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And I would like to begin by talking not about the government, but rather the people, the Bolivian people, the homeland people that has gone through difficult times, a people that knows poverty, but also that knows the meaning of work, that knows division, but also knows how to recognize one another in unity. That has been through economic and political crises, social conflicts, and times of uncertainty, but which has never lost sight of something fundamental. And that is the hope of building a better life. I come from a country that today is facing a reality that we cannot hide. But first of all, allow me to say one thing. A part of those 20 years of the reality of a country that has been dragged along, is due to the consequences of a time of ideological construction on our continent. In the case of part of South America, where one leader came here and said, this smells of sulfur. It was part of a political and ideological line, which was, uh, being built upon by another leader who brought a coca leaf here. And he turned a traditional leaf into a historic leaf, a leaf that is part of our culture. He turned it into a betrayal. So that construction and development and the vision of a the development of a nation would be betrayed. Today the Bolivian economy. In 2026 had inflation of more than 20%. But it was a country that was an energy power in gas and hydrocarbons and mining. Nevertheless, we were reduced to a country that now has to be negotiating with multilateral institutions and with various different nations, and that is not right. They said that they were socialists. However, we carried out a campaign a ten months ago, in the ten months since I've been president, with the concept of capitalism for all of resources financial capacities, being able to invest and develop socialism and ideology does not put food on the table. What does is employment and the development of our economies and our production. When I took on the challenge of government, there were $51 million in our reserves because the reserves of the central bank had been entirely liquidated. Now, ten months on, we have nearly 1.2 billion and we, by the end of the year, are heading towards nearly 4 billion. And in the following 18 months, nearly $10 billion. For many nations, that might not be much, but for Bolivia it is a record, a milestone, a challenge, and a process of construction to build, strengthen our democracy and to strengthen our productive model within the country. I say this clearly, being able to look at the reality in my country, which decided to engage in a change and a transformation and to not turn back to the past. We are indeed doing this. We are ordering our economy. We are putting our house in order. We are facing up to the shortage of fuel. We are rebuilding our reserves. We are reforming our institutions. We are trying to restore internal and external trust in the country. We are doing something that we thought was even more important. We are trying to restore that trust in Bolivians so that we can move forward, because a nation that does not rebuild its trust cannot move ahead with money alone, with clear rules, with labor, with institutions that work, education, security and justice. It's one thing to have a government which we do have. It's quite another thing to have governability, which we do now have, because the Parliament is now drafting and approving laws and governance is yet another thing. Governance, governability and governance are not the same things. And in governance there was a deep rooted danger that we should denounce in this space of the United Nations, 53 days.
Ladies and gentlemen, this morning on my way to New York, somewhere in the sky over the big and beautiful Atlantic Ocean, I read President Trump's post on Truth Social. The president wrote that Russia has lost control of its diesel oil industry due to its war with Ukraine, and it is hard to imagine a more humiliating loss for a country that has a permanent seat on the UN Security Council and takes so much pride in its oil exports. I quote," A large number of their diesel refineries have been blown up and are at least temporarily out of commission." End of quote. And this is true: Russia messed up. And the conclusion of the post is also right: this ridiculous and never-ending war with Ukraine must be ended. I do not know a single world leader who would say otherwise. I do not know anyone who is openly for this war, except one man. Ladies and gentlemen, for almost 5 years now, Russian generals have been trying to carry out Putin's crazy order to seize our eastern land, the Donetsk region. And just this year, from January through August, the Russian army lost 248,964 people on the battlefield in Ukraine in 8 months. 248,000. Killed and badly wounded. Twenty-one centuries in the world have smaller populations. Twenty-one countries in the world have smaller population than the number of Russian troops lost in just 8 months. We have video confirmation for every one of these losses. And these are not just statistics; it's about people. We have an archive of drone videos, videos showing thousands and thousands of Russians losing their lives in kill zones. It's madness. But they still keep going there to die, because that is what Putin wants. After losing so many people, Russia managed to capture just over 1,000 square kilometers of our land this year, and we have already liberated a significant part of it. Russia is a country that already has 17 million square kilometers of its own land, without any Ukrainian territory, by the way. So to add another 1,000 square kilometers, Putin is paying with 248 people for every kilometer. Does anyone still think that he is reasonable and moderate? His comrade, the leader of North Korea, sent his troops to Russia to support the weak points of the Russian army. The North Koreans also suffered losses. Heavy losses. You probably saw the broadcast from Pyongyang when they honored those who were killed. And this is madness too. Why should Koreans give their lives in a war against Ukraine? Kim Jong-un uses them like currency, and he gets something in return. And North Korea's neighbors and countries across Asia have probably already noticed its improved ballistic missiles and Pyongyang's much greater drone capabilities. So a war that was not prevented in time, was not stopped in time, and for which Russia was not punished in time, keeps spreading and spreads evil with it. Recently, we sent two North Korean prisoners of war to the Republic of Korea. These guys are not easy to capture alive. One of them, when he realized he was going to be taken prisoner, tried to kill himself, and he was shocked that fate didn't let him die. And this is how they raise people in the North. It's reality. They take away their freedom. They take away their right to choose. And they drill into them that they must die, no matter what. Do you really want to give such a force more time to learn how to wage war? This has already been going on for 5 years. And we know that Putin recently once again promised representatives from the American president that he would seize our Donetsk region, and he said he needs just a few more months. This is probably the 17th or 18th time in 5 years that he has made this promise. It's always the same:" just a few, a few more months." And then he moves the deadline, moves again. Putin will fail this time too. But after that, he will once again make it clear to the world that even our Donetsk region is not enough for him. He wants more of our cities: Odesa and Kharkiv, Dnipro and others. Someone in the Kremlin even put up a picture with the words "Own to Kyiv." Russia has claims against our neighbor Moldova. It constantly threatens Poland and the Baltic States. Russia shows no respect for the statehood of the countries of the South Caucasus and Central Asia. And sadly, sadly, people in Syria and across Africa also know very well what Russian killers are. Something always seems to stop Putin from simply saying," That's it. Enough. Peace." Something always stops him from admitting that 17 million, 17 million square kilometers of his own territory, internationally recognized by all of you, should be enough for this man. Putin is always looking for someone who can help him kill more, kill more people for every kilometer of land, take more territory, attack another country, instead of simply stopping and running his own country. After all of this, can you even imagine him without war? He is patient zero. The one from whom this idea of war keeps spreading further. And wherever it spreads, it brings only pain, instability, new risks, and of course new crisis. The more freedom Putin has to act, the more dangerous the world becomes for everyone else. That is why patient zero must be stopped. He must be denied the space to act and the space to spread this evil further. Ladies and gentlemen, last year, speaking here, I said that we are living in a time when weapons decide who survives. And I've said, if a nation wants peace, it must work on strong weapons. Ukraine is doing exactly that. And this is why, for the first time in Russia's history, we now hear that its pride, its oil industry, is running off fumes. But oil itself is not Ukraine's target. Not our target. Not gasoline or diesel. Not factories or ports as such. Our target is Russia's ability to finance this war, to drag it out, to make it more brutal and more destructive. Russia's finances and Russia's production are what must be stopped if Putin is to be stopped. And our great soldiers and our weapons are working for this, only for this. The world's support for Ukraine helps us do it. And I am grateful to everyone, to every country that stands with us, stands with Ukraine, and helps our people.
For some, security means protecting borders; for others, it means food, water, energy, or the future of their children. And many countries face all of these challenges at once. That is why a world ruled mainly by power rather than by rules would be dangerous for everyone. For small countries such as Slovakia, this is especially clear. But no country, large or small, is truly safe in a world where international law is ignored and institutions are weakened. Sadly, we no longer need to imagine such a world. We can already see parts of it around us: trade is becoming less predictable, security cooperation is more fragmented, the idea that every country should have a voice is under pressure. And when rules are weakened, when cooperation is replaced by confrontation, all of us become more vulnerable. But we still have a choice. The international system we have built is not perfect. It can be slow. It can be frustrating. At times, it does not deliver as quickly as people need. But the solution is not to destroy it. The solution is to make it work better. Slovakia is firmly anchored in the United Nations, NATO, and the European Union. We believe in cooperation. But we also believe that institutions must produce real results. Over the past year, Slovakia has hosted several international meetings and offered space for dialogue. Where we can be useful, we are ready to help bring parties together and to support diplomacy within the UN framework. Because when diplomacy stops, confrontation fills the space. That is why, when we speak about the United Nations, I believe in evolution rather than revolution. The world has changed, and the United Nations must change with it. The Security Council should better reflect today's realities and give a stronger voice to countries and regions that are still underrepresented. Countries from the region often understand a crisis best. Giving them a stronger voice can help us act earlier and prevent escalation. Slovakia sees its engagement in UN reform as a part of its responsibility to disorganization, including through UN80 and the implementation of the Pact for the Future. Our responsibility to the wider international order is also reflected in our candidacy for the Security Council for 2028 and 2029. We would be, of course, grateful for your trust and support. If elected, Slovakia will focus on four priorities: international law and the UN Charter, accountable security institutions, the protection of strategic resources and critical infrastructure, and the security challenges linked to digitalization and artificial intelligence. I fully share the concern of the United Nations about the inequalities that can be created by unequal access to artificial intelligence. It is in our common interest that innovation benefits all of humanity, not only the strongest economies or the biggest companies.
The war in was in Ukraine, the Middle East, Sudan, Haiti, Yemen and Africa, including the expansion of terrorism in the Sahel. All of these bear witness to the continued worsening and deep cracks in international peace and security in Gaza and indeed throughout the OPT. Human suffering is unconscionable. The systemic. There are systemic violations of international law, and these are unacceptable. It is high time to act to halt the horror of mass murder and destruction. No country, no. No peace, no security can be viable, nor can it last without the two state solution Palestine, with East Jerusalem as its capital, and Israel the two living side by side with in safe and internationally recognized borders. In a situation of ongoing conflict which favors an arms race, which erodes disarmament mechanisms and fuels risk linked to new technologies, and that the fact that there is an arms race in outer space. In this context, we call for a collective stirring peaking of our conscience. Peace is not a simple aspiration. It cannot be It is a collective responsibility. It is for this reason that as interim president of ECOWAS, I will spare no effort to work to bring about peace and security in the subregion. Of course, I will be doing this alongside the African Union and the United Nations. Working closely with them. I am now thinking specifically here of the fight against terrorism. It must be a common struggle because the scourge of terrorism Is cross border by its very nature. The Sahel must not be abandoned to its desolate fate. Its stability stabilization must be pursued. It cannot be forgotten Of course, there are worsening health crises. The Ebola epidemic is an example of just that. Global inequalities are increasing climate. The climate urgency has become an even more bitter reality. The human and economic and social cost of these of these phenomenon continue to grow. There are many environmental perils facing our age. We need to act on all fronts. That is our ambition for the third United Nations Water Conference that Senegal will co-organize with the United Arab Emirates.
As we forge ahead with the SDGs, reform of the United International Financial Architecture is critical to a more equitable and inclusive global economic order. Such reforms should create greater policy space and access to financing to enable countries to expand their economies through value addition to their natural resources, including critical minerals, for our people to have full benefit of our resources. This will accelerate sustainable development, address inequality, create jobs for our youth, and lift our population out of poverty. In this context, we welcome the creation of the African Credit Rating Agency to be launched in Mauritius in October this year. This development is a building block of Africa taking ownership of her development and prosperity agenda. It demonstrates progress in Africa's ambitions to drive impetus for the reform of the international financial architecture in order to ensure a level playing field. Middle-income countries continue to face high borrowing costs, limited fiscal space, debt vulnerabilities, climate-related shocks, and persistent inequality. Namibia reaffirms this severe commitment as an important step towards reforming the international financial architecture and strengthening the global partnership for sustainable development.
And very often the countries with the least economic room to maneuver bear the greatest burden in proportionate terms. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea confers rights, but it also imposes obligations. The safety of navigation, the protection of the marine environment, and respect for the rights of coastal states. A smaller navy doesn't mean fewer rights, nor does a larger one confer the right to impose its will. No country should have to surrender the rights the law gives simply because another can send more ships. That is why maritime disputes must be settled by law, not by intimidation. And that is why freedom of navigation depends on common rules, so that every country can exercise its rights while respecting those of others, but keeping our sea routes open also means keeping them safe all the way into our ports. The International Ship and Port Facility Security Code, the famous ISPS code offers a very concrete example of what multilateralism can achieve when it works. Piracy, terrorism and crime are scourges that we must fight together, and that code must be strengthened. Belgium understands its importance. Freedom and security are not opposing ideas. Security is a condition of freedom. I dwell on freedom of navigation because it illustrates something larger. Sovereignty doesn't require isolation. We can defend our interests while accepting that others have rights too. And when rules are clear and predictable enough, a space of competition can still remain a space of cooperation. The ocean, moreover, are far more than the highways of our trades. They feed populations, regulate our climates, and absorb much of the excess heat caused by global warming. For many small island states, rising sea levels affect the land on which the citizens live, in some cases, the culture and the very ability to remain where the families have lived for generations. The freedom to use the ocean, therefore, comes with a responsibility to preserve it. And on this point, allow me to be optimistic. The BBNJ Agreement entered into force this year after almost 20 years of negotiations, almost 20 years. Measured against a political cycle, this is close to an eternity. Measured against the building of international law, it is sometimes the time needed to reach a compromise strong enough to last. The agreement proves that even today, we continue to build international law rather than dismantle it, and Belgium has invested greatly in this process. It helped launch the Blue Leaders, a coalition of countries working to protect at least 30% of the ocean by 2030 and secure an ambitious high sea treaty. The agreement now gives us an essential tool to advance toward that protection goal. But 20 years of negotiations must not be followed by years of waiting. It is in that spirit that Belgium is offering to host the treaty's future secretariat in Brussels. We are ready to enable it to work from day one. It will be able to draw on our scientific expertise and on a community that brings together international organizations, embassies and civil society so that we have agreed together becomes real protection at sea. Beneath those same oceans run other vital routes: the cables that connect the continents and carry much of our digital communications and energy. Here too, our interdependence is plain to see. A break, an act of sabotage or an attack can have consequences thousands of kilometers away. Protecting those connections is essential, but our responsibility in the digital world doesn't end with infrastructure.
When member states approach negotiations with political will, mutual respect, and a sense of responsibility. Mr. president, the stakes are perhaps greatest in international peace and security. One of the foremost purposes for which this organization was created. If diplomacy can bring countries together to find common ground on difficult questions on global development, then surely we can summon the same political courage to prevent conflicts, resolve wars, and build lasting peace. The Gambia speaks on this not merely from principle, but from experience. In 2017, our country stood at a moment of acute constitutional uncertainty. The democratic choice of the Gambian people faced a grave challenge at that critical moment. The preventive diplomacy of the United Nations working in partnership with African Union and ECOWAS, helped uphold the will of the Gambian people and support a peaceful democratic transition. We have not forgotten that solidarity. It taught us that preventive diplomacy is not an abstract concept. It is a practical instrument for preventing confrontation, creating space for dialogue and protecting institutions. Sometimes it can change the course of a nation. That experience also gives us an obligation. If the international community could stand with The Gambia at a moment of fragility, then countries facing similar moments should be able to count on the same solidarity. Across the world, however, conflicts continue to destroy lives, displaced populations and reverse decades of development. Civilians bear the greatest costs, while humanitarian workers operate under increasingly dangerous conditions, and the resources available to respond to crisis remain far below what is required. The protection of civilians, respect for international humanitarian law and humanitarian access are not political conveniences. They are legal obligations and expressions of a shared humanity. We need stronger early warning systems that enable us to act before crises escalate. Timely mediation before positions become entrenched, and peace building that addresses the conditions that allow conflict to take root. The question before us must therefore not only be how to end the ongoing wars, but how to prevent the next war from beginning. Prevention should not have to wait for a crisis to become sufficiently destructive to attract international attention. It is infinitely less costly in human political and financial terms to prevent conflict than to manage its consequences after violence has begun. We therefore welcome the Secretary-General's continued good offices and in preventing diplomacy and call for these efforts to be matched with predictable and sustained resources. Mr. president, peace must be built and nurtured through institutions that command public confidence. Societies in which trust can be restored and justice pursued, and a future in which women and young people have a meaningful voice and economic opportunity is within reach. The government has experienced the value of peace building firsthand since our democratic transition. The Peace Building Commission and the Secretary-General's Peace Building Fund have been steadfast partners in our nationally led efforts to strengthen institutions, advanced transitional justice and consolidate peace. We therefore support a stronger and more responsive Peace Building Commission, adequately resourced to support countries emerging from conflict or navigating delicate political transitions. The implementation of the outcomes of the Building Architecture review must translate into stronger prevention, greater national ownership and closer coordination across the United Nations system. We also reaffirm our support for United Nations peace building operations, and pay tribute to the men and women who serve under the UN flag, including government, military and police personnel who have contributed with distinction, international peace and security. There are. Safety and security must remain a priority, alongside performance, accountability and strict adherence to international law. Partnerships between the United Nations and regional organisations, particularly the African Union, must also be deepened with sustained and predictable funding. Mr. president, the ongoing conflict in Sudan remains a matter of profound concern to The Gambia, together with continued instability across part of the Sahel. It reminds us that peace cannot be separated from development and governance. The suffering of civilians in the affected conflict zones globally demands sustained international attention and renewed diplomatic efforts towards the escalation, dialogue and a durable political settlement in the Sahel and other conflict zones. Our response must be comprehensive and holistic. Security measures are necessary but they must be accompanied by increased support for democratic governance, institution building, education job creation, development and climate resilience. Mr. president, for millions of people around the world, poverty, lack of human rights, democratic governance, etc. continue to pose greater insecurity.
But the real motivation of which lies elsewhere: in a covetousness for the significant resources that God has placed in our land. Niger's uranium, Mali and Burkina Faso's gold, lithium, gas, oil and so many other riches still make the former colonial powers salivate. They want to make us believe that we are incapable of governing, of governing ourselves, incapable of producing, of thinking, and of defending ourselves. They want to make us believe and convince us that we do not have the science, the intelligence, or the sovereignty needed to build something precious by and for ourselves, and that as a consequence, therefore, we should accept the tutelage of Emmanuel Macron's France and his allies. A France which very often acts through its local proxies, networks and complicity. For centuries they have instilled self-deprecation, fear and resignation. They continue to want to introduce permanent conflict in communities which since time immemorial, have been living in harmony in the same space and which have created peaceful mechanisms for settling disputes, such as joking kinship. For example, this perfidious attempt to destabilize the central Sahel conducted by France with the active complicity of Ukraine, is now documented, widely documented. This criminal enterprise has been dismissed, has been unmasked now that the military, political and media elites that justify it in the name of their own country's interests have themselves removed their veils and remove their masks. I say solemnly from this rostrum: the Sahel sees, the Sahel hears, the Sahel remembers, and the Sahel understands things very well. Our Sahel is determined to defend its liberty, its resources and its dignity at any cost. A people that has decided to be free cannot be recolonised through fear, through deceit, nor even through savage violence. Ladies and gentlemen, as I speak to you, on our northeastern border there are proxies led by that France, supported by Ukraine and two other countries. And you know which countries I'm alluding to. Those proxies are armed, managed and led, and they are about to attack our military positions and our oil installations. But inshallah, they will find what they deserve if they do so. The AES, the result of a long and historic struggle of our peoples against colonization and neocolonialism, is now an irreversible process towards our country's sovereignty. Make no mistake, the century that we are living in marks the end of old Hegemonies and the awakening of thus far suppressed forces. The AES is to Africa and its historic and contemporary diasporas as light is to darkness. It is for this human community that is present around the world, a source of hope and of dignity. And I say this before the world so that the world can understand: the AES is the result of a movement that dates from the dawn of time. It is a profound, lasting, irrepressible and irreversible change. Inshallah. A change which, by trimming the sharp claws of imperialism, abolishing the trade in black persons and slavery, overthrowing colonialism and neocolonialism, is bringing the peoples of Africa towards independence, sovereignty and liberty. I affirm that our Refoundation in Niger
We are already the victims of climate change. We must do it for them, and even more so for our children. Last but not least, we must hold fast and not yield on artificial intelligence. There are some who wish to make us believe that only two powers, the US and China, will be taking the decisions. They want us to believe that just a few economic actors will make all the decisions, the kinds of economic innovations that will be implemented, whether they want to take a break or not, the kinds of innovations that happen. Some of these technological developments might attack the security of our states, our hospitals or banks. They say that just a few will decide what kind of society we live in. No, no. Starting in 2018 at the G7 with our Canadian friends, we launched the Global Partnership for Artificial Intelligence under the auspices of the OECD to kickstart discussions on the need for regulation. At the AI summit in 2025. The AI Governance Summit. The next edition will be held in Switzerland next year. There was also the Indian edition. We advocated for two very simple things for everyone in the world to have their own LLM model capabilities, calculation capabilities, AI capabilities, so that we can craft a way of auditing these models instead of being reliant on just a few private actors. And in fact, Europe was the first with the AI Act to take forward these principles, to take forward these models, and we must continue down that path. Therefore, I wish to emphasize a particular point. Our young people and our children. We've spent far too long not protecting our young people and adolescents. And as a result, we're living with the consequence. Their capacity to learn is in decline. We're seeing mental health problems. The facts are stark, and the correlation is clear cut. That's why we've kickstarted a large scale initiative aimed at protecting our young people, our adolescents, to stop them accessing social networks before the age of 15. Underway in various countries. And I wish to commend our Australian colleagues, the first to take legislation on this front. We must continue down this path and see it through, but let's not wait for the consequences to come raining down on AI. We must act now to protect our children and our young people. Look at the impact chat bots have on our children. This is why, together with Kenya, Spain Australia, we've built a coalition on children's rights in the era of AI. We are mobilizing already this afternoon and also at the Paris Peace Forum on the 10th and 11th of November of this year. Governments, organizations, public and private actors, academics, private companies everyone will be rallying behind this agenda. So I hope to see you on the 10th and 11th of November in Paris. Going beyond that, we can clearly see the race that is underway in cutting edge models we must all be investing in. France is proud to have a competitive frontier model, and we will continue supporting them. So that we can have this kind of model. But we must also forge new kinds of cooperation. And I very much hope and wish for all sovereign states committed to their independence. India and Brazilian, African Gulf states, Singapore. The list goes on. This independent coalition, which I mentioned earlier, I don't want anyone to become the vassal of one of the great powers. Rather, we must come together to build an open source frontier model, a cutting edge model. Using all of the calculation capabilities you have pooling them. Our investment capabilities must be pooled to build a cutting edge, open source AI model, which we will share. We should not depend on somebody else. This is the agenda we must take forward and this through cooperation. Furthermore, there are other areas where we must set new rules AI in outer space, AI and defense, and cyber security. This has very serious consequences which affect the very heart of our national security. In Evian at the G7. Many of us lend our support for the call launched by our Finnish and Norwegian friends, and we want to continue within the framework of the G7, but also working closely with our UK colleagues who will hold the chairmanship of the G20 next year. We want to set a cooperation agenda on AI so as to protect the most sensitive components thereof, which affect our national security. We are coming to an agreement to build a new international architecture. We did this on chemical weapons. We did this when it came to other risks, and we must do the same when it comes to outer space defense, cyber security issues on which we must take control. And we need very specific kinds of cooperation, a specific framework for cooperation between member states in these areas, so as to be able to take this cooperation forward within a specific framework. We must not yield on this either.
We must move towards a more balanced international community in which Africa participates fully in global decisions and strengthens its ability to lead its own development. Equatorial Guinea reaffirms the African common position as enshrined in the Ezzelini consensus and the Sirte Declaration, which calls for two permanent seats with veto rights for Africa, as well as two additional non-permanent seats on the Security Council. Mr. president, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, respect for international law, sovereign equality and friendship with all peoples is what guides Equatorial Guinea's foreign policy. Based on that position, we encourage the United States of America and the Republic of Cuba to continue to pursue paths of dialogue, which will make it possible to end the blockade and build a relationship of mutual benefit. Moreover, we see the United Nations as a universal space for pursuing solutions to shared problems. Equatorial Guinea maintains its trust in this organization because cooperation among nations remains the most certain path towards preserving peace and building shared prosperity. We also thank Mr. Antonio Guterres for his years of service as Secretary General, for his commitment to peace and to the attention he has paid to Africa. On behalf of President Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, the government and the people of Equatorial Guinea, we express our gratitude to him. Excellencies. I will conclude by saying that the history of the United Nations shows that peace and prosperity can move ahead when nations work together, and it is in that regard that Equatorial Guinea will continue to contribute based on mutual respect, sovereign equality and dialogue to turn our cooperation into development and opportunities for future generations. Thank you very much.
Mr. president as we enter the home stretch of the 2030 agenda. Developing nations that have been squeezed by unsustainable debt, shrinking financial space and mounting external shocks. At the core, this is a crisis of international financial system designed for a different era. Liberia calls for urgent structural reform of the international financial architecture. Developing nations need concessional financing, debt sustainability and predictable development capital. Not escalating interest rates that threaten survival. At the heart of this reform must be a fairer voice and a vote for developing countries within the Bretton Woods institution, the world Bank and the International Monetary Fund, whose governance reflects the world of 1945 rather than the word of today. A financial system that decides the fate of billions cannot continue to be governed by the few. Reform of our international financial system is not a technical exercise. It is a precondition for delivering the Sustainable Development Goals and for restoring the very trust. This Assembly is meeting to discuss. At home.
However, these reform processes must not dilute agreed UN mandates, commitments, and programs, nor should they impede the implementation of the 2030 Agenda. Mr. President, when we adopted the 2030 Agenda for SDGs, the 17 SDGs, in 2015, we committed to leaving no one behind. Yet progress remains elusive, with only 36 percent of the 139 targets currently on track. Numerous obstacles hinder our efforts to accelerate progress, key among being limited physical space. Many developing countries lack sufficient financial resources to fund their development needs, with a disproportionate share of revenues directed toward debt servicing rather than critical public infrastructure and social services. This challenge requires urgent reform of international financial architecture to afford developing nations a stronger voice in decision-making, alongside the full implementation of the Sevilla Commitment of the Pact for the Future. Furthermore, equitable taxation is essential for mobilizing domestic resources. An inclusive international tax system is critical for strengthening global cooperation, curbing illicit financial flows, and addressing profit shifting by multinational cooperation.
We aspire to build space for progress and growth, together with partners from all regions around the world. For this reason, we continue to build the net, the most dense network of trade agreements in the world, covering 84 countries from around the planet. In the last 12 months alone, We've concluded negotiations and signed agreements with India, Australia, Philippines, Mercosur, Mexico, among others, benefiting billions of people. But the value of what we can do with our partners needs to go trade.
Ladies and gentlemen, attacks on information integrity pose an especially troubling challenge to every society. Disinformation, foreign information manipulation and interference and the falsification of history, erode trust, restrict civic space and target journalists and human rights defenders. As a result, human rights, democracy and security suffer. This risk is further enhanced by the development of artificial intelligence. As we all know, AI has a huge potential for transformation, especially in the field of economy. Whole sectors, including those related to defence and security might get radically changed or destroyed almost overnight. As any instrument, AI is also increasingly used by those seeking to cause harm and destruction. My country, Lithuania strongly believes that the future of AI must not be determined by authoritarian control, technological coercion or the malicious use of data. We are therefore investing in trusted AI capabilities, promoting responsible AI deployment and advancing the Vilnius Convention, the world's first legally binding international treaty on artificial intelligence. By demonstrating how shared principles can be translated into concrete legal commitments, we hope to contribute significantly to the United Nations Global Dialogue on AI Governance. Lithuania invites the international community to unite in addressing significant legal, ethical and strategic challenges posed by artificial intelligence. With even major technology companies sending warning signals that control of AI might slip out of humanity's hands, the time is ripe for collective action. Together, we must ensure that AI serves human dignity, sustainable development, and international security rather than becoming a new instrument of inequality, manipulation or conflict. At any cost, human accountability, international law and the peace and security must be safeguarded. Ladies and gentlemen, the credibility of the United Nations depends on its ability to respond firmly to aggression, unlawful conquest, forced deportations and crimes against humanity, and also to coordinate the global response to the growth of AI.
The Russia-Ukraine war is a painful reminder of the tragic human toll that occurs when diplomacy gives way to conflict, and how challenging it is to de-escalate tensions once violence erupts. The Strait of Hormuz situation demonstrates how quickly disruption in an important waterway threatens international stability, energy security, and trade worldwide. Reaffirming the primary responsibility of the UN Charter to maintain global peace and security, we uphold the sovereignty of Bahrain, Jordan, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE, and condemn the actions of Iran to jeopardize maritime security and aim to obstruct, close, and interfere with international navigation through the Strait. At our Pacific leaders' meeting in Palau, leaders expressed deep concern that China's ballistic missile test overflew several Pacific nations without adequate notice. Let me remind you: our region must never be treated as an empty expanse for strategic competition or test of military power. The Pacific is home to peoples, communities, cultures, fisheries, and ecosystems. It is the foundation of our security and the source of our nourishment and lifeline for the global community. In the face of these risks, the Pacific way is to address tensions before they become crisis, make room for dialogue before disagreement becomes conflict, seek inclusion rather than isolation, and uphold respect, restraint, and international law. The Pacific is our home, not a theater for geopolitical competition. It must remain an ocean of peace where nations meet in cooperation, international law is respected, and the security of the Pacific peoples is never compromised. In Palau, we say we are a friend to all. We choose our partners based on our shared values of democracy, human rights, and a rules-based international order, principles that underpin our friendship with Taiwan, a trusted partner that can contribute even more fully if given the space to do so.
Geneva is one such space. It is home to the UN, the WTO and numerous other international organizations, as well as scientific ones, humanitarian actors, representatives of civil society and permanent missions of almost every country in the world. Every day, people from different backgrounds representing interests that are sometimes at odds with one another come together here. They do not need to agree in order to talk to one another. That is exactly what gives such a place its value. Switzerland will therefore continue as the host state to ensure that Geneva remains open, accessible and inclusive for large states and small for the North and the South. But inclusion is not merely about having a seat at the table. It also means being able to make a real contribution to decisions that will affect one's own future. This is the case with international cooperation. Every society must be able to shape its future in accordance with its history, needs and priorities. Cooperation is not about imposing one's own values or a single model. It is valuable when it creates partnerships, facilitates the sharing of expertise, and strengthens everyone's capacity to act independently.
This is where regional cooperation has a vital role. The United Nations must remain the centrepiece of the multilateral system, but we cannot expect it to do everything. It cannot settle problems when member states are not willing to act. Regional institutions can help turn that willingness into cooperation. There have been countries together around shared challenges and translate global principles suited to local realities. In this way, regionalism becomes a building block of effective multilateralism. Asean has demonstrated this for almost six decades. It has grown from 5 to 11 member states. We do not always agree, but we have learned to manage differences and preserve space for cooperation. For my country, Thailand, that practical cooperation means serving as a trusted platform. We want to leverage our strengths as a logistical hub and manufacturing base to connect markets and supply chains across our region. Our conviction is that together, we should combine Asia's diversity for co-creation, bringing together the different strengths of our countries to promote shared prosperity. The same thinking should also extend beyond Asia. Thailand continues to pursue free trade agreements with partners across region, and to expand trade and opportunities for both sides. Additionally, our Thailand Africa initiative seeks to deepen political, economic and development cooperation to build partnerships of equals across our regions. Mr. president, excellencies. Distinguished delegates. Institutions earned trust through what their members are prepared to do. A greater voice must come with a willingness to contribute. Shared ownership, therefore, must lead to shared responsibility. The shadow begins with the words we the peoples. Thailand believes that this work must begin at home. The SDG Sustainable Development Goals provide us with an important framework that goes beyond development. Ultimately, they are about enabling people to live in peace and dignity.
And this is why Andorra will continue to work, both within the group of friends of multilingualism and the groups of francophone ambassadors, to ensure that new digital tools, as well as the UN itself, continue to reflect the plurality of peoples and cultures that we represent. This organization exists because the international community understood that the destiny of peoples is shared. No nation can prosper while ignoring the suffering of others, because the security of one depends on the security of all. In this regard, I would like, first and foremost, to commend the excellent UN aid initiative, which proposes improvements to the work of the Secretariat, a stronger mandate lifecycle, and simplification of structures to avoid duplication and overlap. Secondly, I would like to emphasize the need for a form of the Security Council so that the UN can reflect the realities of today rather than those of 80 years ago. But the most important reform is to ensure that this organization remains a space where states not only defend their legitimate interests but are also capable of exercising a shared responsibility to address the great challenges facing humanity, and above all, continue to believe that what unites us is stronger than what divides us. I would like to also offer a few words of recognition to Secretary-General António Guterres. Since 2017, he has exercised his mandate during one of the most difficult and uncertain periods the international community has known, consistently defending the principles of the UN charter and reminding us, even when it seemed most difficult, that multilateralism remains the best hope for preserving peace and cooperation among peoples as well as human dignity.
This requires strengthening diplomacy, mediation, and political dialogue, as well as effective control over arms proliferation and the military applications of new technologies. Artificial intelligence must be developed in keeping with international law and under effective human control, and outer space must remain the realm of peaceful and safe operations. The same principle ought to guide our response to terrorism, radicalization, disinformation, and cyber threats. No country can do this alone, ladies and gentlemen. Strong institutions, effective UN peacekeeping operations, and closer international cooperation are necessary. Bulgaria will continue to defend this approach. Lasting security is not only built through responding to crises but also through our capacity to prevent them. Excellencies, as a member of the UN Human Rights Council 2024-2026, Bulgaria is striving to create a public environment free of discrimination, racism, anti-Semitism, and hate speech.
Through different cultures and generations, I saw for myself everything that young people are capable of accomplishing when we give them our trust, we give them responsibilities and the necessary space to take action, as well as when we encourage them to work together. This is why Luxembourg supports the UN's youth delegate programme, as well as the United Nations Youth Office. It is also why our commitment to education, science and culture remains so important, in particular through our term on the Executive Board of UNESCO for the period 2025 2029. It is precisely these qualities which allow trust to flourish. Madam president, Luxembourg's commitment to the United Nations is underpinned by all three pillars peace and security, human rights and development. Solidarity must be translated into deeds. We continue to allocate 1% of our national income to development cooperation. We're also building long term partnerships with vulnerable countries.
Mr. president, as a low lying atoll nation with no higher ground, sea level rise is an immediate and stark reality. This week's UN high level meeting on sea level rise has helped achieve new understanding in international law. It is the seas that are rising around us and not our islands which are sinking. Our boundaries and baselines of today. The political footprint on the map will endure in the face of aggressive sea level rise scenarios. Our collective stability and security as Pacific Islands Forum members and as a UN member state will be now better addressed. As an atoll nation, our tide gauge is proof enough that far more action is needed, and we are acting. Confronted with rising seas on our most vulnerable shorelines. We completed the Ebeye Seawall and Footpath last week. 1.8km of oceanside protection built with support from the World Bank, the Green Climate Fund and our own resources. Engineered for rising seas, it now protects 8,400 people and critical energy infrastructure, reduces annual coastal flooding losses and anchors resilient future development on Ebeye, including schools, housing and the proposed new hospital, while providing a safe public space that strengthens community wellbeing. It cost $75 million, took 70,000 tonnes of rocks, took more than a decade to do, and it is just one island of over a thousand. We are taking action and we urgently need strengthened partnership to better protect our islands before sea level rise overtakes us. Mr. president, my nation underscores the importance of the law of the sea as a key pillar of our future. Even before we were a UN member, we fought closely both to participate in UN law of the sea negotiations and to secure these rights in our Constitution. Pacific Island leadership and that of all small island developing states has defined every multilateral milestone for oceans and fisheries. And we will continue to do so. As an ocean people, the consequences of getting it wrong are not from distant impacts, but adjacent to our waters, particularly in the North Pacific, both within the International Seabed Authority and unilateral actions. Collectively, the people and voices of Micronesia must be heard. We are joined by Guam, Northern Marianas, Federated States of Micronesia and Palau in expressing our alarm at seabed mining actions where the decisions are made before impacts are well understood and where adequate safeguards remain undefined. The Marshall Islands joins 45 nations seeking a moratorium on seabed mining. Responsible and science driven regulations need to be in place. Going on guesswork for global oceans is beyond dangerous. There are no do overs. The Marshall Islands looks forward to the first Conference of Parties to the Biodiversity Beyond National Jurisdiction, to work across silos to advance high seas protection. We urge wide ratification of the agreement. The Marshall Islands looks forward to supporting its secretariat in a host nation, committed to upholding the law of the sea as a matter of both principle and law, in words and in actions. Mr. president, too often the word geopolitics is considered to refer only to the whims of superpowers and not the reality of our fragile place between them.
The Holy Quran commands: Wa in janahu lis-salmi fajnah laha wa tawakkal ala Allah, innahu huwa as-Sami al-Alim. If the enemy is inclined towards peace, make peace with them. Surah Al-Anfal. Ladies and gentlemen, Pakistan's founding father, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, had famously declared, we stand by the United Nations Charter and will gladly make our full contribution to the peace and prosperity of the world. These pearls of wisdom have shaped Pakistan's national ethos and guided our conduct at home and abroad. The unanimous adoption of resolution 2788 on strengthening mechanisms for peaceful settlement of disputes under Pakistan's UN Security Council presidency demonstrated our unwavering commitment to global peace. Mr. President. Unfortunately, in February this year, conflict engulfed Gulf along with wider Middle East. Precious lives were lost. Economies suffered. Critical maritime routes, particularly the Strait of Hormuz, came under severe pressure. At this critical moment, Pakistan chose to act swiftly. Through concerted efforts, Pakistan successfully brought Washington and Tehran under one roof in Islamabad. From the Islamabad talks to the Islamabad Memorandum of Understanding, many historic steps were taken to bring an end to this serious conflict here. I deeply appreciate Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir, Pakistan's chief of defense forces and chief of the Army staff, whose relentless efforts helped create space for diplomacy under exceptionally difficult and challenging circumstances. I would also like to commend the efforts of our Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar, in this behalf. Regrettably, Mr. President, recently we have witnessed a dangerous surge of hostilities. Yet amid the roar of missiles, drones and guns, the voice for diplomacy must echo even louder and stronger. The Strait of Hormuz and Bab el Mandeb are arteries of the global economy. They must remain open, connecting nations, not becoming choke points of confrontation. These waters must carry the promise of prosperity, not the perils of war. Excellencies, we once again condemn in the strongest possible terms the recent deplorable attacks by the Houthis against the kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The attempted drone attack on the holy city of Makkah Al-Mukarramah has outraged Muslims across the globe. Any threat to the safety and sanctity of the Haramain Sharifain is a red line that must never be crossed. No Muslim can even dare to think of committing such a heinous crime. Pakistan stands in complete solidarity with the brotherly people of Saudi Arabia, as we always have throughout our history. Ladies and gentlemen, our enduring commitment to peace is also reflected by the historic Makkah Joint Defense Agreement among the brotherly countries Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Pakistan. This alliance is not directed against any country. It is a collective commitment for defense, stability and peace in the region and nothing more. Mr. president, a year ago, Pakistan faced external aggression from India under a false pretext. Pakistan exercised its inherent right of self-defense under article 51 of the United Nations Charter. Our brave and valiant armed forces, under the courageous leadership of Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir, responded with precision and professionalism. They silenced the enemy, repulsed its attack, and taught it a lesson it shall never, ever forget. And of course, thanks to President Donald Trump's resolute and visionary leadership that hundreds of millions of lives in South Asia were saved. His timely intervention came at a decisive juncture when two nuclear armed neighbours stood at the brink of an all out war. And who knows, Mr. President, the extent of devastation that could have taken place had President Trump not stepped in at this critical moment with clarity of thought and action? Mr. president, we must therefore ensure that South Asia never reaches that precipice ever again. But this requires a just and fair solution of the Kashmir dispute. For eight decades, the Kashmiri people have waited for the United Nations to fulfill its solemn commitment of a free and impartial plebiscite under its auspices. Generations have endured illegal occupation, arbitrary detention, extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, sexual violence and collective punishment. More recently, there have been attempts to alter the legal status of Jammu and Kashmir through demographic reengineering and other illegal measures. Helpless Kashmiri mothers and fathers yearn for their sons and daughters who never return. Their homes lie silent under curfew and in deep grief. For many, there is no closure, only a lifetime spent searching for graves that bear no names. Mr. president, from this podium, I assure my Kashmiri brothers and sisters with fullest authority at my command that we shall continue to extend our full diplomatic, political and moral support to them till they are granted their inalienable right to self-determination. Kashmir has and always will be Pakistan's jugular vein. Excellencies, another foundation of stability in South Asia is now under strain. The shared waters of the Indus River system are the lifeblood not only for the people of Pakistan, but for the entire region. India's unilateral decision to hold the existing treaty in abeyance has no legal basis whatsoever. In fact, both its claims and actions have been rejected by UN experts and more recently by the Court of Arbitration. Our legitimate stand that the treaty remains valid, binding and fully operative has been vindicated beyond any doubt. Ladies and gentlemen, water must never be weaponised. Rivers should nourish nations, not divide them. Therefore, any attempt to stop, impede or divert Pakistan's share of the waters will be treated as an act of war. India. India. India must make no mistake about it. Ladies and gentlemen, for generations, Palestinians, particularly women, children and the elderly have been subjected to occupation, eviction, suffering and death. Last year, Mr. President, I had shared with you the heart wrenching story of Hind Rajab, an innocent Palestinian girl who was brutally shot by Israeli soldiers. This year, another tragedy weighs heavy on our hearts, your hearts and the world's heart. This time it is the deafening cries of the sobbing mother of eight year old Wafaa Akila, who embraced martyrdom in this senseless aggression. What should have been the first day of her school, alas, became the last day of her life. Does not a child born in Gaza deserve the same life and the same future and same dream as a child, anywhere else in the world? The tragedies of Rajab, Wafaa Akila and countless others will echo through history as an indictment of our collective silence, failure, and inaction. Excellencies, it is deeply worrying that Israeli violence has now spread to the West Bank where the forcible eviction of Palestinians clearly reflects Israel's genocidal agenda, which continues unabated. Pakistan believes that the only just and lasting solution is the creation of an independent, sovereign, viable and contiguous state of Palestine, based on the pre 1967 borders, with Al-Quds Al-Sharif as its capital. Ladies and gentlemen, we also condemn continued Israeli aggression against Lebanon and Syria. This, too, must stop immediately. Ladies and gentlemen, terrorism remains one of the greatest threats to international peace and security.
Since 2021, this organization has been working on recommendations and calling out illegal migration across the Darien and established a basis of humanitarian aid, and it looked like more of a concentration camp in the midst of the 21st century. However, in practical terms, the transit of people increased in 2022, and even more in 2023 and in the first six months of 2024. So it went from being uncontrolled migration and turned into huge illegal migration. People trafficking organizations linked to drug trafficking used and abused this space to transport more families, and the result of it was women and children, children ending up orphaned in one of the worst social disasters that my country can remember. In addition to this, we must add the ecological damage caused in a biodiversity reserve, the Darien Gap Reserve, and this has still not recovered. And this is a situation where there's more than a million people transiting across it, and since the first day I knew that we needed to resolve this issue individually, like I did, because this organization wasn't able to do it. And it's for this reason that at the beginning of my term I signed a memorandum of understanding with the government of the United States. This, at the end of the day, is a border issue for the United States also, but it was taking place in Panama. And so in the second six months of 2024, with colossal effort being made by my country, we managed to oversee a 50% drop compared to the first six months of the year. In 2025, when restrictive measures were implemented in the United States and we worked in better coordination with one another, we saw a 99% drop. So this means halting one of the worst humanitarian disgraces that Panama has ever seen in its history, putting an end to family separation, and also we stopped criminals profiting. This description is something that should not be seen as an isolated criticism, but rather as an inflection point to understand the increasingly widening gap between what citizens expect and what they are able to obtain from this organization on issues such as illegal migration, for example.
The fact is that the international community really acquires true logic and meaning when it manages to be present at the most critical, difficult junctures. The international community must act within its own limits and ensure there is a community of sovereign nations. Supporting a country does not mean replacing its institutions, or overriding the decisions that it is up to its citizens to make within the democratic order. We can share universal principles and at the same time recognize that every people has its own story, its own history, its own culture, its own traditions, and the legitimate right to democratically define its own path. We hope to see independent, transparent action, which does not make ideological calculations, and without those calculations, manages to respect and ensure all human rights the rights of peasants, children, women, the rights of police forces and members of the military that are on the front line in the defense of life and freedom this forum has before it the historic duty to be a space for the meeting, the coming together of equals, a place for genuine cooperation, free of external diktats and attempts to standardize and homogenize thought. Those of us that come from nations that are constantly having to recover and get back on their feet. We come here today absolutely sure of the fact that we can share great principles without ever turning our back on what we are We do not need to all think in the same way to have deep mutual respect for one another. The world does not require identical democracies. It requires legitimate democracies It does not demand nations that are all the same. It does not need cookie cutter nations. It needs truly free peoples. Thank you.
In this context Egypt continues to advocate genuine and comprehensive reform of the Security Council in accordance with the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration, particularly to mend the historical injustice suffered by Africa. The imbalance in political representation is matched by another imbalance in the global economy. Developing countries are required to accelerate development, create jobs, finance green transitions and adapt to crises while simultaneously facing growing debt burdens, higher financing costs and a shrinking fiscal space. Therefore, reforming international financial architecture is no longer a luxury but a necessity. We need financial institutions that are more representative and responsive. We need expanded concessional financing, greater mobilisation and lending capacities for multilateral development banks and accelerated debt workout in a fair and effective manner. We need innovative financing tools and a fairer system for assessing countries needs and investment risks, thus enabling the mobilisation of private capital without shifting risks onto the most vulnerable countries. Countries should not be forced to choose between debt servicing and financing, education, health care, food security and essential infrastructure. Development is not charity. It is a right and a shared interest. Investing in development is an investment in global stability and in the ability of states to prevent crises before they become cross-border, humanitarian and security crises.
Freedom of navigation and uninhibited passage through international straits, as guaranteed by international law must be championed globally, and it is our collective responsibility to uphold these principles in practice and to safeguard commercial shipping. And as a leading maritime nation, Greece actively contributes to maritime security through the operation of the European Union that speeds in the Red sea, and this topic will remain a high priority when Greece assumes the presidency of the Security Council next month. We intend to place particular attention to the challenges posed by emerging technologies. Ladies and gentlemen, Greece's geography grants it the natural role of serving as a bridge between Europe and its wider neighbourhood to the east and the south. We literally sit at the intersection of the shrinking space between the east and the West. My country is a pillar of stability, connectivity and peace across the Eastern Mediterranean, the Middle East and the Gulf region Greece has developed strong strategic partnerships with key countries in the region, including Israel, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Bahrain and Qatar. We are a bridge builder. We are not a troublemaker. Yet putting this vision into practice is rarely simple. At a time of tectonic geopolitical changes in the Middle East, the Gaza peace plan agreed last year must be effectively implemented. It is of paramount concern to ensure that Hamas surrenders its arms. It can have no role, I repeat, no role in Gaza's future. At the same time, reconstruction needs to move forward, with Palestinians themselves taking ownership of Gaza's future. Greece will continue to advocate for a two state solution, with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace and security. However, developments in the West Bank remain a source of deep concern Actions that are illegal under international law and undermine the viability of a future Palestinian state cannot be allowed to continue. We strongly argue that this is also to the benefit of the long term security of Israel itself. Greece has established a durable and deep strategic partnership with Israel, while at the same time maintaining strong ties with the Arab world And it is precisely. It is precisely the strength of this partnership that allows us to engage in an open and candid dialogue. In Lebanon, there is now a real opportunity to lay the foundations for a lasting peace. The US facilitated negotiations with Israel are an important step forward and should be sustained. Greece strongly supports a sovereign, resilient and united Lebanon and the government's efforts to restore the state's monopoly over arms. Ultimately, a stronger Lebanese state will serve both domestic security and regional stability. Therefore, we will continue to deliver concrete assistance to the country, including to the Lebanese armed forces with a unifil's mandate. Ending joint action is crucial to avoid a security vacuum and maintain an effective international and European presence. Syria is another key player in the region. Lasting stability in the Middle East requires a stable Syria, a Syria that is inclusive, a Syria that is free from foreign interference and regional rivalries. A Syria where every citizen can and should feel secure. The new Syrian authorities have taken steps in this direction. Get. Further concrete progress must be demonstrated, particularly when it comes to protecting the rights and security of all religious and ethnic communities. And this, of course, includes the Orthodox Christian minority, which unfortunately continues to face the violence of Islamist extremists. The search for stability extends to Libya, a neighbour with whom we share many common interests. We praise all reunification efforts. A stable Libya free from foreign interference, would benefit not only the Libyan people, but our entire region. And Greece is ready to support Libyan institutions in border protection and migration management. And we remain fully committed to reaching an agreement on the delimitation of our maritime zones. Ladies and gentlemen, let me now turn to our relations with our neighbour, Turkey. Over the past three years, we have made a sustained effort to improve our relationship, rebuild trust and keep channels of communication open in order to prevent the escalation of tensions that could lead to unwanted crises. It is a delicate relationship. It's a relationship that carries the weight of history. And indeed, given broader and regional challenges, the situation calls urgently calls for a common understanding on how we move forward and understanding grounded in full respect for international law and the principles of good neighbourly relations. After all, as I've said repeatedly, we cannot change our geography. We are destined to live side by side. And I repeat that the UN convention on the law of the sea provides the only institutional framework to solve our only long lasting dispute concerning the delimitation of our continental shelf and our exclusive economic zones. Dialogue is essential for peace and prosperity, but meaningful dialogue cannot coexist with unilateral actions. The challenge the international legal order. Nor can meaningful progress be made when faced with threats of war in response to the exercise of lawful rights, according to international law. Such actions do not resolve differences. They end up by only deepening them, and they risk undermining the stability of our wider region, a region which we should not forget, still bears an open wound. The unresolved Cyprus issue 52 years, 52 years have passed since Turkey illegally invaded Cyprus and continued to occupy it, a flagrant violation of international law whose consequences persist to this day for the United Nations. Cyprus remains a litmus test of its credibility, of its ability to uphold its own resolutions and the principles of the charter, and Greece fully supports the recent efforts of Secretary General Gutierrez to create the appropriate conditions for the resumption of substantive negotiations, and we sincerely hope that progress can be achieved during his remaining time in office. And we expect we expect these efforts to continue under his successor with the same objective the reunification of Cyprus, free of occupation forces in accordance with the relevant UN Security Council resolutions. The principles at stake in Cyprus are being tested elsewhere to today. Two other major conflicts continue to challenge our ability to defend the values upon which this organization was founded. The war in Ukraine is now in its fifth year, five years since Russia's full scale aggression brought back war to European soil, the Ukrainian people have shown extraordinary courage defending their freedom and Greece continuously stands with them. We strongly, strongly condemn attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure. Diplomacy must now deliver an immediate cease fire and a lasting peace anchored in the principles of the United Nations Charter. Ukraine must have a decisive say in its own future, and Europe cannot be absent from these negotiations. Against this backdrop, another devastating war demands our urgent attention. In Sudan, the nearly four year conflict has resulted in a staggering humanitarian catastrophe. Reports of atrocious war crimes continue to emerge, while the conflict is fuelling instability way beyond far beyond Sudan's borders. We should not permit this tragedy to endure. Foreign interference must also cease with no impunity for war crimes. Ultimately, the way forward lies in a credible, Sudanese led political process that reflects the aspirations of the citizens Sudan. The European Union ought to leverage its capacity to play a more active role in supporting that process and assisting in bringing this destructive conflict to an end. After all, it has real skill in the game. Should the devastating war continue, our continent will be the first to suffer from a possible massive new migratory wave. Ladies and gentlemen, Greece has confidence abroad, rests on a profound transformation at home At a time when the effectiveness of governments all over the world is being challenged by populists and extremists, and public trust is being eroded in the echo chambers of social media, Greece serves as an example that sound reform oriented policies can deliver real results for people and improve their lives.
It is no longer acceptable for the world to regard the Sahel merely as a source of resources, an arena for international competition, or a footnote in global decision-making. Africa, whose journey we have followed since the founding of the African Union, is not the margin of the world; it is one of the centers of the world to come. Libya does not lie on the edge of Africa; Libya is of Africa, of its history, of its security, and of its future. Decades ago, an African will emerged from the Libyan city of Sirte that contributed to the establishment of the African Union. That fact reminds us that Libya has never been merely a bridge between Africa and the Mediterranean, but a partner in shaping the African project itself. We, therefore, view the security of the Sahel region as part of Libya's own security and stability. We view the security and stability of the states of the region and all our African neighbors, near and far, together with developing Africa, all as investment in the common security of Africa and its European neighborhood. This is not assistance provided by one party to another, nor is it a responsibility borne by one party alone. Likewise, we view the Mediterranean basin not as a barrier between Africa and Europe, but as a shared space of connection. Relations among its countries should move from beyond merely managing migration and crises toward making the Mediterranean a bridge for development, trade, energy transition, investment, and common security. Ladies and gentlemen. Geographically and politically, Libya stands at the meeting point of these worlds.
By the end of May, rainfall was 44% below the long-term average. We are investing in resilient infrastructure. But no small island developing state can adapt indefinitely to a crisis the world continues to intensify. Adaptation cannot excuse inaction elsewhere. Distinguished colleagues, the science is unequivocal. The years 2015 to 2025 were the warmest on record, and in 2025, global average temperature remained about 1.43 degrees Celsius above the pre-industrial baseline, while global mean sea level stood approximately 11 centimeters higher than in 1993. For island nations, this is a question of sovereignty and statehood. If our coastlines retreat, our sovereignty must not. Mr. President, climate-induced sea level rise must never erase a state's international legal personality. Extinguish its UN membership, deprive its people of nationality, or diminish lawfully established maritime zones of sovereign rights. The International Law Commission has laid foundations for continuity of statehood, sovereignty, and maritime entitlements. This Assembly must turn them into firm guarantees. International law has spoken with increasing clarity. Saint Kitts and Nevis welcomed the International Court of Justice's advisory opinion on states' climate obligations. Clarification must now become compliance. Compliments must become conduct. And promises must become performance. States must reduce emissions, strengthen adaptation on climate finance responsibilities, and cooperate with countries bearing consequences vastly disproportionate to their contribution to this crisis. Mr. President, those contributions least must not pay the greatest price. Our oceans must also move from promises to protection. Saint Kitts and Nevis ratified a BBNJ agreement in 2025. Implementation now matters. Large ocean states need access to capacity building, marine technology, scientific knowledge, and financing, while benefits from marine genetics resources must be shared fairly. For island nations, the ocean is not the space between us and the world; it is our highway, heritage, livelihood, and lifeline.
We will be resilient, and we will work individually and collectively to transcend our vulnerability. So, Mr. President, we come to this August assembly not as mere petitioners, but as partners to play our part in making our world a better place. I come at this point in the debate, having had the privilege of listening to other leaders who spoke before me. And Mr. President, I must tell you, I was moved by the hopeful vision, the fiery passion, the boundless generosity and caring of many of the speakers. They lifted my spirit and I am determined that that is where my spirit shall remain. I owe it to the people who sent me here to be hopeful. I owe it also to people whom I have never met, who come from places I have never been to, but who nevertheless are my brothers and sisters. And so that brings us to the task at hand. We all know that the United Nations has its flaws, but we must not seek to abandon it. It is what we have made it. Some, no doubt are more culpable than others. But in one way or another we are all involved. We speak of culpability, not merely to point a finger of blame, but to understand better where the solutions may lie. We believe profoundly that more than ever, humanity needs the United Nations. Try to imagine a world without it. Where would we go to have the conversations we are having now and that we are having throughout the week? And that is only the beginning. As a global institution, the United Nations is fundamentally an inclusive space where every nation can play a role in addressing our common problems. A retreat from multilateralism undermines the interests of small states and indeed, of everyone. But we acknowledge that our support for the United Nations must be matched by our willingness to embrace reform, to make it more effective. Trust cannot be built or restored by declarations alone. It is only when ordinary people see that cooperation makes their lives safer, richer and happier that trust will be restored. Mr. president, let us restore trust through organisational reform and greater inclusiveness. The United Nations governance model designed in 1945, cannot adequately address the security and economic challenges of today. Therefore, we join with other nations in calling for reform, specifically of the Security Council, to include a permanent member from the continent of Africa with all the attendant rights and privileges. Failure to do so would only confirm that the current composition is not about governance and fairness, but about power. Further, as we proceed with selecting our next Secretary General, let us be more open and inclusive. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines is pleased to join other Caribbean community members in endorsing the candidacy of Her Excellency Carolyn Rodriguez Birkett of Guyana and of the region of Latin America and the Caribbean. We know her as a distinguished diplomat, a principled multilateralist, and a compelling advocate for developing countries and small states. Mr. president, as this is my first time here, like a tourist, I walked the halls of this historic building and admired the impressive portraits on the walls, the impressive portraits of the nine men who have served as Secretary General since 1946. And while I appreciated the outstanding calibre and service of those men, I nevertheless could not resist thinking that after eight decades, surely the time has come for an equally capable woman to be Secretary General.
It is precisely a state that is confident in its democratic and strategic choices that can engage and cooperate with greater confidence, with countries that have different histories, different interests, and different political perspectives. The world does not need yet another division into permanent camps. It needs competition with limits and rules that all must respect, alliances that take responsibility, and international institutions that remain a space for a dialogue precisely when dialogue is most difficult. That is why the United Nations matters, not because they can resolve every conflict. Clearly they cannot. Not because every resolution is given effect. Clearly, that is not always the case, and that should not discourage us. It should strengthen our determination to protect these United Nations and the rules upon which they are founded, and to stand for multilateralism grounded in values, mutual respect and rules. Because a world without a place where all states, regardless of their size, can sit under the same roof and invoke the same principles, would be even more dangerous than the world we see today. In 1954, Dag Hammarskjöld reminded us of a thought: the United Nations were not created to take us to heaven, but to save us from hell. Seven decades later, it is worth understanding the essence of that statement. We should not demand perfection from United Nations. We should demand relevance, the capacity to prevent and to mediate the capacity to protect human dignity and ultimately, the capacity to uphold principles, even when applying them is politically inconvenient. Today trust in the international system is being jeopardized precisely because too many people have a justified sense that the rules do not apply equally, that power sometimes take precedence over principle, that commitments are conditional, that agreements last only as long as interests remain unchanged. For small sized states, this is an especially dangerous world. Our own history has taught us that international compromises are very difficult and that peace, stability and integration require political courage and hard sacrifices.
The United Nations General Assembly has recognised the human right to a clean, healthy sustainable environment. We value its freedom. What? What is. I beg your pardon? What value is freedom if a child has no water to drink? What value is development if we destroy the environment that sustains life? And what inheritance are we leaving behind for our children if the forest disappears, our oceans become polluted and our climate becomes increasingly unstable. There is one reality that transcends every political, economic, and religious differences between us. And that is, we have one planet, one earth. There is no other known habitable planet presently within reach of humanity. You can be the most powerful capitalist, or you can be the most powerful technocrat. You can reach out to the observable universe billions and billions of light years into the observable universe. You find no planet like our planet earth. USA scientists, Russian scientists, big nations sets the world. Big industrialist sets the world. You cannot bring your population to another planet. This earth is our common home. Whatever our religion, nationality, political system, we breathe the same atmosphere. We share the same ocean. We depend upon the same global climate. And ultimately, we share the consequence of what humanity does to this planet. Mr. president, think about the children of the world. A child born today did not create climate change. The child did not choose the wars of this generation. The child did not create pollution or the environmental destruction. Yet the child will inherit the consequence of the decisions we make today. We must therefore be custodians not only of the present but also of the future. Future generations cannot stand before this assembly today and argue for themselves. We must consider them when we make decisions about war and peace, development, energy, forests, oceans, minerals and global economy. Papua New Guinea understands this responsibility. We are custodians of great tropical forests, extraordinary biodiversity and vast ocean space. For us, environment is not an abstract for international discussion. It is where we live. It is where we grow our food. It is where we fish. It is the inheritance we will pass on to our children. Mr. president, in our interconnected world, decisions made in one country can affect people thousands of kilometres away. Greenhouse gases do not recognise national borders. Pollution carried by ocean does not stop at immigration checkpoints.
Thank you so much for your hard work for the United Nations Organization and for the Republic of Poland. Distinguished Excellencies, distinguished guests, the 81st Session of the UN General Assembly begins at one of the most difficult, in my view, moments since the organization's founding. Poland was, in fact, a founding member of the United Nations. From the very beginning of the UN's existence, we have been faced with a question about the foundations of the international order that we are shaping within our organization. Despite many achievements, we must not forget that at the very root of its creation lies a fundamental flaw, an original flaw, that continues to undermine the system's credibility to this day. The UN was established in response to the greatest tragedy in human history, World War II, but it was not funded on a simple and fundamental principle: that every wrongdoing must be met with accountability, and sometimes with just punishment. For Poland, this is not an abstract issue. At the very moment the foundations of the UN were being laid, my nation, a victim of two totalitarian regimes, was under the domination of one of them, Soviet Russia, and, after several years of devastating occupation, of the other, Germany. Thousands of Polish heroes who fought for the freedom of Europe and the entire world were, at that time, imprisoned, tortured, and sentenced to death. The UN already existed at that time. At the same time, the state responsible for those crimes had a say in shaping the postwar order, as a permanent member of the Security Council. Poland has never received redress for that period and those wrongs. The failure to hold anyone accountable for these crimes was not merely historical oversight; it sent a signal that violations of international law, aggression, and imperialist policies could go unpunished in reality. It is precisely this lack of justice, this sort of original sin of the postwar order, that creates space for the return of old aggressive ambitions and methods of operation. The aggressive policies of certain states today are, therefore, not a phenomenon detached from history. These policies are a direct consequence of it. A state that has not been held accountable for its actions is more likely to resort to the same tools again. That is why it is so important that today, as the international community would install the full meaning of the principle of accountability. Without it, there will not be a lasting peace, and international law will remain nothing more than a declaration devoid of real power. Ladies and gentlemen, today we must show courage while remembering that sometimes courage alone is not enough, that without prudence, courage can lead to disaster.
Mr. President, Excellencies, Ladies and gentlemen, The faultlines in our world are widening. Cracks have become canyons. Over the last decade, wars erupted with devastating consequences and dragged on with despicable cruelty. Civilians were targeted. Human rights trampled. Hunger weaponized. Humanitarians killed. International law cast aside. Geopolitical divides have deepened. Inequalities have intensified. Trust has frayed. The climate crisis went from distant warning to daily reality. And artificial intelligence moved at a speed that has blindsided even those who created it. These are not separate crises. They are chapters of the same story. The story of power. Who has it. Who is denied it. How it is used. And how it is changing. Excellencies, Power is being reshaped in three fundamental ways. First, among States. New centres of economic, political and technological influence have emerged. Second, we are witnessing an extraordinary transfer of power away from governments to a handful of private corporations and individuals. Their reach now extends across politics, economies, information flows, technological development, and the civic space on which societies depend. And, third, humans are increasingly handing over power to machines – with Artificial Intelligence agents going rogue, and lethal autonomous weapons going from science fiction to military reality. Yet our institutions and systems of global governance continue to reflect the power realities and interests of a largely bygone age. That is the defining challenge before us. At the very moment when humanity faces an unprecedented convergence of threats, our mechanisms for collective action are under growing strain. Excellencies, We are clearly moving towards a multipolar world. And that movement is irreversible. But there are different ways that multipolarity can take shape. One possibility is a world of fragmentation and transactionalism. A world of rising tensions and deepening mistrust. Of fractured markets and weakened institutions. Of shrinking cooperation and zero-sum calculations. In many respects, that is the trajectory we are on today. But there is another path. A path towards networked multipolarity. A world built on interdependence – and sustained by a dense web of economic, political, social and technological connections. A world in which multiple centres of influence coexist within a common framework of international law and shared rules. Such a world can help us avoid hegemonic tendencies and what I have called the Great Fracture: The division of the world into two rival blocs with separate economic, technological and security systems. A networked world recognizes that no power can solve today’s challenges alone. Of course, competition will remain a permanent feature of international relations. But competition does not have to mean confrontation. Healthy competition can drive innovation, strengthen resilience, and expand opportunity. But only when it operates within frameworks that preserve stability and enable cooperation where cooperation is indispensable. Building a networked future begins with a recognition, especially by superpowers: That their power isn’t so super. That their power has limits. The events of recent years have made that unmistakably clear. Military power alone cannot secure peace. Economic power alone cannot command stability. And technological power alone cannot guarantee security. A networked multipolar world can create the conditions for more balanced and representative global problem-solving. But it requires a multilateral system centred in the UN that is balanced and representative. Strong, effective institutions that reflect the realities and the progressively changing relative weight of countries and economies in today’s world – not the power arrangements of 80 years ago. Fortunately, we are not starting from scratch. We already have a binding foundation: The Charter of the United Nations. And the principles that give it life. The primacy of international law. Upholding human dignity. And the pursuit of justice in all its dimensions. These are the backbone for the effective, legitimate and responsible exercise of power in the 21st century. Excellencies, It comes down to this: Will we act to ensure that power is governed by law or by force? By cooperation or coercion? By responsibility to young people and future generations or indifference to their fate? Because the defining challenges of our age are not separate from the question of power. They are expressions of it. And they will determine whether we drift deeper into division and instability – or move toward cooperation, justice and collective security. Looking ahead, our future will be shaped by how we address four great tests of power: The power over war and peace. The power that concentrates wealth and drives inequality.
We are, therefore, entering a period marked by a more complex and less predictable distribution of power, in which the risk of potential conflict is greater than it has been for decades. There is no longer confined to conventional armed conflicts between states. Confrontations are increasingly taking the form of economic pressure, technological restrictions, competition for resources and markets, cyberattacks, disinformation, and attempts to influence other societies. Cultural and identity-based divisions are also becoming more pronounced, increasingly exploited for political purposes, and further deepening mistrust among peoples. The boundary between peace and conflict is becoming ever less distinct, while the consequences of confrontation among global and regional powers increasingly affect even those countries that are not directly involved. For small and medium-sized countries just like the Republic of Serbia, such an environment represents an enormous challenge. The space for independent decision-making is narrowing, while pressure on states to choose sides is steadily increasing. At the same time, disagreements among the most powerful actors are increasingly paralyzing the very institutions that should be protecting all countries equally.
This cannot be fair. So that, believe me when I say that change is possible. As we have seen consistently with measures from the Bridgetown Initiative in less than one year, Barbados as chair of the climate Vulnerable countries, the G20 countries, along with the OPEC fund for International Development, designed and launched the Vulnerability to Viability Compact on four pillars, bringing about 74 countries along with 16 development finance institutions globally, to expand access to affordable long term capital for education projects, health projects and water infrastructure. The Cvf also had its governors of the central bank meet to establish the lifeline Fund, which will shortly be operationalized. It seeks to provide rapid liquidity when climate shocks create balance of payments pressures for countries. So we are moving to help ourselves. We have been resolute, and the reason for it is that we know that you cannot build hospitals and schools and water infrastructure with ten and 15 year money. It crowds out critical investments for our people and leaves you flat footed. And that is why this important initiative represents real progress. But mechanisms such as this one cannot, on their own, address the underlying flaws of the international financial architecture. I repeat that for almost five years, the Bridgetown Initiative has consistently argued that climate resilience, debt sustainability and access to affordable finance cannot be treated separately. For many vulnerable countries, the problem is not simply the availability of capital, but whether we have the fiscal space to borrow and to invest on reasonable terms.
I know all of you very well, but they know that given only a short time to make this world better, safer, and more prosperous for our children, for the people on earth, we have to take advantage of it. As president of the most extraordinary nation in history, I have no interest in leaving dangers to grow for another day. I do not believe in letting problems fester. They only become harder to solve. So while others have talked, I have acted, while others have spoken of peace. I have made peace while others have ignored threats. I have confronted them while others have talked of courage. America has shown it, while others have promised strength. I have used it to make America the most powerful country in the world. Working with many nations in this room, we are solving decades of intractable challenges, and we are settling years of unfinished business. And we're doing it well. There is no better example of a danger that was allowed to gather strength at the world's peril than the number one sponsor of terror, the Islamic Republic of Iran. For 51 years, the fanatical Iranian regime has ruled by bloodshed and mass murder, spreading death and carnage and chaos across the entire Middle East and beyond. They were the bully of the Middle East, but they are the bully no more. From the first day I entered the political arena, I've been unwavering. I will never allow Iran to have a nuclear weapon. Upon taking office last year, I immediately opened negotiations with Iran and offered them full economic cooperation in exchange for ending their nuclear program and support for terror. But they refused. They absolutely refused. That was a big mistake Then in Operation Midnight Hammer, the U.S. military obliterated their nuclear program beneath mountains of rubble. And again, I urged Iran to make a deal. And again they refused. The regime continued building a vast missile and drone stockpile that threatened the security of every American service member in the region and everyone else in the region They also made a missile that was capable of hitting Europe, and they were very proud of it. I hope the Europeans realize that Iran's goal was to complete their mad dash to a nuclear bomb from behind this conventional ballistic missile shield. If they had succeeded, that wicked regime would have been free to spread terror and death forever, knowing that any attempt to stop them would face an arsenal of nuclear annihilation. In America, we just marked the 25th anniversary of the worst terror attack in history, September 11th, which killed 3000 people just a few miles from here. It was an unbelievably terrible time. In two weeks, we will mark the third anniversary of the October 7th attack in Israel, where terrorists funded by Iran tortured, mutilated and killed 1200 very innocent civilians, including dozens of Americans and many babies, babies, little tiny, beautiful babies. Iran's supreme leader celebrated that massacre and called it a service to humanity The same regime slaughtered over 72,000 of its citizens this year. Recently, 10,000 were killed for protesting. Just imagine such a vile regime wherever empowered to carry out large scale terror attacks from behind a nuclear shield. This was the reality we had to confront, a reality that far too many preferred to ignore. They all ignored it. Many presidents and many others just wanted to ignore it. They were unwilling to do anything about it, but they knew the problem. After giving Iran every chance for a deal, I took action to ensure that neither the United States nor any nation is Hall would ever have to face such a nightmare, such a catastrophic problem. As a result of Operation Epic Fury, all 159 ships of their navy are now lying at the bottom of the sea. Likewise, their air force is gone. Their radar is gone, their anti-aircraft equipment is gone. Their missiles and drone manufacturing capacity is almost gone. Their economy is gone. The only thing that isn't gone is inflation, which is destroying their country and is now well over 300%. Yet even after we agreed to a cease fire for nuclear discussions, Iran promptly violated it with brazen acts of terrorism against civilian ships from other countries. I want to thank the U.N. Security Council for voting overwhelmingly to pass a resolution condemning Iran's despicable terrorist attacks on commercial shipping. Thank you very much. That resolution, I'm pleased to say, received more co-sponsors from U.N. member nations than any Security Council resolution in history. That's something. Now, we must be equally united in maintaining pressure. The United States Navy has recently escorted more than 1 billion barrels of oil out of the Strait of Hormuz, and more oil is flowing than at any point since the start of the war. We're taking 22, 25, 30, 32 and 37 ships out, respectively, every single day, every single night. But I have a big decision to make. Will a deal be made with Iran that lets them rebuild and create a far greater country than it ever was before? Maybe one of the greatest in the Middle East, or even the world. Or do I annihilate the Islamic Republic and do it quickly, never giving them a chance to kill and destroy people and countries again? Do I drive them into hell with no chance of survival and no hope of future greatness or generations? But I believe we'll make a deal right after the election, because it doesn't make sense for them not to. They're waiting to see how I do in the midterm election. What they don't realize is that I'm not running. I did that already and won in a landslide. We won in a giant landslide, and I'll be here for two and a half years. The Republican Party is running and I'll be helping them, but I am not running. I gave absolutely no credence and will not give credence to the election. When it comes to Iran, it doesn't even enter my mind. The only thing that does is that Iran will never have a nuclear weapon. The cowards and traitors. Thank you. Thank you. The cowards and traitors would love to say the United States is low on munitions, but that's not true. We have more munitions than we could ever possibly even think of using, and we're building them at levels that we have never done before. We are adding to our stockpiles faster than we have ever been able to do before. Top of the line stuff. In addition, in the very near future, massive munition plants will be opening. There are 18 of them being built by the greatest defense companies in the world right now 18 under construction. Some of them very quickly will be completed. They're almost there. And that rapid construction will be leading to very rapid deployment of missiles of every type and ammunition of every type, and will be able to supply our allies at a much faster rate than we're doing right now. I call on all nations to join us in enforcing the complete economic isolation of Iran. Until they stop their attacks on commercial shipping, relinquish their nuclear ambitions, and cease their support of terror. The terrorist regime is behaving badly, not because they are strong and confident, but because they are weak and desperate. If we stand united, we will soon see a world free of the last 51 year menace of Iranian terror. And oil prices will come plummeting down even lower than they were at the start of the conflict. And they were very low in the United States. They were really low. With courage and resolve. Anything is possible. Big changes can happen and happen fast. One year ago, when I addressed the great leaders in this hall, the war in Gaza was still raging brutally. The hostages were still deep in Hamas tunnels and there was no end in sight. It was never going to be resolved. But here on the sidelines of the General Assembly, we took the first steps. That changed everything. A few weeks later, we ended the war in Gaza, saving untold thousands of lives. We also brought home all remaining hostages, both living and dead. Every single one of them. Thank you. Thank you. Everyone thought it was a miracle that we were able to do so. And people celebrated in the streets. I want to express my gratitude to the United Nations Security Council for their unanimous endorsement of our 20 point Gaza peace plan, and for officially approving the Board of Peace. Going to be a very significant group of people. Nearly 30 countries have joined the board, which I am honored to chair, and we're thankful to many of those member nations for contributing billions and billions of dollars to relief. And it goes right to the rebuilding and relief of Morocco, Bahrain. These are the countries that gave Qatar, Kuwait, Kazakhstan, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Uzbekistan, and many more. That money goes right to the source, right where they need it, and they desperately need it. And those countries are very have been very generous, and others also are stepping up at numbers that nobody would even believe because they want to see people live. They want to see the humanitarian thing happen properly. They've been fantastic. I also want to thank those who have committed troops police and training to help stabilize Gaza, including Indonesia, Morocco, Albania, Kosovo, Kazakhstan, Egypt, Jordan and more. Since I took office, it has been my great honor to settle eight wars and in so doing, become friendly with the leaders of many of those countries. It was a great honor to do it. Numerous of these wars have gone on for many years and even decades. The reason I was able to make these settlements was the use of my relationships. Very special relationships to this day, very, very special trade, the use of tariffs and the threat of tariffs and various other reasons depending on the country. Among them, terms of settlement, Cambodia and Thailand, Kosovo and Serbia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda, Pakistan and India, Armenia and Azerbaijan. And of course, the war in Gaza, which, as I stated previously, includes the return of all hostages, both living and dead. Almost every one of these countries wrote me a letter of thank you. The Prime Minister of Pakistan, terrific man, said that Donald Trump was responsible for saving 30 million lives, and probably many more than that. The president of Azerbaijan said President Trump had six months, did a miracle. It was an absolute miracle that nobody thought could be done. The prime Minister of Armenia said this breakthrough would simply not have been possible without President Trump's personal engagement and his resolute commitment to peace. A president of Cambodia stated President Trump's extraordinary statesmanship, marked by his commitment to resolving conflicts and preventing catastrophic wars through visionary, innovative diplomacy was most recently demonstrated in his decisive role in brokering an immediate and unconditional cease fire and peace. This timely intervention which averted a potentially devastating conflict, was vital in preventing a great loss of lives and paved the way towards the restoration of peace. The president of Rwanda said when President Trump saw the opportunity to contribute to peace, he immediately took it. This conflict has lasted for 32 years. Millions and millions of people have died. We got it settled. We've seen countless mediations and efforts, but none has succeeded in resolving the underlying issues. President Donald Trump issued a new and effective statement that really has brought great peace and space through really a breakthrough that we thought was impossible. We're working very closely with the leaders of Russia and Ukraine, and we will get that one done. It's going to happen, I think, more quickly than people understand. They've they've had it 25000 young people, mostly soldiers a month, are dying 25000 a month. And I look at those battlefield pictures and I, I really don't want to see them anymore. It's so horrible to see 25,000 a month. Both sides. In addition, the United States and Iran will definitely get it done. We will get it done one way or the other. It's going to be done. It's going to be done fast. A lot has happened since we last gathered here one year ago in January. At my direction, the United States military conducted a massive military operation penetrating deep into the Venezuelan capital. Caracas descended on a heavily defended and fortified military base, one that was supposed to be flawless against attack, and arrested the outlaw dictator, real criminal Nicolas Maduro. Since that day, hundreds of Venezuelan political prisoners have been freed. They've let them out of jails, and we're working closely with the leaders of Venezuela to forge a much better future for the Venezuelan people. Last month, we signed the largest oil deal in history, covering 65 billion barrels of oil, which will benefit both Venezuela and the United States enormously and help drive down the cost of energy all over the world. And that is starting to perk right now. It's coming out. The biggest oil companies in the world are going in, and the numbers are absolutely incredible. When you add the United States and Venezuela together, we have more than 60% of the oil in the world. So it's perhaps the biggest deal. It was a war, but it's perhaps the biggest deal ever made. To the victor belong the spoils. You've all heard that our actions in Venezuela are proof that the United States will no longer permit threats to America to gain a foothold anywhere in the Western Hemisphere. And if necessary, we will use our unmatched military might to secure the vital national interests of the United States. As you know, Venezuela had the finest equipment in the world from other countries. And guess what It didn't work. Didn't even come close to working. For decades, other administrations allowed much of this region to be dominated by vicious gangs and bloodthirsty drug cartels, destabilized by uncontrolled migration and infiltrated by hostile foreign adversaries, foreign sick, demented adversaries. But not anymore. We are reasserting American power, including American military power, where necessary in our region and around the world, to create a safer future for all of us. It's happening, and it's happening quickly.
