who contributed the least to this climate crisis yet confront the worst threats of rising sea levels must not be burdened with debt simply to purchase a life jacket for their survival. International financial institutions must look beyond income and account for vulnerabilities of SIDS. Climate exposure, remoteness, narrow economies, and limited access to affordable finance must be considered. The Antigua and Barbuda Agenda for SIDS provides a strong roadmap for resilience, but requires urgent, predictable, and scaled-up support. The Pacific Resilience Facility is one practical answer, the PRF. Endorsed by the Pacific leaders, the PRF is the first Pacific-led, owned, and managed regional financing facility dedicated to climate and disaster resilience, and the first international financial institution collectively owned by the Pacific focused on turning resources into real community-level resilience. The PRF reflects the kind of capital the world should support. Resilience is also about safeguarding public health. And I commend Palau's First Lady for advancing efforts to combat tobacco and nicotine use, with a focus on our youth.
The theme of this session, Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: A United Nations that delivers for all, reflects the core of our responsibilities towards the common goal of this organization that was established after the horrors of the 20th century. They decided to rely on the strength of law and not that of the might. They decided to choose dialogue instead of confrontation. Our responsibility today is to maintain the scores, and we have to counter the selectivity in applying international law, especially when there is a systematic avoidance of collective commitments. Some countries do not want to uphold the same rules that they call on others to uphold. This leads to weakened collective cooperation mechanisms. We no longer can prevent conflicts or settle them. This danger extends to institutions that might falter and fail. Multilateralism is not limited to the interests and sovereignty of states. It is not an example of weakness. Instead, it is a necessity to ensure human dignity, bring peace, and confront challenges. Defending the United Nations is a defense of the right of all peoples to determine their future and participate in decision making. Those decisions that define their destiny. We want a more just United Nations. A United Nations capable of confronting the current challenges. After more than eight decades since the establishment of the UN, the Security Council reform has become a necessity to ensure a fair representation of Africa, including permanent and non-permanent membership.
Multilateralism allows us to project the power of our ideas rather than the might of our power. Tonga participates as an equal under the founding principles of the United Nations Charter, the sovereign equality of states. This is how we must approach our theme Restoring Trust, managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all. Enduring trust is restored when commitments produce results. True transformation is realized when our communities, economies and ecosystems can anticipate change and recover with greater strength. The small island developing states must not bear the disproportionate costs of the challenges they did little to create. Mr. President, too much of our international architecture still reflects the world of 1945 rather than today's realities. If the United Nations is to remain the principal vehicle through which sovereign nations confront global challenges, it must transform. We need a United Nations that enables innovation one that expands meaningful access to investment and technology, especially for the small island developing countries who are too often excluded from both. We need a stronger General Assembly and institutions that respond effectively to the needs of the majority of our members. We cannot keep negotiating climate biodiversity and the ocean in separate COPs when they are clearly an interconnected ecosystem requiring integrated and coherent solutions. We call on global processes to recognise the ocean climate nexus and address these interconnected challenges together. We need a more inclusive Security Council equipped for today's challenges. A Security Council that recognises the triple planetary crisis as a profound threat to peace and security. We need a financial architecture that delivers timely and accessible financing to those who most need them. Internationally pledged commitments must be actioned urgently. The next Secretary-General must understand these realities intimately. It is in this spirit that Tonga's nominated ambassador, Ivonne Baki of Ecuador, whose vision for a renewed reformed United Nations speaks to the needs of vulnerable states. To restore trust, every member state, large or small, must have a voice in shaping this organisation's future and a stake in its success. Mr. President, Your Excellencies, the Pacific region spans one third of the Earth's surface. It is our home.
My dear colleagues, this evening I want to talk about the need for nations to work together on the new challenges that we face climate change, emerging technology and the breakdown of international rules. Eight decades ago, the citizens and leaders of our nations made a solemn promise to future generations. Having known the untold sorrow of two devastating global conflicts in their lifetimes, they vowed to work together to prevent another. The pioneers who built this institution from the ruins of war, proud Australians among them, were also coming to terms with two terrible truths. The horrors of the Holocaust and the unprecedented horror of nuclear weapons. A depth of evil and a scale of destruction beyond imagining even a decade earlier. Yet rather than recoil from that reality, our leaders stood together to face it, learn from it, and most importantly, guard against its return. And instead of surrendering to fear or dealing in retribution, or abandoning their fate to a world governed by force alone, they came together to renew and affirm their faith in humanity, in the essential and equal dignity and worth of every individual, in the sovereignty of every nation and in the capacity and indeed the responsibility of all of us to give the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, life and weight and real meaning by engaging in the dialogue that builds trust and deepens understanding and backing those words with actions. In this moment, we need to lean in and strengthen and modernise the fundamental parts of the UN system that help to build peace and promote economic development and sustainability. Sovereignty, prosperity and peace are never guaranteed. They must be created, nurtured and protected by each generation, supporting the jobs, homes, schools and healthcare that represent the fullest expression of the UN's commitment to the economic and social advancement of all peoples. We know that the surest way to minimise the potential for conflict is to create the prosperity, opportunity and economic justice on which lasting peace depends. That means cooperating on the urgent challenges that confront each of our sovereign nations, and creating solutions that work for our citizens. This was the founding purpose of the United Nations. And for the leaders who have gathered here this week, this remains the test of our time. A test we can and we must pass. Whether it is climate change or artificial intelligence, there is always the temptation to say that our generation is being confronted by issues that our predecessors could not possibly have imagined while dealing with the world they would not recognise. But for all the transformation the past eight decades have brought, the fundamental stakes haven't changed. And just as its values, our values, our ideals, our commitment to dialogue and cooperation proved equal to that task then, we can rise to meet these new challenges now. We can reaffirm our national sovereignty and our shared humanity. We can seize and share and shape the opportunities this moment holds in the interests of our citizens. But we can only do it together. From the very first days of this forum, Australia has always known that. We understand that the UN mission cannot be entrusted solely to the great powers or the biggest countries, or even the loudest voices alone, nor can it be subcontracted to the world's richest companies, or dictated by the pace of technology. Then now and always, shaping a secure, peaceful and prosperous world is a task for all of us. And that world must be driven by the values and aspirations of all of us. We all have a part to play. And that is why Australia is seeking a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council for 2029-2030. The world faces tough times and Australia wants to respond to partner and to make a difference. Should our Security Council bid prove successful, our purpose and approach will be consistent with how we have always conducted ourselves at the UN. We will listen with respect. We will partner as equals. And we will protect what matters most. Mr. President, a safer world is one governed by rules, not by power and force alone. It is a world in which all countries have the freedom to decide their own future. And all countries have their decisions listened to. As a member of the UN Security Council, Australia will safeguard the rules that protect us all by upholding international law, including the UN Charter and the sovereignty of all states. We will amplify the voices of small states and middle powers to ensure a wider range of perspectives shape the Council's decisions. We will work to prevent crises, resolve conflicts and protect civilians through diplomacy, peace building and practical action. Our objective will be to support a more effective, representative and responsive UN that is equipped to address the fast growing challenges of today. Listening, partnering, protecting. Colleagues. The world is changing rapidly. New issues are becoming international issues demanding our full attention. Climate change, where the science foretold of the increase in frequency and intensity of extreme weather events that we are now experiencing. Emerging technology, including artificial intelligence, which is evolving at a furious pace, and the breakdown of trust, civility and social cohesion, which is promoting conflict within and between countries. Clearly, the multilateral system we have all known and benefited from is under immense strain. To promote the peace, to create a world of human dignity, to do justice to the UN's mission, we must embrace change and we must embrace reform. Australia supports the rules and institutions that underpin open trade and connectivity. That order, based on agreed rules and institutions, faces massive disruption. This doesn't mean abandoning multilateralism, it means working to reform it, so it's up to the challenges ahead and building beyond multilateralism, with new coalitions and partnerships to address and solve complex problems.
Together, these developments have contributed to a growing perception that global institutions are distant from the people they are meant to serve. Sri Lanka understands this reality deeply. My country has, on many occasions in the past experienced the consequences of deficits in trust and breaches of the social contract. Two years ago, marking a watershed moment in our history, the people of Sri Lanka, representing all communities and walks of life, gave a resounding mandate to the government of President Anura Kumara Dissanayaka to address these challenges and institute meaningful change. Since then, our government has been working with determination to rebuild trust from the ground up. We are building trust through action, not rhetoric through delivery, discipline and the courage to confront wrongdoing. Sri Lanka, too, is therefore undergoing a historic transformation and rejuvenation. Despite conflicts in several parts of the world, including in West Asia and climate calamities, including the cyclone that struck Sri Lanka, my country has restored macroeconomic stability following the economic crisis of 2022. Today, Sri Lanka has been reclassified by the world Bank as an upper middle income economy, and ratings agencies have recognised this positive trajectory.
But the United Nations must also remain a place where ambition can become action. Mr. president, we must also confront the serious challenges facing the Sustainable Development Goals. The SDGs represented a promise that by 2030 we would make meaningful progress in ending poverty and hunger, improving health and education, advancing equality, protecting our planet, and building more peaceful and inclusive societies. Today, that promise is at risk. Conflict, climate change, debt distress, inflation and persistent inequality have pushed the goals further out of reach for many developing countries. But this is not the time to abandon the 2030 agenda. It is the time to renew our commitment and concentrate on delivering results that people can see and feel in their daily lives. For Dominica, we have incorporated the SDGs as priorities in our National Resilience Development Strategy 2030, our Climate Resilience and Recovery Plan and our wider development agenda. We see sustainable development in the homes we have built for vulnerable families; in our investment in geothermal energy as cleaner, more affordable and reliable energy. We see it in our efforts to strengthen education, expand technical and vocational training, and better prepare our young people for the world of work. We see it in our support for farmers, entrepreneurs, agro-processors and tourism operators who are creating jobs and building stronger local industries. We also see it in our work to protect our forests, marine resources and natural environment. For Dominica, these resources are part of our identity, but they are also essential to our food security, our tourism product and the livelihoods of our people. Excellencies, the challenges before us cannot be overcome by any one country acting alone. They require a strong and effective United Nations, renewed international cooperation and a firm commitment to multilateralism.
Somalia also continues to confront international terrorism with determination and with the support of our international partners. We are strengthening our national security institutions, improving force generation, developing intelligence capabilities, and expanding security cooperation with our neighbors and the rest of the world. But the fight against terrorism in Somalia must not be understood as a Somalia's responsibility alone. We stand on the front line for a struggle that directly affects regional and international security. We therefore call for a predictable, sustainable support for Somalia's security transition, including an adequate financing for African Union mission in Somalia. The transition towards full Somali security responsibility must be properly resourced, phased and firmly anchored in capable Somali institutions. Following debt relief, Somalia's economy continues to grow on the foundations of strong reforms. Our real GDP growth this year is 3.1 despite all the global shocks we are experiencing.
We wish them well as they complete their tenure at the end of this year. Mr. president, few institutions embody the principle of sovereign equality as visibly as this assembly. Within these walls, differences in power, wealth and influence may shape the realities our nations confront, but they do not confer a greater claim to membership or participation. And perhaps more than anywhere else, this assembly reminds us of a simple truth: Our differences are real but so is our interdependence. This is why this organization was created with the understanding that disputes must be resolved through dialogue, human dignity must be protected, and that nations must work together if development, peace and human rights are to be sustained. In other words, that our common future requires common institutions. Eight decades later, we must ask ourselves whether we have remained faithful to that insight. And perhaps more importantly, do we still trust one another enough to act on it? Because today, Mr. President, trust is being tested. Geopolitical divisions are widening. Wars have become more protracted, with devastating humanitarian consequences. Respect for the United Nations Charter and international law is under visible strain, with developing countries facing intensifying debt burden, climate vulnerabilities, huge gaps between commitments made and implementation, and feeling of marginalization and inadequate representation in the global system. Therefore, the task before us is building stronger, better equipped, representative responsive and effective multilateral system and global financial architecture that delivers for all nations and regions. Mr. president, The Gambia's own experience within this organization gives us grounds for optimism. We have seen within this very institution that multilateralism can still deliver. During the 80th session of the General Assembly The Gambia had the honor of chairing the second Committee at a time of profound disagreement over some of the most consequential economic and development issues before us. That experience reminded us that multilateralism does not require unanimity on every issue. It requires the willingness to remain at the table to listen, negotiate, and courage to make compromises. Our experience demonstrates that in this period of deep disagreement, progress remains possible when member states approach negotiations with political will, mutual respect, and a sense of responsibility.
Mr. President, excellencies, my friends, we meet at a time when the obstacles confronting human progress are multiplying, obstacles to peace, obstacles to food and clean water, obstacles to finance, medicine and education, obstacles to movement and opportunity. Obstacles to technology, to the knowledge and infrastructure needed to use it, and increasingly, obstacles between nations, between communities, and between people who no longer agree on the same facts or trust the same institutions. War continues to destroy lives and communities. Even though the international community possesses more tools than ever before to prevent conflict and to facilitate dialogue. The climate crisis is accelerating. Even though the science is clear enough for us to act, and many of the solutions are already known. And despite unprecedented global wealth, millions remain without reliable access to food, water, health or shelter. These challenges, my friends, are creating the crises of which we constantly speak, and at the same time, new challenges are emerging. Artificial intelligence is opening extraordinary possibilities in health, education, science, and productivity while also creating new risk of exclusion, exploitation, surveillance and the distortion of truth. And yet, the cooperation needed to confront these challenges is under strain. It is why I believe the theme this year is so apt. Restoring trust. Managing transformation. A United Nations that delivers for all. The theme reminds us that we have institutions created to preserve peace, to advance development, and yes, to protect human dignity. The institutions are these very United Nations. We have shared principles grounded in sovereign equality, and in the recognition that our responsibilities extend beyond borders. The reality is that we understand that there is, regrettably enough, for us to be able to invest in prevention rather than waiting to finance reconstruction. We understand enough about the climate crisis to reduce the emissions that are warming our planet, and take the necessary steps for our populations to adapt. We equally now understand enough about the rapid development of AI to know that as we welcome its promise, we must anchor its development in a universal, humanizing framework that does not imperil our existence as human beings. The failure, my friends, to address these challenges, therefore, is not one simply of knowledge or capacity. It is a repeated failure to convert what we know into what we do. To turn principle into practice and global capacity into solidarity. So beneath our many crises lies yet another one. And yes, it is a crisis of responsibility. Mr. President, that responsibility begins here in these halls.
In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate. We have always focused on people. Between good and evil, reconstruction and destruction, peoples have struggled. This struggle between good and evil continues; however, good people choose the right path. Those who fight are very different from those who engage in bloodshed. People can be very cruel to each other if they resort to injustice. When land is usurped, when sanctity is violated, people suffer. And people pay the price. Falsehood forces people to confront evil. Many wars were waged over history. Unfortunately, our region has seen many of these wars. Sometimes the truth prevails, sometimes the truth does not. Not all peace is just. Wars have taught us that injustice does not continue forever.
I come from a country made up of 10 islands in the Mid-Atlantic, a country aware of its vulnerabilities, but one that has learned that the size of a territory must never determine the size of our dreams. The history of Cabo Verde is also a history of learning. We have learned to confront drought and scarcity to transform a sea from a barrier into a bridge, but above all, we have learned that a nation's greatest wealth lies in its people. We even have a word for this wealth, which is morabeza, a term that defines the cordiality, determination, and kindness of our people, which the world was able to witness a little during this year's Football World Cup.
I also thank Her Excellency Ms. Annalena Baerbock for her stewardship of the 80th Session, and wish to thank the Secretary-General, His Excellency António Guterres, for his unwavering commitment to the United Nations." Mr. President, eighty-one years ago the United Nations was established in the aftermath of the Second World War to foster international cooperation and prevent future armed conflicts. As we convene here today, we must confront the reality of living in very uncertain times, shadowed by the persistent threat of global conflict. It is imperative that we work together to avoid warfare. We must reflect on the founding principles of the UN Charter and recommit ourselves to saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war, reaffirming faith in fundamental human rights and the dignity of human person, ensuring equal rights for all large nations and small, establishing conditions for justice and respect for international law, and promoting social progress alongside better standards of life. Uganda firmly believes that multilateralism and international cooperation remain the most vital mechanisms for addressing our shared challenges. Accordingly, we remain and reaffirm our commitment to the principles of the UN Charter as the cornerstone of global diplomacy, supporting the interconnected pillars of peace and security, human rights, humanitarian affairs, and sustainable development. We believe the United Nations must remain agile and adaptive to evolving global realities. Uganda is committed to working with the entire membership to build consensus on necessary systemic reforms, particularly within the UN Security Council. We call for a comprehensive reform to render the Council more equitable, transparent, democratic, and representative. In this regard, we demand Africa's rightful representation in both the permanent and non-permanent categories to correct historical imbalances in line with the common African position articulated in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. Regarding the ongoing UN80 Initiative, Uganda commends efforts to streamline the UN system to make it cost-effective, efficient, and well-coordinated.
Without it, treaties risk becoming little more than words. Institutions become arenas for accusation, and countries increasingly feel compelled to rely only on themselves. At a time of profound transformation, rebuilding confidence among nations lets us confront change and uncertainty together. Today we not only see declining confidence between countries, but also a growing crisis of faith in the rules meant to bind us together. When nations begin to believe that rules are applied differently depending on power or circumstance, the instinct is to turn inward and act alone. That weakens us all. Dialogue becomes harder. Multilateral institutions lose authority, and the international order becomes more fragile, leaving smaller and more vulnerable states particularly exposed. For Brunei Darussalam, multilateralism is not an intellectual concept. It is assurance that sovereignty and territorial integrity will be respected, that every nation, irrespective of size, has a voice, and that international law protects the weak as surely as it restrains the strong. The charter of the United Nations must therefore remain our common foundation. It cannot mean one thing in one crisis and something different in another. Its principles must be upheld consistently if this organization is to retain its legitimacy and credibility. Few issues demonstrate this more painfully than the question of Palestine.
Mr. president. Our world continues to confront severe multi faceted tensions, geopolitical crisis and tension macroeconomic instability, supply chain disruption and accelerating climate emergencies. These headwinds place immense strain on the most vulnerable economies, where rising energy and food prices jeopardize the livelihood of millions of people in countries in special situations. The ongoing conflicts in the Middle East demonstrate how rapidly confrontation can destabilize global stability. Sustainable peace cannot be forged through force or unilateral action. It requires diplomacy, respect for sovereign equality and territorial integrity, and strict adherence to international law. The question of Palestine remains an enduring test of multilateral credibility. We remain deeply concerned by humanitarian catastrophe and immense reconstruction requirements in Gaza, as well as the mounting challenges in the West Bank. To prevent the two state solution from slipping beyond reach, the international community must secure a just, comprehensive and lasting peace, and one that fulfils the legitimate rights to the Palestinian people to self-determination through an independent state of Palestine with full membership in the United Nations.
The world has become accustomed to crisis. Wars are escalating. Major power rivalry is sharpening. The international arms control architecture is under strain. New technologies are transforming societies faster than our institutions can adapt. But perhaps the greatest danger is not any one crisis. It is the growing belief that the international system cannot solve them. This is the trust deficit confronting the UN today, and Malaysia, Mr. president, believes that we must confront it openly and honestly. Trust can only be restored through concrete action when international law means what it says, and when the people of the world can look to this hall and believe that their voices still matter. Mr. president, we must remember that the UN is not merely here for the aftermath of war, but to prevent war from taking place. Yet too often we respond only after disaster has arrived. We count the dead. We deliver supplies. We rebuild what has been destroyed, and then we wait for the next crisis.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Six days ago, I asked whether we were prepared to confront some hard truths about this organization. I call for honesty, realism and pragmatism to guide our discussions. Over the course of this general debate, you have answered sometimes with different perspectives, but always with the conviction that the challenges before us demand action and that the United Nations remain indispensable. 194 delegations spoke at this rostrum, including 113 heads of state and government, one crown prince, 11 vice presidents, seven deputy prime ministers and 48 ministers. We have also heard from our Secretary-General, Antonio Guterres.
International law must apply to all states. It must protect all civilians, and where violations occur, there must be responsibility and accountability. This is why Austria will also continue to stand firm in protecting the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court. Rules do not defend themselves. They need institutions capable of upholding them. Today, the United Nations too often falls short, not because it has failed, because we have let it stand still. But there is no alternative to the United Nations. There is only the work of making it work. The United Nations was not created to discuss international problems. It was created to solve them. Yet as conflicts and injustice multiply, the UN too often fails to act. Inside this building, that failure can look like another meeting without a decision. Outside these walls, it means that wars continue, help does not arrive, and more families bury their dead. For these families, U.N. procedures do not matter. What matters to them is whether food arrives, whether a doctor reaches them, whether peacekeepers protect them. Reform must therefore pass a simple test. Does it make the United Nations more able to deliver when people need it? Austria has been a strong supporter of the reform efforts of the Secretary General, and as an incoming member of the Security Council, we are committed to protect the principles of the charter, to show the world that the Council can act and to work towards making the decisions we take more inclusive because it matters who decides. The United Nations was built to confront the dangers of 1945. Today we must face new and rapidly emerging dangers.
In terms of risks, we continue to confront organized crime by cooperating with all friends. To repel the dangers of organized crime and to abort the cross-border drug trade. We call for more information sharing and international coordination to ward off this danger that threatens societies Amid these challenges, the well-being of the Iraqi people remains our ultimate objective and the focus of all of our efforts. Given the high proportion of young people in our society.
And as the world transforms, so must the United Nations. The UN80 Initiative is an opportunity to reduce duplication, improve accountability, and focus resources on results. But efficiency must not be measured simply by what we cut. It must be measured by what we deliver. And the United Nations must not retreat from the countries that need it most, in the name of efficiency. Reform must preserve a meaningful UN presence on the ground, particularly in SIDS. The UN Development System must respond to the needs of programme countries and remain guided by relevant international frameworks. The reform process must be Member State-led. It must be inclusive and transparent. This is how reform will restore trust, by bringing the United Nations closer to the people and the countries it serves. Reform must also confront one of this Organization’s oldest weaknesses: unequal representation. The Security Council cannot reflect the world of 1945 while deciding for the world of today. It must be expanded in both permanent and non-permanent categories. SIDS must have a rotating seat. Africa must receive the representation long denied to it, and the veto must be abolished. After all, representation is not merely symbolic. Who sits at the table shapes what the table sees. Small States understand how closely climate, finance, trade, supply chains and security are connected. We also know that international law is our strongest safeguard against unequal power. That principle must remain at the heart of the international system. The Maldives will take its seat on the Economic and Social Council for the 2027 to 2029 term. We are seeking election to the Human Rights Council for the 2028 to 2030 term. And we seek the support of Member States for a seat on the UN Security Council for the 2033 to 2034 term. We do so because small States must be decision-makers, not decision-takers. Representation matters not only within the bodies of this Organization, but also in its leadership. As Secretary-General Guterres approaches the end of a decade of service, the Maldives thanks him for his leadership and commitment to international cooperation. The process to choose his successor must be transparent and based on merit. It must draw from the full breadth of talent available to this Organization. For more than eight decades, every Secretary-General has been a man. It is time for a woman to lead this Organisation. A leader who will defend the Charter, without exception, who can turn reform into delivery, and who will listen to all Member States, including the smallest. The task ahead is immense. The choice we make must meet it. So, what should this Assembly do? The Maldives proposes a simple test for a sovereign future. When we act on conflict, climate, finance, technology or institutional reform, let us ask: Does this decision expand a State’s freedom to choose? Does it build national capacity and reduce dependence? Does it protect sovereignty and independent decision-making? If the answer is no, we must change course. And we must hold every State to the same standard. Let this be the measure of international cooperation, not what we promise, but what we make possible. That is the measure of a United Nations that delivers for all. In 1989, the Maldives asked this Assembly to protect small States from external threats. Today, we ask it to protect something just as fundamental: Every State’s freedom to choose its own future. A future chosen by its people, a future grounded in international law, a sovereign future for every State.
Respect to the law strengthens the peaceful and inclusive societies, but development also depends on something even more fundamental something that connects people, economies, ecosystems and nations. Water. Mr. President, the world remains far from achieving universal access to safe water and sanitation. Progress is being made, but not fast enough. For Tajikistan, these challenges, both global and deeply national. We are a mountainous country home to thousands of glaciers and the source of major rivers that sustain communities far beyond our borders. We know the value of water, and we know its vulnerability. For more than two decades, under the leadership of President of Tajikistan, His Excellency Mr. Emomali Rahmon, water has remained at the heart of our international engagement. From the Global Water action decades to the Dushanbe Water Process from the 2023 United Nations Water Conference to the Global Agenda on Glaciers preservation, our message has remained consistent. Water requires cooperation, and cooperation must lead to action. The next two years will be decisive. Later this year, the international community will gather for the United Nations Water Conference in Abu Dhabi in 2027. A high level preparatory meeting will take place here at United Nations headquarters. And in 2028, we will gather in Dushanbe for the United Nations Water Conference and the final comprehensive review of the Water Action Decade. Member states will negotiate and adopt, by consensus an outcome of the Dushanbe Water Framework. This gives us an opportunity to assess what we have achieved, confront what remains unfinished, and decide how global water cooperation should move forward. Because 2028 must not be an end point, the conclusion of the Water Action Decade should mark the beginning of the next chapter of Global Water Action. The Dushanbe Water Framework can help us write that chapter. A chapter focused on implementation, on financing, on technology and capacity, on stronger partnerships, and on protecting the sources of our water, including the world's rapidly changing glaciers. Our objective is continuity, follow up and implementation.
We are making the largest defence investments in generations, allocating over $80 billion in last year's federal budget. We are now spending over 2% of our GDP on defence. And we are building toward NATO's 5% pledge by 2035. These investments are strengthening our ability to protect Canada and to contribute to peace and security around the world. Canada is an Arctic nation, and the Arctic is central to our identity, our security, and our future. The Arctic is a region of growing competition, and for many Canadians, it is simply home. This is why we are investing in Arctic security in consultation with Indigenous Peoples. Their participation is a key element of our commitment to reconciliation. As we mark the 30th anniversary of the Arctic Council, we continue to strive for a region of cooperation. And to this end Canada has opened a new consulate in Nuuk, Greenland. And we are strengthening our ties with our Arctic partners. Canada welcomes the recent agreement between Greenland, Denmark and the United States to strengthen security in Greenland and the High North. This agreement is yet another reminder that North America and Europe are stronger together. And as a founding member of NATO, our commitment to the transatlantic alliance is ironclad. Alongside our NATO allies, Canada remains resolute in our support for Ukraine. We share Ukraine's commitment to restoring a comprehensive, just and lasting peace, one based on respect for Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity. Canada is dedicated to advancing the unconditional return of Ukrainian children, unlawfully detained civilians and prisoners of war. Next week I will host with Norway and Ukraine a conference on this urgent issue in Toronto. And Canada with Ukraine will continue to work together to support safe and secure navigation in the Black Sea by strengthening Ukraine's port infrastructure and disrupting and deterring the illegal activities of Russia's shadow fleet. Canada is also a Pacific nation, and we are absolutely committed to a free, open and inclusive Indo-Pacific region. We have increased our naval presence in the Indo-Pacific and are offering the Dark Vessel Detection Program to our partners. We will continue to implement UN Security Council sanctions against North Korea. And by working with our regional partners, we are cracking down on transnational crime, including scam centres. Canada's position on Iran is unequivocal. Iran is the principal threat to peace and security in its region. It must never acquire a nuclear weapon. Its threats to navigation rights in the Strait of Hormuz are a direct affront to international law. We join our Gulf and European partners in strongly condemning Iran's attacks in the region, and Canada is deploying every available tool, including targeted sanctions, that I announced this week to confront the Iranian regime's abhorrent behavior. Here at the United Nations, Canada will again lead the resolution in this very room in the General Assembly on Human Rights in Iran, because we stand firmly with the Iranian people against repression and for human rights dignity and aspirations for a better life. Nearer home, the people of Haiti deserve stability, security, and the opportunity to build a better future. We commend the many countries who proposed their assistance to the Gang Suppression Force, in particular the United States. Even if the population in Haiti is still facing significant challenges, we're encouraged by the measures taken by the government of Haiti to prepare for the elections, a sign of progress and hope. Throughout the world, Canada will remain a voice that can be trusted to defend maritime security, international law and the responsible development of artificial intelligence.
Defending multilateralism does not mean defending the status quo. The United Nations must become more effective, representative, transparent and responsive to people. It must make better use of its resources, reduce duplication and respond more swiftly without weakening the purposes for which it was created. Efficiency must strengthen, not erode, its three pillars peace and security, sustainable development and human rights. Effectiveness cannot be measured solely in administrative terms, but rather by the ability to prevent a war, protect a population under threat, combat hunger, confront transnational criminal networks, or support a state in strengthening its institutions. We do not need a United Nations that is smaller in purpose. We need a United Nations that is stronger in results and firmer in defending democratic principles. That transformation must also reach the Security Council. Its composition must better reflect the realities of the 21st century and remedy the long standing underrepresentation of entire regions. When the veto causes paralysis in the face of serious threats to international peace and security, confidence in the entire system suffers. We also face an important decision for the future of the organisation the selection of the next secretary general. Guatemala hopes that the process will be transparent and inclusive, and will identify an independent leader able to build bridges, defend the principles of the charter and lead the reform our organisation needs. The Latin American and Caribbean region stands ready and prepared to shoulder its responsibility to the international community. The time has come for a Latin American woman to serve as secretary general of the United Nations. Excellencies. Distinguished delegates.
Your excellencies, we see the cost of that neglect every day. In my region, from Lebanon to Yemen to Sudan, protracted conflict is deepening humanitarian suffering. And if anyone had any doubt that a crisis in our part of the world stays there, just look at the energy and grocery bills of ordinary families, from Mumbai to Madrid to Minnesota. The Iran war has shown how quickly instability can disrupt trade, investment and lives beyond the region. And then there is Gaza. For decades, I've stood before this assembly and warned of the dangers of leaving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict unresolved. But the international community chose to manage the conflict, not confront it. And every new Israeli violation was treated as temporary, diverting attention from the reality being created on the ground until temporary became permanent and permanent became policy. Of course, this is not the world's only injustice, but one of the world's longest running occupations forces a basic question if international law can be ignored for decades, then what exactly is that law worth and how can we enforce it if we won't even call out its violations? In Gaza, the evidence is overwhelming. In the first 300 days of the so-called cease fire, at least 300 Palestinian children were killed. Jordan's field hospitals have also been targeted. President Trump has pushed hard for peace and a path to end this war. But this Israeli government keeps moving the goalposts, continuing its attacks and destruction of civilian infrastructure, refusing to withdraw and squeezing Palestinians into barely a third of Gaza. This can no longer be dismissed as temporary military measures or a consequence of war. Accountability begins when we call things for what they are, an attempt to erase Palestinian life and impose a new territorial reality in Gaza. And while the world has been focused on Gaza, something extraordinarily dangerous is unfolding in the West Bank. Some may think we have seen this before settlements, violence, displacement, more of the same, but it is not. Nor is it simply an escalation. This is a fundamental shift. What was once a creeping process has exploded into something far more aggressive. Settler violence is rampant. Palestinians are being beaten, shot and terrorized, homes torched, property destroyed, families driven from their land and Israel is tightening its grip on more of the West Bank, seizing land, expanding settlements and pushing the Palestinians out. It is time to see what is happening for what it really is, because when the language is sanitized, the actions become normalized. Demolishing Palestinian homes to expand illegal settlements is not law enforcement. It is forcible transfer. Appropriating occupied land is not land registration. It is de facto annexation. A choking network of checkpoints and barriers is not security infrastructure. It is a system of subjugation. Systematic attacks on Palestinian communities are not settler unrest. The Israeli government criticizes the violence before the international audiences. They call those responsible a handful of rioters. They assure us that Israel is a country governed by law. Yet what's happening on the ground says otherwise. Israeli soldiers stand by as settlers attacked Palestinians, often protecting the attackers or joining them. They have blocked ambulances from reaching the injured. They have targeted international journalists who are trying to say the truth. And when soldiers watch, enable and sometimes even participate in violence against civilians, this is no longer about a handful of rioters. And the question is no longer whether a few extremists are breaking the law. The question is, is this the behavior of a democratic state governed by law? What is unfolding across the West Bank is not a series of isolated acts. It is elements of a single policy to compel an entire population to leave their land. And there is a name for that forced displacement, and that is a war crime. Your excellencies, if we are to resolve the Palestinian Israeli conflict, the world must abandon some illusions. The first is that Gaza and the West Bank are separate stories. They are not. They are two fronts of the same Israeli strategy. In both, Palestinians are being killed. In both, the reality on the ground is being remade. Gaza through destruction. The West Bank through de facto annexation. The objective is the same to make a viable Palestinian state impossible. Another illusion is that this Israeli leadership's rejection of Palestinian statehood is a position that might yet change. It is not. It is cemented on the ground. This government has been accelerating settlements and land seizures, but it began long before. Since Oslo, the map has changed piece by piece, settlement by settlement, and the most dangerous illusion that the Arab world never sought peace. The Arab Peace Initiative of 2002 offered Israel normalization with 57 Arab and Muslim states, including Iran and Iraq at the time, in exchange for peace and Palestinian statehood. For over 20 years, that offer has stood. The obstacle hasn't been the absence of a partner for peace, but the absence of an Israeli government willing to accept it. This Israeli government understands the power of attention, and lately it has not liked the attention it's been getting. When confronted with evidence of wrongdoing, rather than change the course, it opts for distraction, discrediting its critics. It has also tried to cast this conflict as a war of religions Islam on one side, Judaism and Christianity on the other. It is not. This is about whether Palestinians, Muslims and Christians are entitled to the same rights as everyone else. Distractions will not fly anymore. People across the world are paying attention. The question now is, will we act? Because the world's political inaction is not for lack of options. So let's call it for what it is a choice. We have tools, sanctions, asset freezes, embargoes, diplomatic isolation, and we have a record of using them elsewhere. Yet with Israel, resolutions end where they began on paper. The result is a state without restraint. This government's sense of impunity has reached terrifying levels. It no longer feels compelled to ask, can we get away with this? It already knows the answer, and that is precisely why no one in this assembly should assume its ambitions stop at Palestine. This Israeli government's expansionist appetite is now a regional threat. And today Syria is the warning the international community is choosing not to see. Repeated incursions, creeping territorial expansion, new facts imposed on the ground, including around vital water resources, step by calculated step, Israel is testing how far it can go, and every time the international community looks away, Israel learns that it can go even further across borderlines and legal limits. For Jordan, there is no ambiguity, any threat to our northern border or our water security is a threat to our national security. Jordan will not look away. We will protect our security, our water and the interests of our people. And the question here is, if Israel continues its antagonistic approach in southern Syria, will the international community stand by and let that happen?
Artificial intelligence and other emerging technologies are already transforming our way of life and the way in which we work. The enthusiasm they give rise to also goes hand in hand with the very real concerns, the current debates about the most extreme risks of AI remind us that technological progress cannot be divorced from responsibility. As we confront these transformations, we should endow our young people with the means to develop their critical thinking skills and their creativity. And this is exactly what education is supposed to do transmit knowledge and competencies, but also to teach young people to call things into question, to open up to others and to shoulder your responsibilities. Against this backdrop, I believe that we should have one guiding principle. Human beings should be at the heart of all of our decision making. We must protect the rights, security, and the well-being of all. We should also listen to young people, ask them what we can build, working hand in hand.
We know that inequality is at the heart of the rising appeal of politics, founded on hate and exclusion. Across the world, citizens who have seen little improvement in their economic fortunes are turning to ideas diametrically opposed to the values of the UN charter. As we mark the 25th anniversary of the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action, South Africa reaffirms its commitment to confronting racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and all forms of intolerance. We are determined to confront racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and all forms of intolerance through our Constitution, our laws and our institutions.
It should also affirm that the security of maritime passages is a collective responsibility that cannot be subjected to bilateral arrangements. This is what restoring trust means in practice. This is not a call dictated by the present crisis. His Royal Highness Prince Salman bin Hamad Al Khalifa, Crown Prince and Prime Minister said from this very podium two years ago that the systems established to safeguard the international order were under severe strain. He noted that this organisation must evolve to confront the growing threats. He called for comprehensive consensus based reform encompassing all decision making bodies, including the Security Council. What has happened since then has not altered that conviction. Instead, it has reinforced it. Mr. president.
This is best told in numbers. In 2025, the world witnessed more armed conflicts than in any year since 1946: 65 active conflicts, eight of which between the States. More than 240,000 lives lost to organized violence, the deadliest toll in three decades. About 120 million people driven from their homes, roughly 1 in 70. So are we leaving a better world to the generations after us, or have we eroded trust in our collective capacity to evade conflicts and confront the challenges that face the world today? Trust is not built through declarations. Trust is built when commitments are honored, when rules are applied consistently, and when institutions act with responsibility, and when people can see that international cooperation produces tangible results in their lives.
Increasing economic inequality in countries exacerbate this trend. We should take democratic backsliding very seriously. While this may seem to be domestic concern, we know that the way states behave internationally reflects on their domestic politics. Authoritarian and exclusivist sentiments within member states will therefore also affect our capacity to address our shared concerns. President, the United Nations is one of humanity's greatest achievements, not because it created a perfect world. It did not, but because it helped spare us from a far worse fate. For 80 years, it has provided a space where nations can negotiate instead of fight, cooperate instead of confront and build rules instead of yielding to raw power.
Within our hemisphere, other unresolved challenges require immediate, principled engagement. Haiti remains our urgent concern. Nearly four decades ago, the Trinidadian calypsonian David Rudder sang a lament to Haiti. His words are still relevant today. I quote when there is anguish in Port-au-Prince, it's still Africa crying. We are putting out fires in faraway places when our neighbours are burning. I refuse to believe that we good people will forever turn our hearts and our eyes away. Haiti I am sorry. And the song goes on. The insecurity of the Haitian people, plagued by gang violence and political uncertainty is a pain felt across our region. We support the efforts of CARICOM and this organization to help fund and provide security, to build up critical institutions and create a viable path to general elections. We must confront the reality of arms trafficking, including assault weapons that are terrorizing Haitian communities and indeed communities across the Caribbean.
Artificial intelligence, which we've heard so many times from the podium this week, is arguably the most urgent frontier. AI offers with extraordinary potential, but its capability is advancing faster than our appreciation of its risks. There are fundamentally three categories of risk. First, the loss of control of autonomous systems. Second, that rogue actors could use AI to create bioweapons or other weapons of mass destruction or mass disruption. Third, the economic, the social the political domestic disruptions are only just emerging. But excellencies, the genie is already out of the bottle. It is too late to call for a halt, especially given the superpower rivalry and the huge financial incentives for companies who already have frontier models. But let me offer a metaphor of driving a high performance car. To drive a high performance car quickly and safely, you need a powerful engine. But equally, you need good brakes. And especially if you are going to go beyond your neighborhood or cross boundaries, you need effective shared rules, traffic lights, insurance norms of behavior, seat belts. The engine is innovation. Every one of us has to continue to invest in science, the talent, and the infrastructure that will drive AI forward. For small states, this entails especially developing our people, equipping them with the skills necessary to master and deploy AI quickly, widely, at scale and safely. The real productivity gains from AI comes not from the IT department, but from our businesses and workers having the skills, the tools and the wherewithal to engineer their work processes, workflow by workflow. That's where the cutting edge of value creation arises. But having said that, every powerful engine needs good brakes, safeguards. As the capabilities of AI advance, our safeguards must keep pace. We need rigorous testing and evaluation before deployment. We need clear limits on what autonomous systems can do and mechanisms to intervene when they behave in ways we do not intend. And since the risks from AI do not remain confined behind borders, it means we also need rules of the road that will form a shared global understanding of how we will collectively confront this challenge. Just as all of us instinctively understand traffic lights the same way, whether we're here in New York or in Beijing, Moscow or Singapore. Most importantly, human beings must ultimately remain in control and accountable. Let me give you an extreme thought experiment. Do you want the nuclear button to be in the hands of a human being or an AI? Think about that. The scarce resource today is not legal architecture or technology. It is trust. Trust that the risks will be disclosed, that testing will be comprehensive and credible, and that cooperation will be inclusive and not be used to secure unilateral advantage. The technology has already become an arena for strategic competition precisely when international cooperation is most needed. Any durable international approach must give all states a meaningful stake. Not only those who already have the most advanced models, or the deepest pockets, or the largest set of armaments. So the question is how do we build trust? We begin with the science. Even where states have differences on governance, I believe it is possible for us to work together to collectively understand the capabilities and risks of AI models, to develop comparable methods for testing and evaluation, and to report serious incidents quickly across borders. We are not starting from zero. If you carefully go through what we already have today, the UN's Independent International Scientific Panel on AI already helps to establish a common understanding based on evidence. The Global Dialogue on AI Governance can help to translate that common understanding into common objectives, and the ITU's AI for Good Global Commission brings together leaders from government, industry and international institutions to discuss challenges and to come up with practical solutions. We must urgently establish common rules and safeguards for AI, and we should build on the many ongoing discussions in different formats and groupings. And here I want to make a point: the UN, the United Nations has a critical role to play in building convergence, because this is the only apex international institution with universal membership. We must explore all options, including the idea of a UN framework Convention on AI safeguards. We may also need an international institution that can perform for AI some of the functions that currently exist for institutions that perform this function of setting common technical standards and the examples are the International Telecommunications Union, which provides all the International Atomic Energy Agency, which provides verification. Ultimately, the global commons are best protected by collective action agreed through an inclusive process, and Singapore commits to contribute where we can. This week we joined the call for greater safety and security of frontier AI models, and I'm glad that this was led by Finland and Norway. We will continue to contribute through platforms such as the Digital Pillar for the Forum of Small States, and by making our governance frameworks and testing tools available to all. But the work of building trust and laying the ground for global cooperation must begin now.
Today, however, these ideas are not only being called into question; they are being attacked by political actors and governments that want to take us back to a dark past. And I don't need to point them out; we all know who they are and what their modus operandi is. They start by questioning the rules, then they break them, knowing full well that nobody will dare to hold them accountable. They cut their contributions to multilateral bodies like this one. They point to their leaders and officials. They obstruct these organizations' ability to act, to then write them off as useless entities that we can do without. What they're doing, nevertheless, is a planned and coordinated demolition attempt that is presented as something that we can't stop and that's necessary. However, the reality is that it runs counter to the structural currents of history and is based on three misguided pillars. The first of these pillars is selfishness, the absurd belief that the world is a zero-sum game, where some winning must imply that others losing. The second pillar is ignorance, disregarding scientific evidence and assuming that there are countries that are so powerful that they can abuse all of the others and they don't need anyone else to prosper. And the third pillar, the worst in my opinion, is cruelty. Cruelty that isn't even moved when it sees the ribs of a starving child or a hospital reduced to rubble. Over these 8 years, I've seen these selfish, ignorant, and cruel forces grow. I've seen how they took off their masks and seized power in many places. And then I saw them start illegal wars, massacre innocent civilians. I've seen them treat millions of human beings like livestock and take away aid from those suffering the most, from poverty and disease. I've seen them pollute the atmosphere and also the ocean as if it's their own property, and conspire to destroy this organization and everything it represents. I'm saying this because bearing witness to these things has changed the way that I understand the world. However, it hasn't led me to lose hope. Because also, over these 8 years, I've seen wonderful things that allow me to still have confidence in humanity. For example, I've seen millions of people mobilized to defend nature, peace, and civil rights. I've seen thousands of activists and public servants confront these reactionary powers, knowing full well that they're putting their professional careers and even their own lives at risk. I've seen scientists make progress that we thought was impossible. And I've seen many governments do things right, opting for cooperation, social justice, and environmental sustainability. All of this has taught me something that I want to share with all of you, and that is that humanity is not intrinsically good or bad. Humanity can actually be both. And every day, every year, and in each and every crisis, we must decide how to act. The United Nations is one of these spaces where these decisions are made at the highest level. And the UN doesn't always do it well. Of course, I myself, on several occasions, have called out the contradictions and lackings of this body. However, with the same belief, I must call out the fact that the majority of the voices that today insist on criticizing the United Nations are not describing its failure; what they're doing is trying to cause its failure. And I must also say that multilateralism is the best tool that humanity has to manage its diversity and its interdependence, especially in a globalized and multipolar world like the world we're living in today. And this is why what we need to do is ramp up our trust in this organization. We must renew it and strengthen it so that this century it can play the same key role that it played last century. And doing this will not be easy. However, the good news is that all of the guidance we need is right here, in the United Nations Charter. In this charter, they wrote the best chapters. Our forefathers wrote it, the men and women who saw the world burn, and even then, they dared to imagine a better future. These men and women laid down their wisdom and their hope in this charter. And they didn't ask us to keep it in a glass case. They asked us to fulfill it. They asked us to defend it, and for us to turn back to it in times of uncertainty and extraordinary difficulty. And today is one of those times. And therefore, it's our duty to rise to the courage and the ambition present in this text, in the United Nations Charter. And this is why, ladies and gentlemen, we need to reform the Security Council so that all of the regions in the world have fair representation, and so that we can do away with the right of veto of the permanent members. Because as the UN Charter sets out, no country should be judged in its own case, no matter how powerful they are. We therefore need to strengthen all of the other main bodies and reorganize the agencies, funds and programs, and provide them with more resources and more executive capacity so that they can have a more decisive impact on the great challenges that beset humanity. We must strengthen bodies like the International Criminal Court so that they can investigate, prosecute, and punish those that break the rules. It took humanity centuries to replace might is right with the rule of law. And we must not be the generation that backtracks on this. It's for this very reason that we must rebuild the nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament architecture to avoid a poorly designed security policy that brings us back to another global conflict. And we must impose strict regulations on the tech oligarchs who control the functioning of social networks and the development of artificial intelligence. Because at the end of the day, the future of our children is more important than the pockets of these tech oligarchs. And of course, doing all of these things will require compromise, time, strong leadership, being able to build agreements, to listen, to look beyond our known reality, and imagine a better alternative. And what I'm advocating for, for this leadership, is very clear. Nine men have served as Secretary-General of this organization in its 80 years of existence.
The world must not become accustomed to the suffering. Yemen as a great country, with its strategic location, its ports, its resources, its human capital. The challenge lies in unleashing those capabilities from the grip of war and transforming these capabilities into an engine for development. Today, the heroes of the Yemeni armed forces and all military formations, legitimate military formations are on the ground confronting these Houthi terrorist militias. In defense of our people, our land, our sovereignty, and our future. Here, from this very podium, I salute them. I salute their struggle. They stand today to prevent much greater harm from reaching this world. I also address a message to our people, in particular in Sana'a and Saada and Hajjah and Hodeidah and Dhamar, in every governorate, city and village under Houthi control. We tell them from here you are our people. Your suffering is our suffering. Your rights are our responsibility. You will never be outside the national project of a Yemeni state, nor outside its future. Our struggle is not against any Yemeni citizen, nor against the sons of any region, governorate, any sect or social group. Our struggle is against an armed coup that has taken hostage the state and institutions that deepened the suffering of Yemen and Yemenis to serve Iran and its schemes. Restoring the state is not a victory for one Yemeni party over another. It is the restoration of the rights of all Yemenis to their state and institutions, the Yemen through which we struggle belongs to all Yemenis. The state we seek to restore is your state. The future of Yemen will not be built by excluding any of its sons. Our cause is not merely about how to end the war, but to build what comes after it. We seek a safe, stable, prosperous Yemen that safeguards the dignity of its citizens, rebuilds its economy, provides education for its children, jobs for its youth, security for its families. Yemen that's a partner for its neighbors, a responsible guardian of its strategic location, a bridge for trade and cooperation between the Arabian Peninsula, the Horn of Africa and the wider world. That is the Yemen that we wish for the world to see. Not a Yemen of war, but a Yemen of statehood, of humanity of opportunity, Yemen of the future. Ladies and gentlemen, the Yemeni people do not ask the world to fight their battle on their behalf. They are determined to restore their state, rebuild its institutions and confront terrorism in all its forms.
Zambia continues to salute His Excellency Antonio Guterres for reminding us that the answer to a more divided and multipolar world is not less multilateralism, but a stronger fairer and more representative United Nations. The theme of this session Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all is both timely and necessary. Trust is the foundation on which international cooperation is built upon. Yet today, trust in institutions, trust amongst nations, and most importantly, trust between the institutions that serve the people is under strain. Trust means that the founding principles of the United Nations Charter must be respected. For Zambia, trust begins with keeping promises. Trust means that international agreements must be honoured. Trust means that development commitments must be financed. Trust means that the voices of developing countries matter in word and in deed. Trust means the global system must not protect the interests of the powerful at the expense of the vulnerable. And trust means that when the world agrees on a goal, we must have the commitment to implement it. The world is undergoing profound transformation. Technology is changing economies and societies. Climate change is reshaping livelihoods. Geopolitical competition is altering global trade and investment patterns. Conflicts are causing massive displacements and humanitarian suffering. And yet developing countries continue to confront a financing system that does not adequately reflect and respond to their development needs. The question before us is therefore not whether transformation will happen, but it is rather how we manage transformation, who benefits from it, and whether our multilateral institutions are capable of delivering meaningful results for ordinary people. For Zambia, the answer is clear we must restore trust by achieving results, and we must manage transformation by ensuring that no country and no one is left behind. Zambia's democratic journey and the 2026 elections. Mr. president,
When we took office of a country in ruins, on the brink of the worst crisis in its history, one thing was clear to us from the outset: we had to confront our problems with absolute honesty. Lying to ourselves in order to feel better was going to get us nowhere. It's always preferable to tell an uncomfortable truth than a comforting lie. So believe me when I say that I know what I'm talking about when, in a constructive spirit, I point to the problems facing this organization which purports to guide states and arbitrate between them.
Artificial intelligence already confronts us with another question how can we make full use of the possibilities created by innovation without allowing technology to move faster than our ability to protect people? I'm thinking, in particular, of children who are growing up in a world where AI can open extraordinary possibilities, but also creates new vulnerabilities. We must neither hold back innovation out of fear, nor assume that it will regulate itself. At sea, as in the digital world, freedom needs rules if it is to remain freedom.
It might seem that this is a pessimistic speech to many of you. No, dear friends, not at all. I'm simply convinced that the only way to change reality and to build a better world is, firstly, to acknowledge the reality that we face, to confront the problems in front of us, not to sweep them under the carpet or hide them in our speeches. That is why I've come here with an optimistic message. Things can change. The world can be better. Peace is not a chimera. It is a real possibility. And my country, Paraguay, is entitled to say so because we know all too well the harsh truth of the words of Erasmus of Rotterdam:" War is sweet only to those who have never experienced it." Paraguay has experienced it, all too painfully and directly. We know what happens when multilateralism fails. People die. The earth becomes stained with blood. And the price is paid not only today but for generations to come. That is why my country knows that multilateralism and dialogue are the only alternative. Today I have come here to defend these ideas firmly so that they become a reality. Extremism in the defense of multilateralism is no vice. It is a virtue. Let us be extremists, dear friends, extremists in defense of multilateralism, concord, and peace. Just as Paraguay rose from a bloody war, the world can do so too.
No more exploitation. Excellencies, The fourth power test is technology, and above all artificial intelligence. For centuries, power came from territory. Then industry. Then finance. Today, power increasingly comes from data, computing capacity and algorithms. This new power is highly concentrated. It is advancing at extraordinary speed. And racing ahead of our ability to understand its full consequences. In 2017, AI was barely on the world’s radar. Yet in my first address to the opening of the General Assembly, I warned – and I quote: “Artificial intelligence is a game changer that can boost development and transform lives in spectacular fashion. But it may also have a dramatic impact on labour markets and, indeed, on global security and the very fabric of societies.” Unquote. Here we are, almost a decade later. AI is indeed a game changer – with enormous promise to advance medicine, accelerate scientific discovery, expand opportunity, and improve lives. Make no mistake. The danger is not technology. The danger is technology without accountability: Capability without oversight. Decision-making without transparency. And that danger cannot be minimized. The very developers building these systems are now pulling the alarm. Excellencies, The first duty of government is to protect its people. Governments must assume their responsibilities. And governments with the greatest AI capabilities have the greatest responsibilities to humanity. To establish channels for dialogue, transparency, trust and cooperation. Not despite geopolitical rivalry – but precisely because of it. At a pivotal moment during the Cold War, strategic rivals came to recognize the need to manage shared existential risks. They built mechanisms to reduce misunderstandings, manage escalation, and prevent catastrophe. Artificial intelligence demands the same clarity of purpose and sense of urgency. Those countries leading this technological revolution must share information on emerging safety risks. Cooperate on testing and evaluation. And work towards common safeguards that protect us all. But because this affects us all, global coordination is indispensable. And there is only one place where every country has a voice in shaping our common future: The United Nations. Through the Global Digital Compact, you agreed for the first time on universal principles for AI governance. Through the Global Dialogue on AI Governance, we created a platform for governments, scientists, industry leaders and civil society to work together. Through the Independent International Scientific Panel on AI, we have brought together global expertise to ensure that policy is guided by evidence. Just yesterday, the AI Scientific Panel released a thematic brief on AI safety and risks from loss of human control. Building on these efforts, we must take the next steps. First, to advance the conditions for the responsible pacing of AI and the additional safeguards needed to address risks. Second, to work towards a multilateral AI Risk Management Framework, supported by credible and independent oversight. And in all our efforts, we must ensure no country is left behind. Artificial intelligence must be shaped by humanity, with humanity, and for all humanity. And as we confront the challenges ahead, let us not retreat from two fundamental principles. Let us say with one voice: Children must never become the test subjects for unregulated systems. And let us resolve that life-and-death decisions must never be surrendered to machines. Killer robots must have no place in our future. Excellencies, Peace and security. Inequality.
Transnational criminal networks are using our ocean as a highway for illicit drugs, undermining our sovereignty and national security, destroying young lives and tearing at the fabric of our communities. Behind every statistic stands a family, a community, a young life robbed of its promise. We will not allow criminal networks to profit from the vulnerability of our people. We are amending our Dangerous Drugs Act to introduce stiffer penalties as a deterrent, and we are strengthening law enforcement to prevent and detect these crimes and to hold perpetrators accountable. In August this year, Solomon Islands acceded to the UN Convention Against Transnational Organised Crime, a clear demonstration of our resolve to confront this threat. These are costly and demanding undertakings, and no Pacific country can win this fight alone. We call for stronger international cooperation, greater information sharing, sustained investment in the capacity of our law enforcement agencies, and the support for prevention and rehabilitation. Our vision of a peaceful and secure Pacific extends beyond transnational crime. As enshrined in the Ocean of Peace declaration, our region must remain free of nuclear weapons and free from destabilizing external influence.
Peace and security are indivisible, and everyone has a right to them. In Ukraine, for almost five years now, Russia has been waging a cruel war on civilians. It's been occupying the territory of a sovereign state. France will continue providing unstinting support for the legitimate aspirations of the Ukrainian people to peace, security and to a future. At the same time, we will spare no effort to ensure that useful negotiations between Russia and Ukraine begin as swiftly as possible. We must defend Ukrainians more than ever as winter is coming. We must defend them on the energy front. We must give them more interceptors. We must protect the civilian population. And this is why we'd like to express our support. A double moratorium, a moratorium on strikes, on energy and civilian infrastructure. That's first, and a Black Sea moratorium, which would allow us to release grain shipments. Addressing food security concerns, food security being so important for many emerging economies, for many developing nations. This double moratorium is a necessity. Let's put it on the table. And let's confront Russia with this reality. In the Middle East, we are also seeking peace and security for all. This is what we defend. Respect for sovereignty in Lebanon, displaced Lebanese people. Their villages are being razed in the south. Only a fully sovereign Lebanon will be able to disarm Hezbollah and restore security for all Lebanese and their neighbors. Sovereignty for Lebanon and its people, sovereignty for Palestinians, their most basic rights are once again being violated. One year ago in this very chamber, several dozen states recognized Palestine. I understand that some are very cynical. You recognized it on paper. Look at the reality of the situation. But what is our credibility worth if we remain inactive on Gaza? Some claim that peace has been achieved, but this has not opened up humanitarian deliveries. The spectacle. It is shameful. Shame on all of us. Look at what's happening in the West Bank where day in, day out we are seeing violations. And in the name of what? Hamas was never very active in the West Bank. What we need is respect for the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, their legitimate right to exist. This is a prerequisite for security today and tomorrow for the people of Israel. Their security, their very existence to which we're very committed. But all those who claim that Israel's security requires the violation of the sovereignty of all of its neighboring states and making very fateful error, they are weakening Israel's security today. And going forward, they are threatening Israel's security, in fact. Sovereignty for Syria as well. The revolution should not turn into a disappointment. A few months ago in Damascus, I lent France's support to building a free Syria, and we must continue these efforts, allowing Syria to fully reassert its sovereignty and unity. France is committed across all of these fronts, just like we're committed with Italy. With the help of Jordan and other friends of Lebanon. We've been committed for 50 years to UNIFIL, to all Lebanese. So no double standards.
So while others have talked, I have acted. While others have spoken of peace, I have made peace. While others have ignored threats, I have confronted them. While others have talked of courage, America has shown it. While others have promised strength, I have used it to make America the most powerful country in the world. Working with many nations in this room, we are solving decades of intractable challenges, and we are settling years of unfinished business. And we're doing it well. There is no better example of a danger that was allowed to gather strength at the world's peril than the number one sponsor of terror, the Islamic Republic of Iran. For 51 years, the fanatical Iranian regime has ruled by bloodshed and mass murder, spreading death and carnage and chaos across the entire Middle East and beyond. They were the bully of the Middle East, but they are the bully no more. From the first day I entered the political arena, I've been unwavering. I will never allow Iran to have a nuclear weapon. Upon taking office last year, I immediately opened negotiations with Iran and offered them full economic cooperation in exchange for ending their nuclear program and support for terror. But they refused. They absolutely refused. That was a big mistake. Then in Operation Midnight Hammer, the U.S. military obliterated their nuclear program beneath mountains of rubble. And again, I urged Iran to make a deal. And again they refused. The regime continued building a vast missile and drone stockpile that threatened the security of every American service member in the region and everyone else in the region. They also made a missile that was capable of hitting Europe, and they were very proud of it. I hope the Europeans realize that Iran's goal was to complete their mad dash to a nuclear bomb from behind this conventional ballistic missile shield. If they had succeeded, that wicked regime would have been free to spread terror and death forever, knowing that any attempt to stop them would face an arsenal of nuclear annihilation. In America, we just marked the 25th anniversary of the worst terror attack in history, September 11th, which killed 3000 people just a few miles from here. It was an unbelievably terrible time. In two weeks, we will mark the third anniversary of the October 7th attack in Israel, where terrorists funded by Iran tortured, mutilated and killed 1200 very innocent civilians, including dozens of Americans and many babies, babies, little tiny, beautiful babies. Iran's supreme leader celebrated that massacre and called it a service to humanity. The same regime slaughtered over 72,000 of its citizens this year. Recently, 10,000 were killed for protesting. Just imagine such a vile regime were ever empowered to carry out large scale terror attacks from behind a nuclear shield. This was the reality we had to confront, a reality that far too many preferred to ignore. They all ignored it. Many presidents and many others just wanted to ignore it. They were unwilling to do anything about it, but they knew the problem. After giving Iran every chance for a deal, I took action to ensure that neither the United States nor any nation in this hall would ever have to face such a nightmare, such a catastrophic problem. As a result of Operation Epic Fury, all 159 ships of their navy are now lying at the bottom of the sea. Likewise, their air force is gone. Their radar is gone, their anti-aircraft equipment is gone. Their missiles and drone manufacturing capacity is almost gone. Their economy is gone. The only thing that isn't gone is inflation, which is destroying their country and is now well over 300%. Yet even after we agreed to a cease fire for nuclear discussions, Iran promptly violated it with brazen acts of terrorism against civilian ships from other countries. I want to thank the U.N. Security Council for voting overwhelmingly to pass a resolution condemning Iran's despicable terrorist attacks on commercial shipping. Thank you very much. That resolution, I'm pleased to say, received more co-sponsors from U.N. member nations than any Security Council resolution in history. That's something. Now, we must be equally united in maintaining pressure. The United States Navy has recently escorted more than 1 billion barrels of oil out of the Strait of Hormuz, and more oil is flowing than at any point since the start of the war. We're taking 22, 25, 30, 32 and 37 ships out, respectively, every single day, every single night. But I have a big decision to make. Will a deal be made with Iran that lets them rebuild and create a far greater country than it ever was before? Maybe one of the greatest in the Middle East, or even the world. Or do I annihilate the Islamic Republic and do it quickly, never giving them a chance to kill and destroy people and countries again? Do I drive them into hell with no chance of survival and no hope of future greatness or generations? But I believe we'll make a deal right after the election, because it doesn't make sense for them not to. They're waiting to see how I do in the midterm election. What they don't realize is that I'm not running. I did that already and won in a landslide. We won in a giant landslide, and I'll be here for two and a half years. The Republican Party is running and I'll be helping them, but I am not running. I gave absolutely no credence and will not give credence to the election. When it comes to Iran, it doesn't even enter my mind. The only thing that does is that Iran will never have a nuclear weapon. The cowards and traitors. Thank you. Thank you. The cowards and traitors would love to say the United States is low on munitions, but that's not true. We have more munitions than we could ever possibly even think of using, and we're building them at levels that we have never done before. We are adding to our stockpiles faster than we have ever been able to do before. Top of the line stuff. In addition, in the very near future, massive munition plants will be opening. There are 18 of them being built by the greatest defense companies in the world right now 18 under construction. Some of them very quickly will be completed. They're almost there. And that rapid construction will be leading to very rapid deployment of missiles of every type and ammunition of every type, and will be able to supply our allies at a much faster rate than we're doing right now. I call on all nations to join us in enforcing the complete economic isolation of Iran, until they stop their attacks on commercial shipping, relinquish their nuclear ambitions, and cease their support of terror. The terrorist regime is behaving badly, not because they are strong and confident, but because they are weak and desperate. If we stand united, we will soon see a world free of the last 51 year menace of Iranian terror. And oil prices will come plummeting down even lower than they were at the start of the conflict. And they were very low in the United States. They were really low. With courage and resolve, anything is possible. Big changes can happen and happen fast. One year ago, when I addressed the great leaders in this hall, the war in Gaza was still raging brutally. The hostages were still deep in Hamas tunnels and there was no end in sight. It was never going to be resolved. But here on the sidelines of the General Assembly, we took the first steps. That changed everything. A few weeks later, we ended the war in Gaza, saving untold thousands of lives. We also brought home all remaining hostages, both living and dead. Every single one of them. Thank you. Thank you. Everyone thought it was a miracle that we were able to do so. And people celebrated in the streets. I want to express my gratitude to the United Nations Security Council for their unanimous endorsement of our 20 point Gaza peace plan, and for officially approving the Board of Peace. Going to be a very significant group of people. Nearly 30 countries have joined the board, which I am honored to chair, and we're thankful to many of those member nations for contributing billions and billions of dollars to relief. And it goes right to the rebuilding and relief. Morocco, Bahrain, these are the countries that gave Qatar, Kuwait, Kazakhstan, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Uzbekistan, and many more. That money goes right to the source, right where they need it, and they desperately need it. And those countries are very have been very generous, and others also are stepping up at numbers that nobody would even believe because they want to see people live. They want to see the humanitarian thing happen properly. They've been fantastic. I also want to thank those who have committed troops police and training to help stabilize Gaza, including Indonesia, Morocco, Albania, Kosovo, Kazakhstan, Egypt, Jordan and more. Since I took office, it has been my great honor to settle eight wars and in so doing, become friendly with the leaders of many of those countries. It was a great honor to do it. Numerous of these wars have gone on for many years and even decades. The reason I was able to make these settlements was the use of my relationships. Very special relationships to this day, very, very special trade, the use of tariffs and the threat of tariffs and various other reasons depending on the country. Among them, terms of settlement, Cambodia and Thailand, Kosovo and Serbia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda, Pakistan and India, Armenia and Azerbaijan. And of course, the war in Gaza, which, as I stated previously, includes the return of all hostages, both living and dead. Almost every one of these countries wrote me a letter of thank you. The Prime Minister of Pakistan, terrific man, said that Donald Trump was responsible for saving 30 million lives, and probably many more than that. The president of Azerbaijan said President Trump in six months, did a miracle. It was an absolute miracle that nobody thought could be done. The Prime Minister of Armenia said this breakthrough would simply not have been possible without President Trump's personal engagement and his resolute commitment to peace. A president of Cambodia stated President Trump's extraordinary statesmanship, marked by his commitment to resolving conflicts and preventing catastrophic wars through visionary, innovative diplomacy was most recently demonstrated in his decisive role in brokering an immediate and unconditional cease fire and peace. This timely intervention which averted a potentially devastating conflict, was vital in preventing a great loss of lives and paved the way towards the restoration of peace. The president of Rwanda said when President Trump saw the opportunity to contribute to peace, he immediately took it. This conflict has lasted for 32 years. Millions and millions of people have died. We got it settled. We've seen countless mediations and efforts, but none has succeeded in resolving the underlying issues. President Donald Trump issued a new and effective statement that really has brought great peace and space through really a breakthrough that we thought was impossible. We're working very closely with the leaders of Russia and Ukraine, and we will get that one done. It's going to happen, I think, more quickly than people understand. They've had it. 25000 young people, mostly soldiers a month, are dying 25000 a month. And I look at those battlefield pictures and I really don't want to see them anymore. It's so horrible to see 25,000 a month. Both sides. In addition, the United States and Iran will definitely get it done. We will get it done one way or the other. It's going to be done. It's going to be done fast. A lot has happened since we last gathered here one year ago. In January, at my direction, the United States military conducted a massive military operation penetrating deep into the Venezuelan capital, Caracas, descended on a heavily defended and fortified military base, one that was supposed to be flawless against attack, and arrested the outlaw dictator, real criminal Nicolás Maduro.
